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Philippine Collegian

Issue 20 in PDF

   
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On its 85th year, the Philippine Collegian looks back at eight decades of headlines that saw print on its pages & sent ripples within and outside the university.
 
21 Jan 1981
ML lifting a 'sham'
"The much dramatized lifting of martial law is a sham." This was unanimously expressed by some 500 students who joined the mass assembly and symposium held at the CAS second floor lobby last Jan. 15. Speakers from different sectors within and outside the university denounced the lifting of martial law and described it as "deceptive, and aiming to pacify national unrest by feigning reforms."
 
 
 
Last week
 
Editoryal
Revolutions on a whim
Balita
Suspek sa pagpaslang kay Mendez, kakasuhan na

PL groups seek probe of C5 extension

CAL council, pub decry relocation

Solons file bills vs oil price hikes

Militant groups seek junking of JPEPA

Anti-TFI student pubs face repression

Theft tops UPD crime stats

Kultura
Sining Gerilya:sining ng pakikibaka ni Parts Bagani
The Doghouse Crumbles
Lathalain
Batas ng Armas: pagsipat sa tunguhin ng ugnayang US-Pakistan

Wasteland

Grapiks
Komiks : Tsupeyups

Sipat : Another Year Coming

Opinyon
A(d)VERTisements

Kina Sir Nic at Rene

s
Return to Sender

We don’t despair

 
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Soiled Programs:
The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program's destined failure

Alaysa Tagumpay E. Escandor
Philippine Collegian
Last updated January 13th, 2008

The right to land is one of the most contested in Philippine history. In a feudal society, vast land holdings translate to political and economic clout; to distribute land is to distribute power. Thus, landlords are unlikely to give up their holdings voluntarily or peacefully, making the peasant movement a violent struggle between the powerful and the powerless.

In a country constituted by a peasant majority, programs for agrarian reform is a cornerstone of every administration. Cory Aquino’s initial popularity was bolstered by promises to voluntarily distribute the 6,000-hectare Hacienda Luisita to the peasants. When it became apparent, however, that Aquino was actually stalling agrarian reform, 20,000 peasants marched towards Malacañang to demand that Aquino deliver more than lip service. Nothwithstanding the peasants’ legitimate call, the military open-fired, killing 13 members of the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) in Mendiola on Jan. 22, 1987.

The resulting public pressure forced Aquino to make land redistribution a national priority. With the strong lobbying of peasant groups, former Cong. Bonifacio Gillego drafted House Bill (HB) 400 which incorporated the ideals of the peasant movement. The landlord-dominated Congress, however, was outraged and moved swiftly to water down HB 400. Despite the condemnation of peasant groups, HB 400 was amended and passed in 1988, creating the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP).

Year 2008, twenty years after CARP’s initial implementation, land remains beyond the grasp of the Filipino masses.

Landed interests
Mindanao is endowed with natural abundance; its lands and waters are profuse with a diversity of flora, fauna and minerals. Yet, it is this abundance that has damned the land to an array of interests including foreign powers, land-grabbers and the state, making its inhabitants one of the poorest in an already impoverished nation. And just as indigenous communities were driven out from their ancestral lands by settlers from Luzon,  the land’s wealth was directed from the region to Luzon; Mindanao’s depressed economic condition was “exacerbated by internal colonisation” (Tadem, 1992).

Meanwhile, the Sumilao farmers’ 1700 km “March for Land” made headlines, directing attention to Mindanao’s decades-old predicament. At the heart of Mindanao is Bukidnon, whose friendly climate and fertile soil attracted the attention of landowners and transnational corporations. Subsequently, the native inhabitants in Sumilao, Bukidnon were evicted as their ancestral land was converted into a poultry farm.

After the implementation of CARP, the Department of Agriculture (DAR) announced Bukidnon as the leading province for agrarian reform due to its “extensive land area” and the ubiquity of “land tenure arrangements.”  Included within the ten-year, three-phase coverage of CARP was the Sumilao farmers’ 144-hectare ancestral land.

Section 25 of CARP, however, allows the reclassification of agricultural land to commercial, residential, industrial, and ecotourism parks, effectively exempting the land from redistribution. Landowners promptly took advantage of the land use conversion, with DAR approving an average of 95 percent of the conversion applications, according to think-tank IBON Foundation. The Sumilao property was reclassified from agricultural to agro-industrial, nothwithstanding that prime and productive agricultural lands are excluded from reclassification or conversion. The land was later sold to San Miguel Foods Inc. (SMFI) owned by Danding Cojuangco, who owns over 30,000 hectares – the greatest amount of accumulated land in the country. Although CARP’s definition of agro-industrial lands warrants the existence of support facilities, such as housing projects and schools, what SMFI established was a piggery.

A decade after the conversion, the supposed agro-industrial land is still empty of the purported developments, initiating the Sumilao farmers’ march from Bukidnon to Malacañang.

Mistaken demands
Although Gloria Arroyo has already given a revocation order, converting the ancestral land back to agricultural, the Sumilao farmers still demand the immediate redistribution of the land under CARP. The farmers also call for the “extension of the agrarian reform program” as the CARP will expire on June. In an interview, Sumilao farmer Rene Peñas describes the CARP as “perfect” but at the same breath admits that the program’s provision on conversion and reclassification has allowed landowners to retain ownership of lands that were supposedly theirs.

In Congress, Akbayan Rep. Risa Hontiveros has filed HB 1257, which seeks to “extend and reform the program.” Although Hontiveros declares that the Sumilao farmers’ plight is a manifestation of CARP’s  failure, she adds that “Congress is duty-bound to extend and overhaul the existing agrarian reform program.”

KMP Chairperson Rafael Mariano, however, disagrees. He points that the CARP has already been extended in 1998, yet “majority of the peasants remain landless,” keeping seven out of every ten Filipino peasants landless. To date, over 65 percent of agricultural lands are not covered by CARP. Nothwithstanding CARP’s goal of land redistribution, full land ownership has continued to decline, owing to the intensification of tenancy and lease arrangements. Thus, Mariano declares, “ Extending the CARP again will not solve the nation’s land problems.”

Moreover, Sonny Africa, research head of IBON, states that “CARP cannot address peasant poverty and landlessness because it was never meant to.” He recalls how HB 400 was amended by Congress to cater to landlord interests, deliberately adding provisions to prevent genuine agrarian reform. For instance, Aquino used CARP’s stock distribution option to avert the redistribution of Hacienda Luisita by distributing stocks to peasant beneficiaries instead of awarding them the land.

Meanwhile, Rural Development Fellow Saturnino M. Borras Jr. states that CARP was patterned after the “market-led agrarian reform, ” an approach supported by the World Bank based on the “willing-seller, willing-buyer principle” wherein peasant beneficiaries pay the landlords an amount equal to the the market value of the land. In this system, peasants are burdened by amortization fees, burying them further in debt. Thus, Bayan Muna Party-list Rep. Satur Ocampo points that even if DAR issues a certificate of  land ownership award to the Sumilao farmers, they must first pay an estimate of P2.4 B to SMFI in 30 years at six percent interest before they could fully regain their land. Thus, Mariano concludes that efforts to amend CARP are futile simply because of the “sheer number of loopholes in the program.”

In a country where landed classes remain entrenched, where economic and political power feed upon the feudal relations in society, it will take much more than legislation to eradicate the eschewed system of land ownership. For true agrarian reform can only be ensured through the persistent struggle of peasants and other allied sectors, unimpeded by deceptive programs that posture as pro-peasant in nature. #Philippine Collegian

Reference:
Tadem, E. (2002). Mindanao: Land of Unfulfilled Promise. The Political Economy Of Mindanao: An Overview. New day Publishers, QC.

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Tinig ng Pagtindig: Pagtatasa kay Student Regent Terry Ridon

JM Ragaza
Philippine Collegian
Last updated January 13th, 2008

Sa panahong patuloy na nililigalig ang Unibersidad ng mga isyung magtatakda sa tunguhin nito sa susunod na mga taon, mahalaga ang naging papel ni Student Regent (SR) James Mark Terry Ridon sa pagtindig laban sa aniya’y mga “banta ng komersyalisasyon.”

Sa ngalan ng panunungkulan
Ang SR ang nag-iisang tinig ng mga estudyante sa Board of Regents (BOR), ang pinakamataas na lupong tagapagpasya ng UP. Tungkulin niyang ihapag ang panig ng mga estudyante sa mga pagpupulong nito at sa paglikha ng mga palisiya ng unibersidad. Kaakibat nito ang pagsasagawa ng mga pag-aaral hinggil sa mga isyung kinakaharap ng mga estudyante at ang paghahanap ng mga lunsaran upang isulong ang kanyang kampanya.

Taong 1987 nang matagumpay na ipinaglaban ng mga mag-aaral ang pagkakatatag ng Office of the Student Regent (OSR) at mabigyan ito ng pagkakataong makaboto sa mga panukalang ipinapasa sa BOR. Sa kabila ng kanilang tagumpay sa pagtatatag ng OSR, nanatiling tagibang ang istruktura ng BOR dahil kinabibilangan ito ng limang rehenteng itinalaga ng Malakanyang. Sa ganitong sistema, pumapaimbabaw ang interes ng Malakanyang sa halip ng sa pinakamalawak na sektor sa pamantasan—ang mga mag-aaral.

Nakaugat sa istruktura ng pamunuan ng BOR ang mga balakid na kinaharap ng SR sa kanyang pamumuno, ayon kay Prop. Judy Taguiwalo, tagapangulo ng All-UP Academic Employees Union. “Ang nakikita ko ay ang limitasyon ng pagiging minorya niya sa loob ng BOR,” aniya. Bukod dito, nananatili ring mahina ang boses ng ibang sektor sa UP tulad ng mga manggagawa, kawani, mananaliksik at ng komunidad dahil sa kawalan ng kinatawan sa BOR.

Pagtugon sa mga hamon
Sa panunungkulan ni Ridon unang naramdaman ang hagupit ng 300 porsiyentong tuition and other fee increases (TFI). Mariin niya itong tinutulan kaya’t bumalangkas siya ng isang policy review na pumuna sa batayan nito.

Naipakita sa nasabing pag-aaral ang lumiliit na “democratic access” ng mga estudyante sa UP dahil sa patuloy na pagtaas ng mga bayarin. Dahil dito, tanging ang mga maykaya ang makakapasok sa UP. Ayon sa policy review, hindi rin nakatulong ang Socialized Tuition and Financial Assistance Program (STFAP) sa pagtugon sa problemang idinulot ng TFI dahil kakaunti pa rin ang napasailalim sa bracket na tatanggap ng sapat  na subsidiyo mula sa administrasyon.

Kaugnay nito, itinatag ni Ridon ang  Students and Parents Against the Rising Cost of Education in UP, isang alyansa ng mga magulang, mag-aaral at ang University Student Council (USC), upang maglunsad ng serye ng mga forum upang ibalita ang estado ng kampanya laban sa TOFI.

Maliban sa TOFI, isa pa sa malalaking isyu na kinaharap ni Ridon ang nakaambang na pagpapalit ng UP Charter. Isa siya sa mga tagatipon ng  UP-Wide Democratization Movement 3 at naging aktibo sa paggiit sa mataas at mababang kapulungan ng Kongreso ng isang mas “demokratikong UP Charter,” partikular noong mga panahong minadali umano ng administrasyon ang pagkakapasa ng bersyon nito sa Senado noong nakaraang Disyembre.

Iginiit ni Ridon sa usapin ng UP Charter ang representasyon ng bawat sektor sa pamumuno, pagtitiyak ng institusyonalisasyon ng student councils at student publications sa UP, at ang paggamit sa mga assets at land grants ng UP para sa mga akademikong layunin.

Binalangkas din ni Ridon ang alternatibong tema na “Sang(an)daang Taon: Ang UP Patungo sa Sentenaryo ng Tunay na Paglilingkod sa Bayan” para sa ika-sandaang taon ng UP. “We intended to posit an alternative theme because the administration’s theme ‘UP: Ang Galing Mo’ is not sufficient to present and encompass the entire essence of the Iskolar ng Bayan and the University itself,” ani Ridon.

Tumugon din ang SR sa mga isyu ng ibang sektor ng UP katulad ng mga empleyado at mga komunidad. Ayon kay Clodualdo Cabrera, tagapangulo ng All-UP Workers Union, “Sa tuwing magkakaroon ng pagpupulong sa BOR, kinokonsulta niya muna kami upang maihapag din ang aming panig.” Sa maraming pagkakataon, kinatawan ni Ridon ang  hanay ng mga manggagawa na kasalukuyang walang representasyon sa BOR.

Para kay Ridon, kasama ang mga problema ng mga manggagawa at ng mga komunidad sa UP sa pagtakda ng “direksyon ng UP sa pagmatagalan, kaya’t hindi natin dapat ihiwalay ang mga ito sa isyu nating mga mag-aaral.”

Pagtitimbang
Pinuna ni Ridon na “naging balakid sa kampanya ng OSR laban sa pagbasura ng TFI ang kakulangan pa ng mga datos mula sa administrasyon.” Halimbawa nito ang datos hinggil sa mga student loan, na gagamitin sa pagbalangkas ng policy review upang tukuyin ang epekto ng pagtaas sa matrikula sa bilang ng mga mag-aaral na hindi nakapagbayad nang buo sa pagsisimula ng semestre.

Ngunit inamin ni Ridon na hindi naging sapat ang review upang pakilusin at pagkaisahin ang mga mag-aaral na igiit ang kanilang karapatan sa edukasyon. “May kahinaan na rin sa amin sa pag-abot sa mga estudyante upang palalimin ang usapin,” aniya.

Sa pagtatasa ng iba’t ibang grupo kay Ridon, pinuna nila ang naging mga kalakasan at kahinaan nito. Para kay Abdel Disancopan, tagapangulo ng partidong Nagkakaisang Iskolar Para sa Pamantasan ng Sambayanan, “kakulangan ni Ridon na hindi niya napakilos at napagkaisa ang mga mag-aaral sa UP gayong may mga naisagawa naman itong mga pananaliksik.”

Dagdag ni Mike Lopez, tagapangulo ng Alyansa ng mga Mag-aaral para sa Panlipunang Katwiran at Kaunlaran, “kailangan pa ni Ridon na maglabas ng impormasyon sa panukalang pagpapalit ng UP Charter upang mabigyan ng kapangyarihan ang mga mag-aaral na makilahok sa usaping ito.” Ayon din kay Lopez, “walang malinaw na mekanismo si Ridon para sa konsultasyon sa mga student councils.”

Subalit para kay SR-elect at tagapangulo ng USC na si Shahana Abdulwahid, sinikap ni Ridon na magkaroon ng “demokratikong konsultasyon” sa mga sangguniang mag-aaral. “Maituturing na pinakamahusay na katangian ni Ridon ang paglubog sa mga student councils at aktibong pakikipagcoordinate sa kanila,” ani Abdulwahid. Samantala, sinabi ni Abdulwahid na pangmatagalan ang paglaban sa TOFI at hindi makakamit sa isang taon lamang. “Isa itong hamon hindi lang sa SR kundi pati sa ating mga estudyante. Hindi naman ito kaya ng SR nang mag-isa.”

Para kay Taguiwalo, kalakasan ni Ridon “ang paninindigang may kaakibat na matalas na pagsusuri at kakayahang maihapag ang prinsipyadong batayan ng mga pagtutol sa mga anti-estudyante at anti-kawani na mga patakaran ng administrasyon ni [UP President Emerlinda] Roman.”

Hamon ng Panahon
Sa pagtatapos ng termino ni Ridon, magpapatuloy ang hamon na tumindig at harapin ang mga isyung kanyang nilabanan. “The SR shall remain vigilant and resolute in the defense of students’ rights no matter how tiring and tight the statements and stands have become,” ani Ridon.

Ngunit ang kolektibong puwersa pa rin ng mga mag-aaral ang maghuhudyat ng tagumpay ng anumang laban. Nag-iisa man ang boses ng SR, mapapalakas ito sa sama-samang pagkilos ng mga mag-aaral, at sa huli’y maiigpawan ang mga hamon ng panahon.#Philippine Collegian

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    Photo : Alanah Torralba
    Artwork : Janno Gonzales
   
   
   
 
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