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In a command conference held
at Camp Aguinaldo in January, the Armed Forces of the
Philippines (AFP) revived the proposal for the implementation
of the National Identification System (NIS) on the pretext
of fighting terrorism.
AFP’s recommendation sprung from Executive Order
(EO) 420, signed by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
in 2005. Under EO 420, government agencies and government-owned-
and-controlled corporations (GOCCs) are tasked to consolidate
an individual’s personal information – basic
records such as name, address, and sex, as well as fingerprints,
prominent distinguishing features and Tax Identification
Number – into one ID.
The NIS, on the other hand, is broader in scope, as
it also seeks to monitor transactions and criminal records.
Both proposals, however, were met with opposition from
militant organizations. In a statement, Bagong Alyansang
Makabayan (Bayan) declared that the government’s
proposed ID scheme is Arroyo’s “latest concoction
to threaten civil liberties and keep the population
subservient.”
Relentless pursuit
Proposals for a nationwide ID system is not new. From
1982 to 1995, four bills were passed proposing a national
ID scheme aimed at monitoring criminal activity and
preventing election fraud. However, Bayan Muna Representative
Satur Ocampo says that “fears of a militaristic
state” prevented the bills from making it past
the first reading.
Nonetheless, the pursuit for a national ID policy persisted.
In 1996, former President Fidel Ramos signed Administrative
Order (AO) 308, which took effect immediately after
approval (see sidebar). Following the complaints of
key individuals, however, the Supreme Court (SC) declared
AO 308 unconstitutional because it would “put
our people's right to privacy in clear and present danger.”
In 2005, the military employed a crude identification
system in Central Luzon in order to “saturate”
the area. Former Maj. Gen. Jovito Palparan led the implementation,
requiring residents to secure individual cedulas or
community tax certificates to prove that they were not
members of rebel groups. The cedula system was clearly
used as part of a larger government scheme: counterinsurgency.
Ultimately, the cedula system served to identify the
residents from the “terrorists.” Human rights
watchdog Karapatan pointed that residents who failed
to present their cedulas were considered “terrorists,”
consequently becoming victims of torture, extrajudicial
killings or enforced disappearance. Following Palparan’s
stint, the number of human rights violations in Central
Luzon peaked with 120 killed and 80 disappeared, earning
him the label “butcher.”
For security purposes
Following the 9/11 attacks, the United States compelled
allied nations to implement an identification system
in order to curtail the movements of “terrorist”
groups. In the Philippines, the call spurred the approval
of EO 420, which was said to “provide greater
convenience for those transacting business with the
government.”
Kilusang Mayo Uno, an alliance of militant labor and
worker organizations, filed a petition, asserting that
EO 420 would legalize the “usurpation of legislative
power” and the “infringement on the citizen’s
right to privacy.”
Unlike AO 308, however, the SC declared it constitutional,
pointing that EO 420 does not require information beyond
what is commonly involved in government functions. Furthermore,
EO 420 covers only the transactions made in government
agencies and GOCCs.
Bolstered by the SC’s approval of EO 420, the
police and military were quick to propose a nationwide
ID scheme. Philippine National Police Chief Avelino
Razon explained that the NIS should be adopted so that
“insurgents, terrorists, criminal elements could
not hide behind the cloak of anonymity.” Likewise,
AFP Chief of Staff Hermogenes Esperon says that the
scheme would help security forces in the campaign against
terrorist threats.
Ominous set-up
However, if EO 420 is to be used as a crime-fighting
tool, as both Razon and Esperon suggest, “the
public will be confronted by ID checks conducted by
the police and military, giving them ground to arrest
those who cannot produce an ID,” declares Ocampo.
In such a set-up, those who cannot present their IDs
will immediately be suspected as a terrorist or an illegal
immigrant. Consequently, the NIS shall function like
an internal passport scheme, monitoring the transaction
trails and affiliations of any Filipino at any given
time.
Further, Bayan Secretary-General Renato Reyes states
that the only way the NIS can work as a tool against
“terrorism” is if it is connected to a national
database containing a wide range of information about
citizens which state authorities can access with or
without the consent of the individual. Evidently, this
type of scheme constitutes an infringement on a person’s
right to privacy.
Thus, militant groups continue to assert that behind
the police’s and military’s justifications
are insidious objectives. Bayan Muna Representative
Teodoro Casiño states that the failure of the
government to suppress the growing hostilities is the
reason why it was determined to “revive proposals
for a national identification system.” The real
aim of the NIS then is to monitor and facilitate the
surveillance of legal and militant organizations’
leaders, who are vilified by the government as “terrorists.”
Further, Casiño claims that the state considers
“terrorists” as a broad range of people
including its “critics, members of the political
opposition, progressive parties and groups engaged in
armed rebellion.” Subsequently, in an AFP powerpoint
presentation entitled “Knowing Thy Enemy,”
“enemies of the state” included cause-oriented
groups such as the National Union of Journalists of
the Philippines and League of Filipino Students.
Such move illustrates the government’s repressive
tendency, where any opposition is met with outright
aggression. Under this condition, approving the NIS
“would be like nationalizing the dreaded cedula
campaign of…Palparan,” Reyes concludes.
Perfect fit
Casiño noted that the NIS and the Human Security
Act (HSA) is the administration’ s “tandem”
mechanisms to keep the nation submissive. According
to Bayan, the provisions of HSA provide the “legal
teeth” long sought by the military in committing
with impunity acts of “state terrorism.”
The NIS will therefore serve as the nationwide surveillance
component of the HSA.
In addition, militant groups trace the counterinsurgency
measures from Oplan Bantay Laya (OBL), a state-military
policy on eliminating “threats to national security.”
Violations on human rights, extrajudicial killings and
enforced disappearances are carried out under this policy.
Casiño said that the NIS and OBL share the same
framework, as they both treat progressive organizations
as legitimate targets of military operations, ranging
from surveillance to overt acts of aggression.
Behind the government’s acclaim of the NIS is
a scheme of strategically cracking down on individuals
opposing the administration. It aims not to preserve
national security but to legalize suppression of civil
liberties. # Philippine Collegian
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References:
Reyes, V. (2008) National ID Resurrected. Retrieved
February 9, 2008 from http://www.malaya. com.ph/jan08/
news1.htm
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To win in a game
of chess, “mild measures, such as police surveillance,
are not sufficient,” advised Aaron Nimzovich,
a chess grandmaster. This counsel sums up the whole
of the Philippine political chessboard, where Gloria
Arroyo is queen.
In avoiding both capture and checkmate, the queen carefully
crafts her strategic gameplan – a synchrony of
malevolence and pretense. For the opening salvo, other
chess pieces are coordinated to crush all sites of opposition.
The king is the queen’s most valuable ally, for
his defeat also means her own; the rooks secure the
queen’s bastion, creating fortified fortresses;
the knights are her armored cavalry, leading offensive
and defensive assaults; the bishops are masters of diplomacy,
establishing alliances and rebuilding severed ones;
and finally, the pawns form the infantry, the most basic
component of tactical and special operations units.
As the queen’s gameplan unravels, however, deceitful
strategies and illegal shortcuts are exposed. Nearing
the endgame, the maelstrom of battle intensifies, necessitating
the most atrocious assaults and the most shameless calculations.
Chess is not a game for the faint-hearted, or so an
old adage goes. Yet, Arroyo’s kind of political
game is different. A perusal of the queen’s legion
would show, not men of weak hearts, but their absence
altogether.
King| Mike Arroyo
The King, as the Queen’s partner, is her most
trusted adviser. They also share the same stamina for
massive larceny. As proof of his enduring devotion,
the king is ready to lash against anyone on the other
end of the board. Famous for his ill-mannered moves
against journalists, the king ensures that the queen
is at the top of her game.
Rook| Raul Gonzales
The Department of Justice Secretary is preoccupied with
one overriding concern – to exercise given powers
against the queen’s detractors. Known for his
haughty and careless remarks, Gonzales’ tongue
is a useful offensive against the queen’s opponents.
Rook| Prospero Nograles
With Nogie positioned at the House of Representatives,
Arroyo’s control over chess pieces in Congress
is virtually assured, earning her more squares in the
political chessboard. After Joey de Venecia’s
damning revelations, shuffling moves between Jose de
Venecia (JdV) and Nogie were initiated to conceal the
King’s alleged crimes. With Nogie at the helm
of Congress, the Lower House might resurrect the Charter
Change to extend Arroyo’s term.
Knight | Hermogenes Esperon
With the creation of the Oplan Bantay Laya, Esperon
leads the offensive to decimate the opponent’s
pieces. The number of extrajudicial killings reached
unprecedented heights with Esperon leadership of the
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).
Knight| Avelino Razon
The Philippine National Police Chief functions to disperse
Anti-arroyo rallies and secure tactical squares imperative
to the administration’s defense. His expertise
in anti-terror operations and his experience as former
head of Task Force Usig complements Esperon’s,
his counterpart in the military. Both ensure the government’s
offensive under the counterinsurgency program.
Bishop| Ignacio Bunye
Defense, as they say, is the best offense. As the Press
Secretary, Bunye is used to catching the mudslings thrown
at the queen. At the height of every Presidential controversy,
Bunye has only one thing to say: Move on. Forget the
scandal. The President is busy with the economy.
Bishop| Eduardo Ermita
Known as the “Little President,” former
general Eduardo Ermita takes charge when the queen is
out of country. By dishing out statements to assure
the queen is seated safely in her castle, Ermita is
said to be her number one protector.
Pawn| Benjamin Abalos
The former Commission on Elections (Comelec) Chairman
guaranteed Arroyo’s triumph in the 2004 electoral
tournament through dubious appointments and cover-ups.
He is allegedly behind Virgilio Garcillano’s appointment
to the Comelec in Mindanao, where the purported massive
vote-shaving happened.
Pawn| Jose de Venecia
One of the queen’s long-time lapdogs, he had just
been toppled down by his very own master. For years,
legal strategies to checkmate the President were blocked
with just one strike of the Speaker’s mallet.
Today, however, JdV and Arroyo are at the opposite sites
of the chessboard.
Pawn| Virgilio Garcillano
To assure the queen’s victory in the electoral
tournament, Garci was allegedly positioned in certain
areas to execute vote-padding and shaving operations.
Retrieved wiretapped records demonstrate that he was
persistently contacted by Arroyo herself during the
course of the election campaign to assure that she would
“still lead by more than 1 million.” True
enough, she did.
Pawn| Romulo Neri
Arroyo’s favorite economist has yet to shed light
on his involvement in the National Broadband Network
scandal that implicated the king. His transfer from
the National Economic Development Authority to the Commission
on Higher Education can be traced to several reasons:
his alleged refutation of the 6.2 percent growth figure
projected by the queen, and his participation in the
ZTE deal brokering.
Pawn| Jovito Palparan
Among the chess pieces, Palparan has gained notoriety
for being the most brutal. Human rights groups have
vehemently criticized the “Butcher” for
his rampant violations of human rights, with hundreds
of activist killings under his belt. After his stint
at the AFP, he attempted to enter the legislative branch
as a party-list nominee but lost. Without a doubt, Palparan
was one of the greatest assets of Arroyo’s counter
insurgency program. # Philippine
Collegian
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