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The following article appeared in Missionalia, the journal of the Southern African Missiological Society.

For more articles from Missionalia, see the articles index.


by Joan Millard2

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This article sketches the circumstances leading up to the 1921 Bulhoek tragedy in which 163 Israelites, followers of the prophet Enoch Mgijima, were killed in a violent confrontation with police. It surveys Mgijima's early Christian career, first in the Methodist Church and later in the Church of God and Saints of Christ, before his millennial visions led to the formation of his own movement. It then describes the circumstances of the land dispute at Ntabelanga, the refusal of both sides to compromise, and various reactions to the tragedy. The article ends with a conclusion on historical interpretation and the contemporary relevance of the event.


There are some similarities between the events described in this article and those at Waco, Texas, in the 1990s, where US government forces besieged the property of the Branch Davidians, led by David Koresh. Both religious groups were offshoots of the Seventh-Day Adventists, and both were besieged by government forces with a large loss of life. The paper was first readf beofre the Waco siege had taken place, but the parallels are interesting.

And I heard a voice from Heaven
It was a sound of woe
And God Himself shall dwell with us
In that city here below

(Israelite Hymn – Edgar 1988:13)

In his book, Because they chose the plan of God, Robert Edgar (1988:38) quotes Nelson Mandela as saying:

South Africa is known throughout the world as a country where the most fierce forms of colour discrimination are practised, and where peaceful struggles of the African people for freedom are violently suppressed. It is a country torn from top to bottom by fierce racial strife and where the blood of patriots frequently flows.... Almost every African household in South Africa knows about the massacre of our people at Bulhoek in the Queenstown district where detachments of the army and police, armed with artillery, machine guns and rifles, opened fire on unarmed Africans.

I want to suggest that the tragic course of this event, where nearly 200 people were killed, came about because of the attitudes prevailing at the time, ignorance of the customs of others and intransigence on the part of all the leading figures who considered that they were in the right.

Enoch Josiah Mgijima, the leader of the Israelites, was born at Bulhoek in 1858 (Edgar 1977:17), the son of Josiah Mgijima, a Mfengu peasant. Josiah Mgijima was born during the time of the mfecane and his family were part of one of the Hlubi groups that had to flee Natal. This group eventually found a home among Hintsa's Gcaleka Xhosa. According to Xhosa tribal tradition they were helped to replenish their herds and eventually became an independent group. Josiah Mgijima and his family followed the Wesleyan minister John Ayliff and settled near Fort Beaufort (Edgar 1977:19). This must have been in about 1848, the year in which Ayliff was sent to Fort Beaufort and again came into contact with the Mfengu. Previously Ayliff had travelled with the tribe in 1835 when they were given land within the Colony (Hinchliff 1971:5). Mgijima snr. was one of Ayliff's converts so he joined the Wesleyan Methodist Church. His whole family as they grew up became members of this church.

By the time that Josiah Mgijima decided to move to Ntabelanga near Queenstown he was the owner of many sheep and cattle as well as many goats and horses. However, at this stage he had no sons and longed for a male heir. He climbed to the top of the mountain and prayed: "God you have given me these sheep, cattle, goats and horses but I have no boy among my children" (Edgar 1977:21). His prayer was answered. His next four children were male – Josiah, Timothy, Charles and Enoch. Enoch later became the leader of the Israelites and Charles his right-hand man. As the story of the answered prayer was re-told in the family circle, Ntabelanga became a place where God heard the prayers of his people when they called on him in their time of need.

Kamastone, of which Bulhoek and Ntabelanga were part, was an over crowded township where most of the people struggled to make a living. In the report of the Natives Land Commission (1916), Mr A C Bain, the Queenstown magistrate, described Kamastone as "overcrowded, certainly with stock and fairly crowded as regards population." Ema Makalima, a resident of Kama stone, described the village in the same report in more succinct fashion: "I shall be brief. The main thing is this; that the 'natives' of Oxkraal (a neighbouring village) and Kamastone are packed like sardines; they cannot move" (Edgar 1977:24). This helps to explain the consternation of the non- Israelites and the authorities when numbers of strange people moved into the area to join the Israelites.

The Kamastone schools had classes to Standard 3. Josiah Mgijima encouraged his sons to study further. Three of them went to Lovedale Institution in Alice and then to Zonnebloem College in Cape Town. Timothy and Josiah served as interpreters in Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia), while Charles, before joining the Israelites, was a court interpreter and school- teacher. Only Enoch, because of headaches that recurred each time he went to Lovedale, never went beyond Standard 3 (Edgar 1977:24). He became a farmer and hunter. He also became a Methodist lay preacher.


After the establishment of Union in 1910 African political leaders began to realise that Union had not brought an end to discrimination. In January 1912 Pixley Seme called a meeting of Chiefs and representatives to be held in Bloemfontein. This meeting gave birth to South African Native National Congress (Davenport 1978:177), which later became the African National Congress. In April 1912 Tengo Jabavu set up his own South African Races Congress. These groups were followed by other African nationalist move ments and traces of this nationalism can be seen among the Israelites too. Although the Native Affairs Commission stated that "the Israelite is not of it self a political movement" (Daily Dispatch 1921:16), any black nationalist movement at the time was viewed as potential rebellion. Members of Independent Church movements were seen as agitators (Cochrane 1987:127).

Various events in South Africa set the stage for what was to happen at Bulhoek. In 1910 Halley's comet had swept across the sky. Enoch Mgijima was inspired by the comet and even said that he had predicted its coming. In 1913 the Native Land Act forced African share-croppers off white farms and divided South Africa into black and white areas. Through this law whites kept the best of the land and Africans found it more and more difficult to make a living off what was left (Edgar 1988:6). Both the quantity and the quality of land available to black people were to play a part in the Israelite struggle.

Those post-Union years saw a proliferation of Independent Church movements. The reasons for the formation of Independent Churches include political factors such as colonialism or imperialism,3 which resulted in paternalism. Paternalism was an established way of life among the people of the British Empire. Racial discrimination was another factor that played a negative role (Oosthuizen 1968:9).

Verryn (1971:17f) and Lea (1925 :49f) mention a desire for leadership or status, discipline and personal ambition as further factors. The need to preserve African culture also played a part. All these reasons can be identified as causative factors in the community set up by the Israelites.


Enoch Mgijima served as a local (lay) preacher and later as an evangelist in the Methodist Church (Edgar 1977:25). At that time he began to have millennial visions, which were not in accordance with Methodist doctrine. As a local preacher he was under the supervision of the Chairman of the Queenstown District, under whom the church at Kamastone fell. He would have been expected to adhere to the doctrines of the Methodist Church as laid down in the "Laws and Disciplines" of the Church. When he no longer felt that he could comply with these rules he left the Church of his own free will. He may have found the conservative teaching which excluded the visions he was experiencing too restricting. After his vision he felt that God was calling him to be a leader. With his lack of education he could not aspire to the ministry or to any post as a leader, while as a successful evangelist he had a large number of followers.


On 19 April 1907, while out hunting game, Mgijima had a vision. He saw three mountains of different heights, which signified to him that some people would receive him immediately, some reluctantly and others with difficulty. He saw an angel who told him about a coming war, when only the faithful would be saved (Edgar 1977:26). Mgijima felt that he was unworthy to be a prophet and called himself a drunkard and a sinner. In 1910 when he saw Halley's comet he felt inspired and knew that he was indeed a prophet. He felt called to proclaim a return to the ancient religion of the Israelites. Many people began to follow Mgijima and the Moravian missionaries at Shiloh asked him to preach for them. When a number of their mission converts began to follow Mgijima the Moravians asked him not to return. This was in 1912.(Edgar 1977:28)

Enoch Mgijima then joined the Church of God and Saints of Christ (CGSC). This church was founded in 1896 by a black American, William Crowdy, who claimed that black people were descended from the lost tribes of Israel and were actually Jews. This theory had gained some acceptance in South Africa. Magema Fuze, a Zulu writer, said in 1922: "There are some of our people who are in the habit of reading the Scriptures and who have come to the conclusion that we black people come from the people of Israel" (Fuze 1979:9). Crowdy taught that wine was forbidden at the Lord's Supper – unleavened bread and water were to be the symbols of the Eucharist (Edgar 1977:35). Mgijima retained whatever he found good in the worship of the churches to which he had belonged – he never lost his love of hymn singing learnt as a Methodist and he retained the form of the Eucharist favoured by the Church of God.

Mgijima's contact in the CGSC was John Msikinya, a Mfengu who had earlier also been a Methodist lay preacher. They met in 1912 and Msikinya appointed Mgijima as chief evangelist. Mgijima's visions continued, to the distress of the CGSC, and he was "discommunicated" in 1919 and asked to leave the church. However, he retained the Old Testament emphasis that he encountered in the doctrines of the CGSC in his own teaching. He placed special emphasis on the Passover, which had to be celebrated at Ntabelanga each year.


Millenarian movements expect a world in which the whole human race is fully integrated and free from oppression. These movements usually emerge from crises in traditional life and structures, especially among the most poor, disoriented and therefore powerless (Cochrane 1987:229). The community at Ntabelanga were poor and had suffered the ravages of drought and swarms of locusts. Mgijima predicted that the world would end by Christmas Day 1912, when 30 days of rain would begin. As a result, his followers did not work or plant crops. When the world did not end they were poorer than they had been before the prediction (Edgar 1988:11).

Two millennial visions led to Mgijima's "discommunication" from the CGSC. The first was a vision of two goats (rams) and a male baboon fighting. Then "the baboon caught up to them, seized the two of them and broke them and took the lead." Later he explained that there would be a war between the whites (the goats) and the blacks (the baboon) which would be won by the Africans (Edgar 1977:42). This could be an allusion to the creation fable quoted by Fuze (1979:11), in which the first person was a baboon.

The second vision was in 1920, when Mgijima had a vision of children lying on their backs kicking their feet in the air, which he later interpreted to refer to the Bulhoek tragedy. In the same year he had a "call" while on a hill- top overlooking his home. He was to summon all his followers to Ntabelanga. Sundkler (1976:315) says that mountain-top experiences are inspired by the feeling of being near to God and that time spent in this way is spent in fasting and purification. By then Mgijima as a leader had satisfied all the require ments for being recognised as a prophet and "diviner." His status as prophet and bishop was undisputed among his followers. He was called "watchman" and "kintsela" (wise-man) as well.


It is important to realise that the authorities considered that they had acted with great constraint. A number of incidents led up to the tragedy on 24 May 1921. In the account given by the Daily Dispatch, Ntabelanga was described as having brick houses with thatched roofs – the largest being occupied by Enoch Mgijima. He had built his house on the Commonage (Crown Land). The land which the government had given to the people for building their houses was swampy ground, a fact which even Mr Nightingale, Super intendent of Kamastone, admitted (Daily Dispatch 1921:5). Mr Gladwin, the previous Superintendent had, in 1917, given permission for a few temporary huts to be built on this Commonage. He had even tried to procure land for the Israelites. Two months before the Bulhoek incident he wrote to the Secretary of "Native Affairs" to ask that they should be given "say two morgen of land for the erection of their Tabernacle which land they could treat as holy..." (Sundkler 1976:316).

More and more Israelites moved to Ntabelanga to be near the Prophet and to await the Passover, which kept being postponed to a later date. To the authorities, however, this was illegal squatting on Crown Land. The Super intendent of Locations held a meeting in June 1920 to ask why so many "strangers" were living at Ntabelanga. Some of the people had even sold their possessions elsewhere to join the Israelites. Mgijima promised that they would all leave after a service on 18 June 1920, but this did not happen. Summonses were issued and ignored. Assurances were given that the strangers would return home but instead the numbers at Bulhoek increased and more houses were erected on Crown Land in defiance of the authorities. During a general census in 1921, these settlers refused to give their names to the officials, saying that God knew who they were (Daily Dispatch 1921:6). To the authorities, all the promises made by the Israelites were broken. The Israelites, on the other hand, considered the requests unreasonable.

The dispute over land continued throughout 1920, without either side giving way. The Israelites became more and more aggressive and a large police force under the command of Major Hutchins was camped at Queenstown. By that time the Israelites had begun to arm themselves (Daily Dispatch 1921:9).

On 14 December the "Mattushek affair" took place. Three Israelites who said that they had come to buy fodder on a farm were thought to be trespassing and were shot at by the farmer and his foreman. One Israelite got away, John Kelenjane was wounded and Charles Dondolo was killed. He was later to be called a "saint" by the Israelites (Daily Dispatch 1921:10). The police took a statement from Kelenjane and several of the Israelites, including Charles Mgijima, were subpoenaed to appear in court. They saw no reason to do so and refused. This meant that the case against Mattushek and his servant Klopper had to be deferred more than once.

The authorities became exasperated and released the following notice:

The Government desires it to be known that, while it has treated the childish claims of the natives in the district of Queenstown calling themselves Israelites with patience and indulgence in the hope that commonsense and intelligence may prevail over folly and superstition, yet it will not tolerate any defiance in the course of the law (Daily Dispatch 1921:11).

Each time officials like Mr Nightingale, the Superintendent, and Dr Cranke, the District Surgeon, tried to approach Ntabelanga they were turned back by armed Israelites. The Israelites would not allow the officials on "holy" ground and the latter felt they were being prevented from doing their duty.

At the time of the final confrontation (24 May 1921) a massive force of policemen under the command of Colonel Truter was camped at Queens town. Both sides continued to negotiate, but without giving in. Mgijima asked to speak to General Smuts, but he was unavailable. He did advise, though, that violence should not be used (Sundkler 1977:285). Both sides started preparing for battle when it became apparent that neither side would give in. When the time came they drew up in military formation. Although the Israelites were only armed with "broad-bladed assegais, knobkerries and knives," they did have a few guns, as the police were to discover later (Daily Dispatch 1921:21). The police were well armed and their weapons included a machine-gun. The Israelites were given a chance to turn back, but they replied "We will fight and Jehovah will fight with us" (Daily Dispatch 1921:23). Enoch Mgijima told his followers that the bullets of the white men would turn to water so they should not be afraid.

The Israelites fought with great bravery and many continued fighting even when they had been wounded. After the battle it was discovered that Mgijima himself had been hiding in one of the huts, where he was taken prisoner (Daily Dispatch 1921:29). During the battle the women and children remained in the Tabernacle to pray. Afterwards Mr Barrett, Secretary for "Native Affairs," told the survivors that he had "great sympathy" for the Israelites but that their religion had led them to break the law. The unauthorised huts were duly demolished (Daily Dispatch 1921:29).


From the outset of his preaching career, but especially after his vision, Enoch Mgijima was seen as prophet and leader. His followers held him in great respect. His brother Charles was the spokesman of the group.

It was difficult for the Israelites to understand why they had been given swampy land on which to build their houses. Before the Land Act (1913), Enoch Mgijima's family had lived peacefully at Ntabelanga. To him it was Holy Ground, the place where God had heard the prayers of his father, Josiah Mgijima. He maintained that the land belonged to Jehovah and not to the Government. His faith is expressed in the words that he wrote to Col. Truter just before the battle: "I understood that you, Sir, were coming out with an adequate force and if resisted will deal drastically with (us). We are here praying to the God of our Fathers. Therefore we do not believe that Jehovah will allow it" (Daily Dispatch 1921:20).

It was difficult for the authorities to understand why Charles Mgijima refused to allow the witnesses to testify at the trial of Mattushek and Klopper. As a former court interpreter he knew that the two men could not be convicted without the Israelites' testimony. It is possible that he had grown tired of the complicated legal process and also that he had no faith in the outcome of the case. The authorities did not appear to understand the grievances of the Israelites.

The Israelites had argued their case with the authorities on a number of occasions, maintaining throughout that they were answerable only to God. When the time for the battle came the Israelites seemed resigned to the inevitable. Mgijima prepared his people with prayers and preaching in the Tabernacle, where the women and children supported those fighting with prayer. The outcome was tragic. In the massacre, 163 died, 129 were wounded and 95 – including Enoch and Charles Mgijima – were taken prisoner (Daily Dispatch 1921:28).


Reactions to the massacre were widespread and differed greatly. John Dube was quoted in the Kokstad Advertiser of 17 June 1921 as saying: "When we consider that Enoch and his followers were not breaking any law of the land, but only a location by-law regulating the number of huts which may be built on an allotment the tragedy suggests a sad mishandling of a serious situation" (Edgar 1988:36). John Tengo Jabavu wrote that "if Governments were wise they would closely watch movements with this root of bitterness before it becomes prosperous as Mgijima's at Ntabelanga" (Imvo Zabantsundu 31 May 1921, in Edgar 1988:36).

In Parliament John X. Merriman said in debate that "anybody who studied it saw that it was a very dangerous thing indeed. The idea was that Africa was for the Africans, that Africans must combine and sweep the white man out of the country" (Edgar 1977:2).

The incident was reported in overseas papers too. The Times of London's Cape Town correspondent reported on 23 May 1921: "Active measures to deal with the situation began today when police columns moved to selected positions, and these will advance tomorrow" (Times 25 May 1921). This represented a military solution to a cultural problem, but it was an understandable attitude, since the correspondent felt that: "The government's extreme anxiety to avoid any serious trouble is shown by its prolonged forbearance" (Times 25 May 1921). On 26 May the attack was described for the readers but the report made sure that the blame was laid at the door of the Israelites: "The authorities had exercised considerable patience, being most anxious to avoid bloodshed. An ultimatum was sent to the fanatics before any police concentration took place, but Enoch replied in a evasive and rambling letter that he would not move unless Jehovah ordered" (Times 26 May 1921). Four days later the paper reported: "The government (British forces in South Africa) is perfectly prepared to appoint a commission if the facts disclosed at the forthcoming inquest indicate that such a course is desirable" (Times 30 May 1921).

In 1922, partly as a result of the Bulhoek tragedy, the Union Government appointed the Native Churches Commission to investigate the Independent Churches. This Commission was part of an investigation into African nationalism, as "the Church Separatist movement symbolises the general ambition of the Bantu for liberation" (Lea 1925:11). The South African Native Affairs Commission (SANAC) was asked to investigate the Israelite move ment as part of the whole Ethiopian or separatist movement. The Report, tabled in 1925, gave an account of the incident which treated the Israelites as part of this broader movement.

The reaction from the churches may be seen from the remarks of two clergymen, an Anglican and a Methodist. The Anglican, Archbishop William M. Carter (1909-1931) felt that the massacre was the inevitable result of threatening behaviour against the government (Cochrane 1987:128). The Rev Allen Lea, in his comment on the Report of the SANAC, called the Israelites "a branch of a fanatical politico-religious body from America" whose leader Enoch, the prophet, had promised his warriors that "the white man's bullets would be turned to water" (Lea 1925:16). He called the whole incident a "disturbance" (Lea 1925:13).

At the International Missionary Conference held in 1925, Professor W.M. Macmillan of Witwatersrand University noted that "the fears of whites have little regard for desperate African needs." Government policy took little account of the needs of dispossessed peoples with no land of their own. Macmillan argued that "an African with a safe root in the soil has an economic base from which he can go out and work," but warned: "Without it ... he is in a danger of serfdom and on such a basis the future and the well-being of South Africa cannot be secure" (Smith 1926:156). Macmillan thereby recognised that disputes over land had been one of the key factors leading to the Bulhoek incident.


Enoch and Charles Mgijima were blamed for misleading their followers and were each sentenced to six years hard labour. They were sent to De Beers Convict Station in Kimberley (Edgar 1977:149). The movement that they began still exists in the Queenstown area. This paper began with a statement by President Mandela. History used in that way elicits an emotional response from the audience. His statement shows how events become myth or part of the historical conciousness of the people, so that only the heroic is remem bered. Z K Matthews said that "the Bulhoek massacre ... is talked about to children and so on as an incident that has passed into what we might call the political history of the people" (Edgar 1988:39). In this way events become remembered as historical narration that interprets a society's aspirations.

The Israelites were not "unarmed" in the true sense of the word, but were very poorly armed. The authorities felt that the battle was inevitable because of the many incidents of defiance that had preceded it. They expected everyone to comply with the "law of the land." Enoch and Charles Mgijima, on the other hand, felt that the Israelites should be allowed to live where they wished and worship in whatever way they wished. Obeying the authorities would have implied leaving their homes and the Holy Ground of their community. This alternative was plainly unacceptable to the Israelites.There does not seem to have been any attempt on either side to come to a com promise or a better understanding of the point of view of the other side.

While it seemed inevitable at the time, the Bulhoek incident (rebellion or massacre, depending on which side you are) was a tragedy that should never have occurred. In an address to the Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union on 23 July 1921, Selby Msimang asked:

Can we safely say – even supposing the Isrealites were wrong – that their mistakes were deliberate and without cause? The worth of a State, in the long run, is the worth of the individuals composing it. How much are we worth?... if Enoch Mgijima had ordered his proselytes to indenture their labour to the surrounding farmers of Kamastone or to give it gratis in the name of his Church, the killing and wounding of 400 "natives" would not have taken place (Karis & Carter 1977:320).


Mgijima's Israelites may be considered (in modern perspective) as a group of squatters on government land. Apart form the religious connections there have been many such incidents in modern times. In many areas squatters are still being moved from land that they have occupied. January 1995 began with a group of squatters being forcibly removed by the police from municipal ground near Matatiele. In all the cases where this has happened both the squatters and the land-owners feel that they are in the right. The story of the Israelites provides an example of what can happen when there is lack of sympathy on the side of those in authority and dogged determination by those who feel that the land should belong to them.


COCHRANE, J. 1987. Servants of power The role of the English speaking churches, 1903 – 1930. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

DAILY DISPATCH. 1921. The Bullhoek Tragedy. The full story of the Israelite settlement at Ntabelanga. East London: Daily Dispatch.

DAVENPORT, T.R.H. 1978. South Africa – A modern history. 2nd ed. Johannesburg : Macmillan.

EDGAR, R. 1977. The fifth seal: Enoch Mgijima, the Israelites and the Bulhoek massacre, 1921. Ph.D thesis, University of California.

EDGAR, R. 1988. Because they chose the plan of God. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.

FUZE, M. 1979. The Black people and whence they came. Trans. by H.C. Lugg. Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press.

HINCHCLIFF, P. (ed.). 1971. The Journal of John Ayliff. Cape Town: A.A. Balkema.

HUNTER, M. 1961. Reaction to conquest. London: Oxford University Press.

KARIS, T. & CARTER, G. (eds) 1977. From Protest to Challenge. A Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964. Volume 4. Stanford: Hoover.

LEA, A. 1925. The Native separatist church movement in South Africa. Cape Town: Juta.

NEILL, S.C. 1966. Colonialism and Christian missions. London: Lutterworth Press.

OOSTHUIZEN, G.C. 1968. Causes of religious independentism in Africa. Alice: Lovedale Press.

SMITH, E.W. 1926. The Christian mission in Africa. London: International Missionary Society.

SUNDKLER, B. 1961. Bantu Prophets in South Africa. London: Oxford University Press.

SUNDKLER, B. 1976. Zulu Zion and some Swazi Zionists. London: Oxford University Press.

TIMES OF LONDON – 25, 26, 30 May 1921.

VERRYN, T.D. 1972. A History of the Order of Ethiopia. 2nd ed. Cleveland, Tvl: Central Mission Press.


1 This is a revised version of a paper read at the 1990 NERMIC Conference held at the University of the Witwatersrand.

2 Dr Joan Millard teaches in the Department of Church History at the University of South Africa, P.O. Box 392, Pretoria 0003.

3 According to Neill (1966:11), the term "colonialism" replaced the older term "imperialism" and was used almost exclusively as a term of reproach.

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