ORGANIZATIONAL PROFILE, VISION, MISSION, GOALS, OBJECTIVES, STRATEGIES
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MINDANAO SITUATION RATIONALE -
The peace situation in Mindanao can never be truly and deeply appreciated if it is not viewed within the context of the history, the diverse way of life, and the present level of interaction of the people that inhabit it. Indeed, Mindanao is generally populated by a single race, that which is described by scholars and scientists as belonging to the “Malayo-Polynesian” or “Austronesian” stock of the Malay race. This is in turn divided into divergent cultures or civilizations, most evident of which are those of the Majority Settlers (predominantly Christianized), the Bangsa Moro (predominantly Islamized), and the Lumad or Indigenous People (until recently, predominantly animistic) communities.
The peace process in Mindanao has two faces. The first is the implementation of the 1996 Peace Agreement between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and peace negotiations between the GRP and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which is presently in the process of being revived. The second is the existence of a very deep prejudice between the Bangsamoro, Lumad and Majority Settler populations in Mindanao which emphasizes the urgent need for sustained peace process at the level of the people - specifically to propagate and nurture a mutual affirmative behavior amongst themselves.
It is generally held that without peace in Mindanao, the Philippine’s path to progress is in peril. Because Mindanao is the home of at most a third of the Philippine population, a still substantial repository of resources, and an emerging gateway to the growing Southeast Asian markets, the island is immediately critical to achieving Philippine economic ambitions.
Mindanao’s population is now more than 16 million. Given the unique complexion of its population (with one million Muslims, an estimated 2 million Lumads or indigenous tribes, and about 10 million Christians), Mindanao also has to contend with ethnic and tribal wars in addition to the Philippine problems of insurgency and criminality.
In the present Mindanao situation, how these peoples perceive peace and development is ambivalent at the least. They have for decades been living under the cultures of ignorance (not education related), prejudice, violence and poverty. It is observed that violence continues to grip Mindanao, making all, without exception, the characters in a paradox: that of being victims of the peacelessness which they themselves directly or indirectly have brought about. The on-going armed conflict, kidnappings, extortions, bombing and killings are common incidents that are further complicated by various forms of military action. These are manifested and felt most strongly in the grassroots or community level. These have not only triggered inter-religious animosity but have also produced a burgeoning and recurring internal displacement problem with the inhabitants therein. In spite of the peace process and development efforts on many fronts, the stench of culturally embedded prejudices, environmental degradation, political manipulation, poverty and injustice, systematic violence and other forms of cruelty pervade in Mindanao.
Thus, major undertakings like the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East Asia growth Area (BIMP-EAGA), which primarily benefit Mindanao but which also served as a linchpin of the country’s march towards the status of a Newly Industrialized Country (NIC), can conceivably be scuttled by the escalation and explosion of conflicts in Mindanao. Structural violence is also an issue to contend with.
Clearly, the problem in Mindanao has ceased to be just a problem of the Moros. An understanding of the history of such a problem may help enlighten policy to resolve it, but it may also strengthen the prospect of renewed war and greater violence if those who make use of such history apples it with personal favor.
Clearing the paths towards a common ground of peace through reconciliation becomes the ultimate challenge to all in Mindanao and the country.
ORGANIZATIONAL RATIONALE -
The youth are the trustees of posterity. Not only are they heirs and stewards of the national patrimony, they too, are the movers and shapers of our unfolding history especially our efforts to realize a lasting peace. With such a role, they reflect our past, characterize our present and ordain our future.
According to the National Statistics Coordination Board database on Philippine Population by age group for the year 2000, there is a total of 26,704,084 youth in the Philippines from the age of 15 to the age of 34. 8,017,298 are between the ages of 15 and 19, 7,069,403 are between the ages of 20 to 24, 6,071,089 are between the ages of 25 and 29, and 5,546,294 are between the ages of 30-34. This constitutes more than 34% of the total population of 76,498,735 for the year 2000. Of this number, 16,038,497 of the total population come from Mindanao. Roughly 5,453,088 comprise the Mindanao youth sector, aged 15 to 34.
Various peace-related violence, as well as human rights violations occur in Mindanao, most of which directly affects young people. They are vulnerable targets in child soldiering, inter-cultural violence, interfaith conflict, structural violence, ethnic or “regionalistic” prejudice and discrimination, whether in the school, the workplace or in the community, to name a few. One of the most evident peace-related issues presently existing is the internal displacement problem. With the above figure given, it is safe to deduce that a substantial number of the total youth population in Mindanao have been affected directly or indirectly by internal displacement.
The youth sector serves as the primary source of new recruits for rebel groups, whether secessionist or revolutionary, and worse, even of terrorist or vigilante groups. Their direct exposure to conflict situations, structural violence and marginalization, intercultural prejudice and antipathy, and discrimination-based violence have more often caused them to join these groups in their war against the state, or at the least had made them sympathize and support the insurgency and terrorist movements as civilians. The absence or lack of avenues and opportunities for the youth sector to participate as working partners of civil society in addressing the Mindanao peace and development problem has brought them to the point of hopelessness, where the only viable course for social transformation is taking up arms and/or using violence to combat the ills and gaps of the present system.
Their idealism is slowly waning because of the frustration on the realities of the Philippine society, realities that should not be allowed to influence their thinking in the first place. How are they to fulfill their social roles if they are trapped in these unfortunate circumstances? Before apathy sets in, society should ensure that the potentials of our youth are developed to the maximum and used for their benefit and the other citizens of the Philippines.
Rarely, is the youth sector provided with an opportunity where their collective suggestions and inputs on alternative solutions in addressing the Mindanao peace and development situation are taken seriously and sincerely considered in high-echelon gatherings of policy makers and opinion formers. This is mainly due to the still-pervading traditional notion or belief that the youth is ill-equipped as a sector to act in a proactive and manner and initiate moves in working for peace and development among the peoples of Mindanao.
Efforts of peacebuilding should focus on - and include the participation of - the young for they are the shapers and builders of tomorrow. Thus, this noble intention as focused on the youth is anchored on the Rizalian doctrine that the youth is the hope of the fatherland and that if there are efforts to address the peace and order problem of the country, the youth should be given utmost importance.
The challenge, therefore, is how the youth can contribute to the solution of these conflicts, given that they constitute a significant majority of the population and are the ones greatly affected by beneficial economic growth as well as aggravating ethnic and religious rifts therein.
References
Darwin J. Manubag, Cognitions of Peace, 2002
Rudy B. Rodil, 1984
Bishops-Ulama Conference, Statement on the Mindanao Week of Peace, 2002
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