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Our History A Union is Born The Turbulent Years The Conspiracy Trials The Beginning of the
Morrin Era The Depression and a New
Deal For Labor World War II Ironworkers Grow in the
1950's Part Two Part Three John H. Lyons Jr.
Elected President The Tradition Continues Pathways to the 21st
Century Under The Leadership of General President Jake West
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Part Two THE McNAMARA CASE - The causes Probably no event has affected the history of our Iron Workers Union and the entire Labor movement more than the McNamara case. It was called "The Crime of the Century" by the conservative, anti-labor papers of the day, although it only took place during the first decade of this century. Before we can understand the importance of this event it is necessary to examine the reasons why it took place. As pointed out earlier, the U. S. Steel Company was totally opposed to unionism. In March of 1903, U. S. Steel, the American Bridge Company, and all other companies involved in the erection of structural steel, bonded together to form the National Erectors Association (NEA). The aim of the NEA was to destroy all the unions involved in the building trades including carpenters, bricklayers, masons, and especially ironworkers. Article III of the constitution read: "The aim of the association shall be the institution and maintenance of the Open Shop principal in the employment of labor in the erection of steel and iron bridges and buildings and other structural and iron work." Although U. S. Steel were able to crush many of the unions engaged in the fabrication, manufacturing, and transportation of steel, they were not able to crush the Iron Workers Union. Our International organized a nation-wide strike which totally frustrated the NEA and the American Bridge Company forcing them to sign a closed-shop agreement with our Union from May 1, 1903 until January 1, 1905. But in July of 1905, seven months after the agreement had expired, the American Bridge Company, which was owned by U. S. Steel, along with other members of the NEA, decided to break our International by not hiring any union Ironworkers. The NEA hired Walter Drew, an exponent of the open shop, to co-ordinate a campaign against Ironworkers. Drew set up a network of spies, detectives, thugs, and provocateurs to carry out the task of breaking our Union. By 1906, a "Labor War" had developed between Drew's NEA and our Union. The NEA convinced judges to issue injunctions against strikes. The police and thugs were paid to break up picket lines, and hand-billing and mass meetings were outlawed. These were rights that should have been protected by our nation's Constitution and its Bill of Rights. NEA contractors continued to try to crush our Union and this was especially hard on men who risked their lives on scaffolds, atop bridges and buildings and buildings without life nets to save them from falls onto the cement or into rivers hundreds of feet below. At this time over one hundred structural Ironworkers were killed on the job each year. This represented approximately one out of every one hundred members of the Union. Even Secretary/Treasurer John J. McNamara saw a member of his family die. He said:
This was War! Workers killed on the job, beaten by the police and thugs, and denied their rights to have a democratic union of their choice. All this was happening at a time when Ironworkers were paid only $2.50 a day, and the NEA wanted to cut even this lowly wage. Between the years 1908 and 1911, eighty-seven to one hundred and fifty bombings took place at work sites. Perhaps some of these were set by management themselves in order to create propaganda against unions. Perhaps some were set by individual union members disgusted with the treatment they were receiving. No one was ever killed in these explosions and the average loss of property was about one thousand dollars. Despite all the vicious attacks by the U. S. Steel and the NEA to destroy our unions, the membership of the Ironworkers Union grew to 12, 230 by 1911 and our members went from being the lowest paid workers in the building trades to one of the highest at $4.30 for an eight hour day. The militancy of the Ironworkers Union became a thorn in the side of the NEA and U. S. Steel! Non-union workers were quickly imported from the Midwest and privat detectives were hired to spy on strike leaders and assist the regular police force in an effort to crush the unions. But the unions stood firm. Pickets were orderly and no violence occurred until July 16, 1910, when the Los Angeles City Council passed its infamous anti-picketing ordinance. The ordinance was strict enough to satisfy even the most militant of anti-union workers as "class legislation." Union pickets naturally defied the ordinance which ran counter to their constitutional principles. Fights broke out between strikers, strike-breakers, police, hired detectives, and professional sluggers. In such a blood-bath only the pickets were arrested, but as each defendant requested a jury trial, the court calendars were filled up until early the next year. The arrested pickets received legal assistance from various organizations in San Francisco, where wages were about 30% higher, hours about 20% shorter, and labor conditions peaceful. The General Campaign Strike Committee, with headquarters in San Francisco, was requested to send lawyers down to Los Angeles to investigate claims of espionage, unlawful beatings, false arrests, unlawful detention, and third degree treatment. The San Francisco Labor Council appealed to labor organizations all across the country for funds, and the executive council of the California State Federation of Labor felt it necessary to order a special organizer to the Los Angeles area. The strikers responded enthusiastically to the outside help. By the end of September, 1910, although every strike was unsuccessful, the internal growth of the unions was phenomenal. Since the beginning of 1910 the Central Labor council had nearly a 50% increase in strength; from 6,000 members of 62 unions in January to 9,500 members of 85 unions in September. Trade Unionism was clearly on the rise in Los Angeles, and at that time only some atrocious act could discredit the movement and ruin the cause for organized labor. THE LOS ANGELES TIMES EXPLOSION Then it happened at 1 A.M. on the morning of October 1, 1910 - the so-called "Crime of the Century." An explosion ripped through the printing plant of the Los Angeles Times. As a result of the explosion and fire that followed, twenty Times employees were killed and many others were injured. Although there was no evidence at the time that labor was in any way involved, the headline the next day read, "UNIONIST BOMBS WRECK THE TIMES". The City of Los Angeles and the Times newspaper were completely controlled at the time by a man named Harrison Gray Otis, who loved to be called "General". Otis had fought in the Civil War and the Spanish American War and saw himself as "A General" fighting another war in Los Angeles against organized labor. Otis referred to unions as "....a tyranny - one of the most monstrous tyrannies that the world has ever seen." Otis was determined to drive every sign of unionism from Los Angeles, and he was able to mobilize 85% of the city businessmen into the Merchants and Manufacturers Association (M & M). If any Los Angeles merchant hired union workers or declared for the eight hour day, his business was no longer able to get credit from the banks or receive shipment of his goods. Because of what he had done to the workers of Los Angeles, "General" Otis was so afraid for his life that he drove around town with an operable cannon on the hood. Los Angeles became known as "Otistown of the Open Shop." One writer described Otis as "....the most unfair, unscrupulous and malignant enemy of organized labor in America. Between 1910 and 1912, Otis had several reasons to be fearful, One was that the people of Los Angeles were becoming disgusted with one man rule. It looked like Job Harrison, the socialist candidate for Mayor, might win the next election. This would mean the end of Otis' control of the city. Also the Los Angeles Metal Trades Council decided to go on strike for recognition. While unions were fighting for recognition in Los Angeles, to the north in San Francisco unionism was strong. One observer said: "....not a hammer was lifted, or a brick laid, or a pipe fitted, or a wall plastered or painted, or papered without the sanction of the unions." Because wages and working conditions were so different in Los Angeles and San Francisco it was making it difficult for San Francisco workers to keep their good conditions unless equally good wages and hours existed in Los Angeles. Therefore, this is why the Los Angeles Metal Trades Council called a strike to begin on June 1, 1910. The demands included union recognition, the eight-hour day, and a minimum wage of four dollars a day. All of these things were happening in Los Angeles when the explosion took place at Otis' Times printing plant on October 1, 1910. Scroll to the top and click on "The Turbulent Years 1906 - 1912 - Part Three"
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