| A group of peasant leaders and activists
gathered in a training center in Bago City, Negros Occidental,
for a conference on genuine agrarian reform. One of those
present was Randall “Ka Randy” Echanis, secretary-general
of the militant peasant organization Kilusang Magbubukid
ng Pilipinas, and a negotiator in peace talks for the
leftist coalition National Democratic Front of the Philippines
(NDFP).
During the consultations, armed men showed up to arrest
Echanis. He was charged with 15 counts of murder of
suspected government spies within the communist New
People’s Army (NPA) during 1984, which led to
the discovery of alleged mass graves in Leyte.
It was January 28, mere days after President Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo extended the term of Armed Forces of
the Philippines (AFP) Chief Hermogenes Esperon, who
had vowed to render the communist insurgency “inconsequential”
by 2010. He declared that the next few months would
be “bloody,” and called the capture of Echanis
“a big blow to the communist movement.”
Crime and politics
Echanis is not the only political prisoner of the Arroyo
regime (see sidebar). There are currently 240 prisoners
in detention by the count of Samahan ng mga Ex-Detainee
Laban sa Detensyon at para sa Amnestiya (SELDA), an
organization dedicated to helping political prisoners.
SELDA defines political prisoners as “men and
women who, as a consequence of their political work
and organizational affiliations [are] arrested, captured
or abducted, tried… and sent to prison.”
During Martial Law, antiquated policies like the Anti-Subversion
Law (ASL) tagged activism and political dissent as “subversive”
acts punishable by imprisonment. Enacted in 1957, the
ASL was junked under President Fidel Ramos, although
the Arroyo administration later tried but failed to
revive it.
Donato Continente, SELDA spokesperson and a political
prisoner for 16 years, pointed out that crimes against
persons are easier to fabricate than crimes against
the public order, leading to a growing number of “criminalized”
political prisoners.
“Rebellion” under the revised penal code
entails “rising publicly and taking arms against
the Government,” which excludes unarmed and legal
leftist organizations. Thus, the Arroyo administration
takes a different tack, filing criminal charges like
murder against political foes of the government.
This was illustrated during February 2006, at the height
of Arroyo’s declared State of Emergency. Over
50 leftist leaders, including Echanis, were charged
with rebellion. The SC dismissed the charges with finality
in July, stressing that even if the accused were indeed
members of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP)
— which was never actually proven — “mere
membership in the CPP does not constitute rebellion.”
This violates a landmark 1956 ruling by the SC —
known as the Amado Hernandez doctrine, named after the
defendant in the case — which prohibits the prosecution
of a person for committing a common crime in alleged
furtherance of rebellion.
Serving time
It was not the only time that Echanis was targeted for
state persecution.
He has been arrested thrice since he first began working
as a peasant organizer in the countryside. The first
time was in 1983, under then President Ferdinand Marcos.
Echanis was arrested without a warrant, held in solitary
confinement for years, and released after the EDSA Revolution.
Dozens of his fellow political prisoners stayed imprisoned,
however, and dozens more were detained under the new
president, Corazon Aquino, prompting Echanis to join
SELDA. # Philippine Collegian
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