Pakistan International Peace & Human Rights Organization
Nindo Shaher District Badin Sindh Pakistan




SEXUAL TRANSMMITED DISEASE
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SPECIFIC CONCLUSION

The threat of an HIV/AIDS pandemic has prompted Pakistan�s policymakers, donors, and development workers to attempt an initial exploration into high-risk sexual behavior with a view to controlling the spread of serious sexually transmitted diseases. Because any research into sexual behavior patterns, as well as open discussion of how to reduce high-risk behavior, is fraught with social taboos, available research is limited to small-scale studies and does not represent any solid national sampling. One major weakness in the available data, as with research on other areas of reproductive health, is a lack of clear age breakdowns within the sample population. Thus, the limited data on AIDS and STDs in Pakistan, although more than the available general information about sexual behavior, does not give us specific information about high-risk behavior among adolescents.

However, we know that adolescents are exposed to high-risk behavior through sexual abuse, commercial sex, homosexual relations, and life in jails, and are also more powerless than adults in exploitative circumstances. It is reasonable to assume, then, that adolescents are among the high-risk groups for such diseases, although it is not possible to say in what proportion. Though it is possible to speculate on whether those at risk (especially girls) are even more vulnerable due to their young age and lack of decisionmaking power to protect themselves, there is no literature to document this.

  • HIV/AIDS

    Pakistan is fertile ground for an AIDS epidemic, due to its low social indicators, economic status, and state of epidemiological transition. (Hyder and Khan 1998) The reported number of HIV-infected cases has been low � up to August 1997 the figure was 1,232. However, the number of total estimated HIV-infected population is as high as 80,000, and the estimated national prevalence figure for HIV is 64 per 100,000. The dominant modes of transmission are heterosexual contact and blood transfusion/blood products. (HIV Working Group 1998)

    Only 20 Pakistani children, up to age 19, have been reported HIV-positive. Since children and adolescents are often not even tested out of the mistaken belief that they cannot be sexually active, and most screenings are done of so-called highrisk groups only, we cannot know the real level of infection among them. (Ahmed 1998) As Ahmed explains in her overview of HIV/AIDS and children in South Asia, the disease is a grave issue for children because they are vulnerable themselves to the multiple patterns of transmission and also to the manifold consequences of losing a parent to the disease.

    Pakistani children and adolescents are exposed to all of the risks and issues associated with HIV/AIDS highlighted by Ahmed. Mother-to-child transmission may condemn an infected baby to death before age 2, particularly when immunity is low, and death can be caused by diarrhea, measles, tuberculosis, and other respiratory tract infections. Because poverty in developing countries promotes the spread of these illnesses and weakens the immune system, the time from infection to death is shorter for children with AIDS.

    Ahmed points out other aspects of the disease pattern which impact children. Male migration, particularly between Pakistan and Gulf countries, has been a source of AIDS transmission and death or social ostracism for wives who become infected. Women and girls are physically more likely to contract HIV from men than the other way around. Women�s lower social status and the high rate of rape in Pakistan further limits their ability to protect themselves from HIV transmission.6 Changing social patterns and urbanization have increased levels of sexual abuse, and child prostitutes and street children are presumably at higher risk of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. Finally, young people are also at risk through contaminated blood transmitted through blood transfusions and the increasing use of needles for drug use.

    Studies done with high-risk groups in Pakistan do not have age-specific data for adolescents because adults are the focus of the research. However, these studies do mention that men and women can begin their pattern of high-risk behavior while still adolescents. For example, truck drivers have been identified as a potentially important conduit for the spread of HIV/AIDS. Among 35 drivers and truck cleaners, Ahmed et al. (1995) found a high rate of male-to-male sexual contact and contact with female commercial sex workers, as well as a significant rate of drug use. The cleaners were younger than the drivers and included adolescent boys, whose practices were found to be similar. More than half the drivers had been cleaners first, which establishes how they were initiated into this line of work and high-risk behavior. One Indian study of adolescent truck cleaners, quoted in Jejeebhoy (1998), found that 4 percent had a history of sexually transmitted disease, but this figure is likely to be an underestimate.

    The commercial sex industry, also a high-risk group, has been the subject of a number of HIV/AIDS prevalence and awareness studies. (Baqi et al. 1998; Khilji n.d.; Manzoor et al. 1995; SOCH n.d.) Baqi et al. (1998) found that the average age of first intercourse for the female commercial sex workers was 14-15 years, and age 11 for male transvestites. Condom use by CSWs was very low. In the Lahore Red Light Area, daughters inherit the profession from their mothers (SOCH n.d.). In one study almost half of CSWs reported they began selling sex at the onset of menstruation. (Manzoor et al. 1995) This is yet another example of how the young are set on the road to high-risk behavior in an environment where knowledge about HIV and others STDs is low and the use of condoms is inadequate.

    In a study of 3,392 male prisoners ages 11-81, interviewed in Sindh jails, they reported symptoms of STDs as well as sexual intercourse with multiple partners (male and female). (Khan et al. 1995) They also reported past experiences with commercial sex workers (26 percent) and blood donations (22 percent), and 121 prisoners said that had injected drugs. The study concluded, �prisons in Sindh are potential reservoirs of sexually transmitted diseases� (Khan et al. 1995: 12), and recommended that the Sindh government control the spread of STDs in prisons if it wished to limit the problem among the general population.

    There are only 2 juvenile jails in Pakistan. As a result, children find themselves in adult jails, albeit in separate cells, where they experience the same deprivation as older prisoners. According to a survey conducted by the Society for the Protection of Child Rights in 1997, out of a total of 72,714 prisoners in Pakistan, 3,480 were juveniles. Most of them were languishing in jail awaiting trial, while only 282 were convicted. (Fayyazuddin et al. 1998) Juvenile prisoners are therefore likely to be exposed to similar high-risk behavior as their adult, particularly male, counterparts, and therefore at risk of contracting STDs.

    Exclusive focus on high-risk groups and behaviors obscures the reality that all citizens of Pakistan, including those who are not sexually active, are at risk of contracting AIDS. For example, everyone is vulnerable to transmission through contaminated blood from hospitals or contaminated needles used in injections, regardless of their age. The risk increases because bad health care practices have resulted in an excessive use of blood transfusions and injections in treating patients. (Khawaja et al. 1997) In Pakistan only 30-40 percent of the blood used for transfusions is being screened for HIV. (UNICEF 1998a)

  • Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases

    Some experts argue that the STD epidemic among adolescents is growing globally, probably due to the large proportion of older adolescents who are sexually active either within or outside marriage. (Mensch et al. 1998) Throughout South Asia studies to substantiate or negate this claim are few. However one study from India quoted in Jejeebhoy (1998) reported that the typical patient at STD clinics is a young man barely out of adolescence. In another study quoted by Ahmed (1998) 16 percent of 362 STD cases at a private hospital in Delhi were of children under age 14.

    The Karachi Reproductive Health Project undertook a survey to establish a baseline STD prevalence among women in a low-income community in Karachi. (KRHP 1997) Six hundred and one married women between the ages 14-45 were tested for syphilis, gonorrhea, chlamydia, trichomoniasis, and candida in accordance with standards set by WHO and the National AIDS Control Programme. The study found the prevalence of STDs to be extremely low (the highest prevalence was candida at 6 percent) despite that fact that more than half the women complained of vaginal discharge. The researchers recommended modifying the WHO protocol for the management of discharge as it may not be relevant to the population studied. They found that there is confusion surrounding vaginal discharge, and when the WHO protocol is followed to determine the need for testing, it resulted in 500 percent over-treatment. KRHP is currently developing its own protocol to assess vaginal discharge among women and reduce unnecessary testing and treatment.

  • Awareness and Prevention

    Studies conducted among the high-risk groups susceptible to STDs and HIV/AIDS, such as commercial sex workers, drug users, prisoners, truck drivers and blood recipients, show a generally low level of knowledge about HIV/AIDS and its transmission. (Khwaja et al. 1997) Qidwai�s (1996) study of 188 men ages 18-30 in Karachi reveals that lack of awareness/information is not confined to high-risk groups of men: 41 percent of respondents did not know that condoms offer protection from STDs and 30 percent did not know that an otherwise healthy person can still transmit an STD. Ignorance levels were higher among the lower socioeconomic and less-educated respondents.

    Among adolescents interviewed in Chanessar Goth, Karachi (151 male and female respondents ages 11-19), most had heard of HIV/AIDS and knew it was fatal, but only 23 percent knew that sexual activity was a mode of transmission. (Aahung 1999) Only 31 percent knew that using a condom reduces the chance of acquiring AIDS. Raoof Ali�s findings from 37 discussion groups with men in rural Punjab also confirm that there is lack of knowledge and information about STDs, particularly regarding the role of condoms in protecting against infection. (Raoof Ali 1999)

    There was an interesting gender differential in the Aahung study findings regarding knowledge about general STDs: 44 percent of 71 males interviewed said that sexual activity was a mode of transmission while only 11 percent of 80 females interviewed could correctly state the same. Twice as many boys as girls knew that sexual activity was a mode of transmission of the AIDS virus.

    The low level of awareness and information regarding AIDS in Pakistan has been attributed to a complex set of factors; these include urbanization, migration, exploitation of women, and the legal framework surrounding marriage and sexuality. (Hyder and Khan 1998) These are the same factors that put people at risk for contracting the disease, particularly the young and disempowered. (Ahmed 1998) The stigma of STDs and taboos surrounding sex education both cause and reinforce current ignorance.

    Policy and program interventions have been slow to respond effectively to the potentially dangerous levels of ignorance and high-risk behavior in Pakistan. For example, because of a government ban on the use of television and radio for raising AIDS awareness, the first condom advertisement did not appear until March 1994, after the official stance was changed. (Khwaja et al. 1997) In 1999, the Ministry of Health, along with the National AIDS Control Programme (NACP), began a television campaign explicitly warning that the AIDS virus could be sexually transmitted.

    The National AIDS Control Programme (NACP) was established in 1987. It has established blood-screening centers across the country and conducted a media campaign to increase awareness; nonetheless, misconceptions and ignorance prevail among the population. Further, the problem of organizing the health sector nationwide to screen blood and to educate health practitioners about reducing risks to patients remains in the hands of separate provincial governments, because health is often dealt with at the provincial rather than the national level. The United Nations in Pakistan, led by UNAIDS and including UNICEF and UNFPA, is including education and awareness about STD/AIDS in its programs. In its upcoming program cycle, UNICEF plans give special attention to youth, in addition to high-risk groups, and to training nongovernmental and health workers in prevention and counseling techniques. (UNICEF 1998b)

    The nongovernmental sector has taken up the challenge of raising awareness about STDs/AIDS among various groups in society, which would include adolescents to some extent. For example, the AIDS Awareness Programme run by KRHP in Karachi works in secondary schools to educate male and female students about sexuality and reproductive health issues. FPAP�s Girl-Child and Male Youth Programmes include modules about STDs/AIDS in their workshops with adolescents and more comprehensive information on these issues will be shared during the upcoming JEAT program. BAIA, a small NGO based in Islamabad, has developed a comprehensive training manual for raising awareness about HIV/AIDS in communities and schools. Other IEC material produced by organizations working on reproductive health issues, including an upcoming reproductive health manual to be used in UNICEF programs, contains HIV and STD information, but this material is not being specifically used for young people and does not necessarily address their immediate concerns.

    The best way to reach adolescents and equip them with the knowledge to protect themselves is through the media and the educational system, both of which are constrained by an official refusal to inform the public about sexual issues. This refusal arises out of a fear that is rooted in a combination of tradition and religious interpretation and is reflected in state structures and institutions throughout the country. The result is that reproductive health information is made available only through a small number of nongovernmental organizations or individual health practitioners, both of which have limited outreach.



  • PAKISTAN INTERNATIONAL PEACE & HUMAN RIGHTS ORGANIZATION
    P.O NINDO SHAHER DISTRICT BADIN SINDH PAKISTAN
    POSTAL CODE NO:72250
    PHONE NO:092-227-720227
    Email: [email protected]
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