Prelude

Our History
Before 1896

Part One
Part Two

A Union is Born
1880 - 1906

Part One
Part Two
Part Three

The Turbulent Years
1906 - 1912

Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four
Part Five

The Conspiracy Trials
and Aftermath

1912 - 1918

Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four

The Beginning of the Morrin Era
1918 - 1929

Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four

The Depression and a New Deal For Labor
1930 - 1940

Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four
Part Five

World War II
and the Post War Struggles

1941 - 1952

Part One
Part Two
Part Three
Part Four
Part Five

Ironworkers Grow in the 1950's
1953 - 1961
Part One
Part Two
Part Three

John H. Lyons Jr. Elected President
1961 - 1976
Part One
Part Two
Part Three

The Tradition Continues
1977 - 1988
Part One
Part Two
Part Three

Pathways to the 21st Century Under The Leadership of General President Jake West
1989 - Present
Part One
Part Two
Part Three

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Part Three

n April 26, 1921, in the year after the Twenty-First International Convention, the General Executive Board of the International  Association of Bridge, Structural and Ornamental Iron Workers granted a charter to Local Union No. 373 in Perth Amboy, New Jersey as a mixed local.  The territorial jurisdiction of Local Union No. 373 was determined to be Middlesex County, Monmouth County and part of Ocean County, in New Jersey.  At that time their meetings were held weekly on Tuesday nights at 8:00 P.M.


Charter granted to Local Union No. 373
April 26, 1921

THE METROPOLITAN AREA OF NEW YORK CITY
STRIKE OF 1924

Early in 1922, to counteract the economic impact on Ironworkers of the lost strike of 1919 and to bring back into membership the thousands of members who had dropped their membership books through lack of employment in the slowdown of the early twenties, president Morrin launched  a national organizing program.  Although the program was nationwide in scope, it was concentrated in the New York Metropolitan area.  It was the theory of the Executive council that if the New York Metropolitan area could be successfully organized, it would be both a launching point and an inspiration for organizing efforts elsewhere in the nation.  Many of the non-union steel erectors in New York operated in many parts of the country.

 
"If we are successful in our efforts in the New York district," said Iron Worker President P. J. Morrin, "it would greatly aid us in establishing union conditions elsewhere, as it has been our determined intentions to extend our activities in this direction in other cities just as soon as we had succeeded in the Metropolitan district."  Ironworkers across the country seem to have felt the same way: union recognition in New York would mean recognition everywhere in the U. S. and Canada.  What these early Ironworkers did not calculate, however, was the massive implications of such a struggle.  Unionizing New York at that time meant battling the entire steel industry that was the heart of the open shop operation.  The 1922 Lockwood Senatorial Investigation of the Steel Industry for the state of New York pointed out, "an intensive effort had been instituted by the steel manufactures to break organized labor and to award all work to non-union erectors."
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To carry out a successful organizing plan in New York City in the face of the obstacles, President Morrin issued instructions to all New York Metropolitan local unions that all union members should seek employment and work for all contractors, whether they be union or open-shop.  This technique was fantastically successful in getting Ironworkers employed on construction projects.  There was plenty of work created by the nation's hungry demands for new massive structures.  Much of this work, however was in the employment of open-shop contractors.  In shortly over two years of this organizing program, ninety-eight percent of all employees engaged in the erection of structural steel, in the New York Metropolitan area, were members of the International Association.  It was then concluded that the Iron Workers had achieved the strength needed to fight the massive forces of the steel industry.

On May 1, 1924, a mass meeting was held at the Cooper Union in New York City where President Morrin issued the call for a strike to obtain a wage increase from $10.00 to $12.00 per day, and for all work to be done in accordance with signed agreements between the local unions and all steel employers.  Immediately, all employers, including the open-shop employers, agreed to the wage increase.  however, the open-shop contractors refused to sign an agreement by which they would both recognize the Union and commit themselves to operate 100 percent union.

THE STRIKE WAS ON!!!

President Morrin, in addressing the 4,000 Ironworkers on Sunday, May 4 had urged "a clean and honorable fight" and pledged the assistance of the International Association throughout the nation.  Members throughout the country answered the call, and contributions of a day's pay started to flow in.  It appeared the fight was going to be won, and a victory would shortly be obtained against the interest of big steel in the area they were at their strongest.

As the strike dragged on, week after week, the picture began to change.  The fourteen large firms, constituting the open-shop employers in their association known as the "Iron League", took two courses of action.  One was to institute the litigation that was to drag on for years.  The second was to try to open up their shops and commence erecting structural steel with non-union Ironworkers.  The combined dual action tied up all of the International and local officers in court activities while the employers shipped non-union workers into the New York area by the hundreds.  Although, indeed, New York became a strike torn area, one by one the non-union jobs commenced operating.  The war then was spread to those contractors who had signed the union agreement.  Curiously enough, the fair contractors began to experience a shortage of steel to fabricate and erect.

Accordingly, more and more Ironworkers, working for the union contractors , were laid off because of lack of work.  Ironworker pickets claimed hired operators were attempting to incite violence and dissention on the picket lines.  However, notwithstanding the source, the support by other unions for the Ironworker strike began to dwindle.  The antagonism of the past disputes was being rekindled by the violence.  In this set of circumstances, many of the members who had joined the Union in the two years of the organizing program began having doubts.  They dropped their books and returned to the open-shop jobs.  The 4,000 Ironworkers who had assembled on May 4, numbered only about 1,500 by the first of October.

While these conditions were developing on the job site, the litigation instituted in July proceeded.  The open-shop employers sought an injunction for five million dollars in damages against the local unions involved, as well as the International and all of the officers.  The litigation on the question of the injunction alone went all the way to the Supreme Court, which finally denied the efforts to obtain a restraining order against the strike.  When the litigation commenced, the Iron Workers countered by seeking an injunction against the Iron League in its effort to destroy the Union, and sought ten million dollars in damages.  They also failed in their injunction efforts.  This ended only the earlier injunctive efforts of the litigation which drew on for over nine years.

At the Twenty-Second International Convention held September 15th to the 20th, 1924 at the Hotel McAlpin in New York City, General President Morrin and General Secretary/Treasurer Harry Jones were reelected.

On December 13, 1924, Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor for a period of forty-one years died at 4:05 A. M. in San Antonio, Texas.  He was interred in Sleepy Hallow Cemetery, Tarrytown, N.Y., 25 miles north of New York.  Gompers was born in London, England on January 27, 1850.  William Green, age 51 and Secretary of the United Mine Workers of America, was selected by the A. F. of L. Executive Council to succeed the late Samuel Gompers as President of the A. F. of L.

A new record in building construction totaling $5,750,000,000 was set in 1924.

On April 9, 1925, General president P. J. Morrin, acting under the constitution and by-laws of the International suspended General Secretary/Treasurer Harry Jones for being delinquent and derelict in his official duties.  As a result, Harry Jones was expelled from membership in the International.  General Vice-President William J. McCain was appointed acting General Secretary/Treasurer.

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