MA'ARIV 5/28/99: "Ehud Baraq is a great believer in intimate,
professional, very hierarchical forums. Like Rabin, he looks down on all politicians and
despises the party. Already in the defeatist campaign of 1996, when he was the head of
Shim'on Peres' personal campaign, Baraq demanded keeping the politicians away and setting
up a truly professional, intimate command that will "do the work and prevent any
leaks." Peres, a party man, preferred domestic harmony (and lost the election).
Baraq works in circles. He will not have a permanent team of close advisers like the
one that Netanyahu used to convene each morning. Baraq will set up separate circles for
political, security, media, and economic issues and constantly confer with outside
advisers. Above all these, he will maintain a supreme, intimate consulting forum, and most
important of all, a family forum, which will have only two members: Ehud Baraq himself and
his brother-in-law Doron Kohen.
There is no doubt: Doron Kohen, an attorney, Baraq's wife's younger brother, is the
closest person to the prime minister-elect. They have a 20-year-old intimate relationship
founded on trust, mutual respect, and lots of joint experiences. Doron Kohen is a partner
in a medium-sized law firm specializing in high-tech and real estate and located in Bet
'Oz in Ramat Gan. He lives with his family five minutes away from Ehud and Nava Baraq in
Kokhav Ya'ir.
It was no coincidence that Baraq's first visit after his election was a walk to Kohen.
Baraq and Kohen go back 20 years. Kohen, people who know him say, tells Baraq exactly what
he thinks. He is not shy to dispute Baraq's view, and tells him the truth to his face.
Baraq listens to Kohen and he is one of the few people whom Baraq really respects...
Baraq is capable of holding tiring consultations for many hours with dozens of
knowledgeable and honorable people. At the end of the day, at 1.00 A. M. , with a cigar
and a glass of whiskey on his small patio in Kokhav Ya'ir, there are two left: Baraq and
Kohen. That is where the tough, final decisions are made.
Ehud Baraq has been swimming in politics for almost five years, but in character he
remains an army man. His problem will come when he tries to run the government like the
General Staff, an attempt that will fail. As chief of staff, life is easy: you hold a
professional discussion. The people join the discussion with their views and leave with
yours. You are the commander.
As prime minister, the situation is quite different. There is no discipline, there is
no regard for rank, there are foreign and cruel political interests. Many times Baraq will
stick to his view, and find in the press the (different) views of his ministers. His
decision-making process can be tiresome.
On the other hand, he decides quickly. Ehud Baraq is short-tempered. He has no patience
for nonsense, he cannot stand wasting time on minor points. He will often cut people off,
sometimes bluntly, in the midst of a discussion, if they bore him or he thinks they are
not making a contribution. Many times he will join the discussion although he has already
made up his mind.
When he approaches a major decision, he spends time learning it thoroughly. He loves
challenges and does not leave anything to chance. He wants to know everything and quickly.
When he makes a decision, he does not hesitate. On the other hand, when he realizes he has
erred, he will not hesitate to recant. And if there is a need, to admit his mistake.
Baraq now has to set up a bureau. He has 10 candidates for each job. All those who
followed him into the political wilderness (and there are many), all those who contributed
to his victory, all those who saw themselves as part of Baraq's mechanism (at least half
the country), or who voted Baraq (over half the country) are waiting for an appointment.
This week, the prime minister-elect's close advisers tried very hard to keep themselves
out of the speculation.
When Baraq sees one of his assistants in the newspaper as a candidate for a certain job
he immediately notes this (and perhaps even rules him out). "Do me a favor, leave me
out of your article," one of his people pleaded with me this week. One aide asked,
almost in tears, to be quoted as "refusing to cooperate."
Baraq's people are prepared for anything as long as they are not marked by the boss as
cooperating with the media or leaking rumors about themselves. They do not have a clue
about what is happening. They know that Baraq will decide their fate.
Yoni Koren, Hayim Mandel, and 'Omer Bar-Lev are competing for the job of bureau chief
(that Baraq intends to turn into a chief of staff). The three are generals (Koren and
Mandel are rivals, each was head of Baraq's bureau when he was chief of staff), The three
are talented and want the job. The surprising (and excellent) appointment of Yosi Kucik as
director general of the Prime Minister's Office has changed things (they also saw
themselves as candidates for that job).
Baraq showed that he does not do favors to those close to him and that he has no
intention of surrounding himself with generals. Kucik understands economics and politics
and is a purely professional appointment. Baraq intends to set up lots of positions in his
bureau.
According to his concept, the prime minister is the supreme director general of the
country and it is inconceivable that he will function with only a small coterie of
assistants. His model is the White House, and therefore he will call the head of his
bureau "the chief of staff."
On the issue of the media, Baraq intends to carry out a revolution. He fell in love
with the structure of his campaign and will try to turn the media into a separate
department in his bureau. The structure will be hierarchical, disciplined, with clear
plans and a single aggressive message that will be formulated on a daily basis.
A candidate for the job of head of the media department is Moshe Ga'on, for whom Baraq
has special appreciation. He will be assisted by spokespeople Merav Percy-Tzadoq and David
Zissu. At the same time, he is considering the possibility of appointing a separate
spokesman for the government, which will enable him to expand the number of media experts
around him and to departmentalize them.
In the political arena, Baraq consults with Professor Itamar Rabinovich, whom he sent
on a mission to Washington this week. But Rabinovich will soon become president of Tel
Aviv University and therefore will not be able to take an active official role in the
bureau. He will most probably be an intimate adviser and special envoy.
Alon Pincus has been Baraq's political adviser for many years. He is considered an
expert on US affairs and will almost certainly keep this role in the prime minister's
bureau. Another candidate is Dr. Tzvi Stauber (a document he composed as head of strategic
planning in the IDF [Israel Defense Forces]'s Planning Department was leaked by Binyamin
Netanyahu from the Knesset podium) is now deputy president of Beersheba University.
Other names: Attorney Yitzhaq (Buzi) Herzog is a candidate for cabinet secretary.
Attorney Gil'ad Sher, who has had an intimate relationship with Baraq, turned down a
similar offer in recent days. Yoval Frenkel will probably get a job in the party (and
serve as Baraq's long arm to supervise rebellious Ra'anan Kohen). Roni Bondi, the loyal
political adviser, will stay on for special missions.
Amir Tamari, who was head of Baraq's office, has stayed home for the past two weeks but
has not given up yet. Major General (reserves) Hagay Shalom, who was a candidate for
director general of the Prime Minister's Office, and will apparently have to make do with
a job in the Defense Ministry. Eytan Haber: Baraq's close friend is highly respected and
experienced. It is possible that he will receive an operational job as a special envoy.
Another name to remember in the political context is Giyora 'Ayni. The man who was Baraq's
"educator" when he joined Labor continues to pull the strings behind the
scenes."
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