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Fahd bin Abdul Aziz
Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz
Naef Bin Abdul Aziz
Salman Bin Abdul Aziz
Ahmad Bin Abdul Aziz
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CHECK HIS
CORRUPTION INDEX
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WHO IS BANDAR BIN SULTAN?
Bandar bin Sultan has been Saudi Arabia's ambassador to the United States
since 1984. His office is located in Washington, DC, directly across from
the Kennedy Center. As ambassador, he allegedly uses the Saudi-American
relationship to continue corruption, human rights violations, oppression
against dissidents, and governmental greed in Saudi Arabia.
Birth records do not indicate his father's identity. His mother was a
servant in the house of Defense Minister Sultan bin Abdul Aziz's, one of
the most corrupt human beings ever to live. She named Sultan as Bandar's
father, an accusation Sultan denied. Thus, Bandar grew up in the Saud
household not sure who his father was. After becoming an Air Force pilot,
Bandar appealed to King Faisal to have Sultan recognize him as his son.
King Faisal complied and Bandar officially became Sultan's son.
While studying in California, Bandar remained close to the Saud princes in
the universities there, allegedly currying their favor in order to gain
entry into the circle of the Saudi power elite. As a result of this
kissing up, Bandar was introduced to his uncle King Fahd who needed
someone to connect him directly with the US government and US businesses
(See Westland Scandal). The King trusted Bandar with that task, first as
Ambassador, then as Security Adviser. Bandar's behavior went unchecked and
uncondemned by anyone until he started dealing with political
personalities from around the world on strategic and security issues on
assignment by King Fahd.
The above information reflects comments and notes about Bandar made by
those who have dealt closely with him since 1984.
LIES
Bandar is, without exaggeration, a notorious liar. He submits to pressure
in the heat of the moment, promising what he knows he cannot deliver. Then
he lies about the other party's promises to obtain the promise he
initially convoluted. Sound confusing! This liar's game so baffled the
Syrians and the Jordanians that they allegedly asked Fahd to stop sending
Bandar as his emissary. It also stymied one of Bandar's more recent
victims, Mr. I. Richter, Chairman of Gibbs & Hill, Inc. of New York
who claims that after Bandar's repeated promises to pay $43.4m to GHI--for
services rendered in Yanbu, Saudi Arabia, during a September 23, 1994
meeting--the company still has not been paid. After further pressure by a
number of Congressmen and Senators, Bandar allegedly wrote a letter
denying responsibility for paying the claim, thus reneging on his previous
promise to pay and refuting the word of his father, Sultan, and the
correspondence of many ministers indicating that Bandar had "check
writing" authority to pay Gibbs & Hill. A very close associate of
Bandar remarked privately that "... he has collected the money from
Saudi Arabia and pocketed it expecting this matter to die, which, of
course, did not happen". If this statement is true, then GHI may
never see its money unless Bandar pays it back personally.
THEFTS
Bandar's greed knows no bounds. Following in his alleged father's
footsteps, Bandar steals from his own peers as well as from the government
coffers. Even before allegedly stealing money owed to GHI, Bandar had his
hands in other's pockets.
In July of 1988, the Saudi government, led by Sultan, signed a $40b
contract with British defense contractors to build and deliver military
hardware, including the highly acclaimed British Tornado. Saudi Arabia
would not sign the deal unless 25% was awarded to a front company
supposedly providing administrative and support services equaling billions
of dollars. That amount was added to the contract value with no losses for
the main contractor who allegedly sanctioned the deal. The front
company subcontracted the work, for a fraction of the amount they
received, to outside companies specializing in these services. The rest,
running in the billions of dollars in the case of the Tornado contract,
was pocketed by Sultan bin Abdul Aziz and his cronies, including Bandar,
who received $700 million from the deal in 1990 alone.
The $6b Boeing deal also has a front company in Saudi Arabia providing
certain services; that front company allegedly pays Bandar and his father,
Sultan, kickbacks provided by Boeing under the agreement. Boeing may not
even be aware of this. Bandar is literally robbing Saudi Arabia of its
wealth. He is above the law, accountable to no one, since the only person,
under the Saudi system, who could question such deals is none other than
Sultan bin Abdul Aziz, the Inspector General.
Every penny Bandar owns is stolen. Every single penny. Corruption is as
much a crime against humanity as war crimes and human rights abuses are
because corruption deprives citizens of their basic rights such as a
humane standard of living. There should be a tribunal against corruption,
like the UN tribunal against war crimes, to combat al-Saud corruption.
RECKLESS POLITICAL JUDGMENTS
Bandar has reached power simply because he has Fahd's favor. Bandar is
known to be immoral and dishonest. Such is Bandar's everyday behavior with
politicians, Saudi students, other royal and non-royal Saudis, and
military personnel in the US and in Saudi Arabia, many of whom have come
to disrespect him totally. Despite what many people think, Bandar is not a
shrewd politician or a deal maker. His first move is almost always wrong.
Because of lack of common sense, he is not on the inside track of
unofficial advisors to President Clinton as he was with the three previous
presidents, and the U. S government is reassessing its alliance with the
kingdom. In the wake of the June bombing in Dhahran, Clinton is getting
advice from two quarters. One side says that Saudi Arabia is the strategic
linchpin of the area therefore, the U. S. must cultivate goodwill with the
royal family at all costs. On the other hand, the royal family is a brutal
oligarchy. The poor human rights record, widespread corruption among the
ruling power, and appalling conspicuous consumption by the wealthy while
real income for the rest of the Saudis has fallen from $14,000 a year in
1982 to $4,000 today. Government advisors are comparing the slate of Saudi
Arabia to that of Iran right before the Shah’s fall. As ambassador, it
is Bandar's job. To convince the U.S. that the Saudis are worth
supporting, and he has done so any way he could.
In his first eight years as Ambassador, his advisers spent all of their
time fixing his blunders. Today, his mistakes are of a different kind. On
many occasions, and especially after the $6b Boeing deal, Bandar boasted
to everyone about his "closeness" to Katherine Graham, the
respected Washington Post Chairwoman, until a long article about Saudi
government corruption which implicated Bandar in various scandals appeared
on Tuesday, January 2, 1996, in the Washington Post.
Another typical blunder happened just recently when Bandar divulged to Mr.
Michael Dobbs of the Washington Post--through Mr. Adel Jubair, one of
Bandar's advisers--that Clinton was behind Saudi Arabia financing a $300m
arms sale to Bosnia against a UN-led arms embargo. Everyone in Washington
knows that Bandar is playing a political game of influence that he cannot
pull off. He is trying to bring the Clinton Administration down and bring
his Republican friends to the White House. Thus, day after day, Bandar is
piling up more and more enemies waiting for the right moment to bring him
down hard. One idea floating in the deep corridors of Washington is to
strip him of the money he has stolen.
Recently though, Bandar brought the wrath of his family upon him when he
set up a meeting between Louis Freeh, head of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (F.B.I.) and his uncles, King Fahd and Prince Naef, Minister
of Interior and therefore Freeh’s counterpart. Several members of the
royal family were livid, because they viewed it as an admission that the
Saudis could not handle their own affairs. This kind of blunder is slowly
burning Bandar in Saudi Arabia. The fact that he is viewed as his uncle
the King's favorite nephew subjects him scrutiny and enmity by jealous or
aggressive third generation princes.
When the Yemen war was raging last year, Bandar fingers could be
found when Saudi Arabia delivered sophisticated jet fighters to South
Yemen. Orders by Prince Sultan with Bandar's approval saying that the
United States backed the move to bomb US oil installations in the North of
Yemen that were under dispute between Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Those oil
installations were owned and operated by Hunt Oil of Texas. Martin Endyk,
the Australian born member of the security council called Bandar himself
and gave him the official line of the US government and their disapproval.
The telephone conversation became so heated, it is reported that Endyk
told Bandar that he will seek to remove him as Ambassador to the United
States and called him a liar several times during that conversation. The
enemies that Bandar has made are so many that one day, he will be a wanted
man chased around the world just like Noriega was. His crimes against the
Saudi people and the Saudi economy are being watched very closely for that
day of atonement.
FRIENDS IN SHADY PLACES
A friendship with Bandar is likely to yield millions in commissions. Just
ask Wafic Said in London. He met Bandar and his half brother Prince Khaled
through their father Sultan bin Abdul Aziz (Wafic Said’s son was drowned
in one of Prince Sultan’s palaces and Sultan took him under his wings).
Bandar, Khaled and Said often dined in a restaurant, the Caravanserai in
Kensington. They put him to work immediately as their front men and soon
became one of their most important middlemen for the arms deals which have
enriched the royal family already full coffers, setting up meetings
between the royal family and companies like Raytheon and people like
Margaret Thatcher. Wafic Said convinced Bandar to deal with Thatcher on
the $40 billion Al-Yamamah contract; the Saudis had long been thinking
about buying from the French through TAG, another front company. To close
the deal, Wafic Said had use of Bandar’s British estate, Glympton, for
his hunting parties.
Mark Thatcher. the prime minister son, who is said to have personally
benefited from the Al-Yamamah deal, is an honored guest at Glympton. Mark
introduced Bandar to the prime minister when they dined at Chequers.
Bandar is also a friend of Jonathan Aitken, the infamous MP from London,
who has fronted or Mohammed bin Fahd as well. Aitken was a Director of
BMARC, a defense company. He was chosen because of his connections to the
Saudi royal family. Aitken invited Gerals James, chair of Astra, BMARC's
parent company to come to Geneva. "The purpose of the invitation to
Geneva." James stated, "was to meet Prince Khaled and Bandar,
Wafic Said, Al-Athel and any other royal who was going to be there."
(New Statesmen and Society, June 23, 1995)
THE KHILEWI SCANDAL
When it comes to protecting the image of the royal family, Bandar can play
it tough when he has to. In 1994, Mohammed Khilewi, a Saudi Arabian
diplomat, defected to the U.S. after receiving threats from Bandar
(another blunder). Apparently, during Khilewi’s tenure in the Saudi
foreign service, he became increasingly vocal about the corruption and
human rights abuses he uncovered during his tenure. Because of his
opposition, on May 17, 1994, he received a message from Bandar to meet the
ambassador in a room at the Watergate hotel across from the Saudi embassy
in Washington. Khilewi taped Bandar’s agent as saying "You have to
go today or your life, your wife, and your children's lives will be in
danger." Since his defection, the FBI learned of a plot to kidnap him
and take him to Riyadh where they can easily dispose of him. It is a well
known fact in the intelligence community that this the preferred method of
choice of the Saudis to deal with problems, they kidnap dissidents and the
undesirables to Saudi Arabia where they are able to dispose of the person
without the prying eyes of the world community.
Bandar has good reason to want to silence Khilewi. The former
second-in-command at the Saudi mission to the UN smuggled 13,000 documents
that reportedly show Saudi Arabia’s 20-year joint venture with Iraq to
acquire nuclear weapons, even as the Iraqis were invading Kuwait. They
also show Saudi spying on U.S. Jewish organizations, widespread Saudi
corruption and human rights abuses. He also claims to have proof of Saudi
spying on U.S. military installations inside Saudi Arabia and of Saudi
diplomats being trained to smuggle weapons and bombs.
Today, in 1997, Khilewi has been recruited by Bandar to spy on
Saudi students in the United States. Khilewi lives in New York and moves
between the circles of Saudi students claiming to be defending their
rights.
OTHER SCANDALOUS BEHAVIOR
In 1994, Bandar came under attack from Congress and Howard Teicher, a
senior political aide on the National Security Council under the Reagan
administration. They charged him with obstruction of justice and showing
contempt for the U.S. Congress. At issue was whether and how much money
was owed to Harbert-Howard Companies for work done on a construction
contract in Saudi Arabia. The Alabama firm claims that a Saudi consultant
calculated the Saudi debt to be $13.8m but the Saudis only paid $6.8m
because of a Saudi court ruling allegedly based on government coercion to
lower the amount. Teicher, the Harbert-Howard representative in
Washington, claims his firm only accepted the amount as partial payment.
He took the case to Congress where 70 members signed letters of protest to
King Fahd.
In 1993, Bandar's contempt for the small business owner came to the public’s
attention. Four years before he received 17 hand-woven Oriental rugs worth
$120,000 for the Saudi Arabian embassy which was to pay for them if it
liked them. Two years later, in 1991, rug seller Nesar Nusraty write a
letter asking for payment, a sensible move considering he was not paid in
two years. In response. Bandar sent 14 of the rugs back, uncleaned and
without paying for them. Two years later. the embassy was still using 3 of
the rugs worth $53,000. Nusraty hired a lawyer who talked to the State
Department who told the merchant that the Saudis were willing to return
the rugs. They did not ’t mention whether they would pay for them. Not
only does Bandar steal so much money from the Saudi people, but he is also
a disgrace to the sacred image of an Ambassador and to his country. This
is what the Saudi people have to deal with.
Bandar influence with government officials even influenced the U.S.
courts. An American claimed he was tortured and his wife was threatened
with rape while he worked in a hospital in Saudi Arabia because he
reported safety hazards at the hospital. He sued the Saudi in the U.S.
courts. After the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled in Scott Nelson’s
favor, Bandar wrote a letter to Secretary of State James baker III asking
for help. The Bush administration urged the Supreme Courts to overturn the
appellate decision. The Court ruled for Saudi Arabia 8 to 1.
WHEELER DEALER
Like his arms-dealer friends. Bandar brokers relationships between members
of the Saudi royal family and heads of state. Even before he became,
thirteen years ago, he used ability to project a likable image to
Westerners as his main ploy to get arms shipped to Saudi Arabia. Because
his first visits to the US were unofficial, he came under cover, with the
complicity of the federal government. President Carter had him enrolled as
a graduate student in custom-made program at Johns Hopkins School of
Advanced International Studies.
In return Bandar did favors. He let the U.S. officials use his home to
communicate intelligence on Iranian troop movements to the Iraqi
ambassador during the decade long Iran-Iraq war. He persuaded his family
members to provide millions of dollars in covert aid to Nicaragua fighting
the Sandinistas.
Before the Clinton administration, Bandar conducted government business
with US officials secretly and sealed agreements by handshakes, mainly
with CIA and Pentagon officials. Between 1984 and 1987, Bandar met with
Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger 64 times. In the 1980's. the Saudis
paid $28.4 billion for US military equipment and gave the CLA over $1
billion for its covert operations.
After the Iraqis invaded Kuwait. one official says, Bandar went on a
bulge." In two years, the ambassador made deals to buy over $26
billion of U.S. weapons including fighter jets, missiles, tanks, and
armored personnel carriers. Not even the Saudi Finance Ministry knew of
all the deals he made. The Saudis are now trying to reschedule payment for
these weapons they do not need and cannot afford.
But Bandar also kept secrets from the presidents. In 1985, he secretly
negotiated the purchase of Chinese CSS-2 ballistic missiles with nuclear
warhead capability. He negotiated the deal in Pakistan, where he claimed
to be heading a petrochemical delegation.
Sometimes he misses the mark. Part of the reason for the distance between
him and President Clinton is Bandar’s snubbing of the then Governor
Clinton. Clinton wanted a donation to help set up a center for Middle east
Studies in 1991. Bandar never met with him. When Clinton was nominated for
president, Bandar arranged to have $20 million sent to Arkansas for the
center.
The ambassador to the U.S. does not confine his activities to
the States. As mentioned above, he was instrumental in the Al-Yamamah deal
with Great Britain. His role allegedly included deciding who would get
commissions. According to Thomas Dooley, a former Marine colonel who
helped sell Sikorsky helicopters as part of the Al-Yamamah contract, in
1985, Sikorsky was approached by two agents who claimed to be representing
members of the royal family.
Both Sheik Fahd Al-Athel, who worked for Prince Mohammad bin Fahd, and
Ibrahim Al-Namlah, a front man for Fahd bin Sultan and Khaled bin Sultan,
Bandar's half brothers, wanted to get commissions for their clients. A
senior executive of United Technology Corporation, Sikorsky's parent
company, went to Bandar for the word on who to work with. Bandar sided
with his half-brothers and chose Namlah.
Anthony Sampson in an article for the times sums up the implications of
Bandar's actions in the Al-Yamamah deal. "Every big deal is seen as
an opportunity to enrich members of the royal family and to spread favors
to friends in the courts; and the total price of any project is increased
to allow for commissions.
Speaking specifically about the Al-Yamamah deal, he continues, "There
were several Saudi rivals for the spoils. A key figure was Prince Bandar .
. . who was present at the signing at Salzburg in July 1985. There was
also Prince Sultan's close friend and agent in London, Wafic Said. . .
There was also a more shadowy duo, the Ibrahim brothers, whose sister is
King Fahd's favorite wife and mother to his adored son Prince Abdul
Aziz."
HOMES AWAY FROM HOME
Bandar's watchword is "ostentation." Even as he is negotiating a
rescheduling of payments on defense contracts because the government is
supposedly running out of money, he is not afraid to spend the people's
money to maintain his own lifestyle. To keep up his image, Bandar needs
homes around the world. In Aspen, Colorado, he relaxes in the 55,000
square-foot "Hala Ranch." It is as large as the White House, and
it is just his getaway place. He has uniformed waiters to cater to his
every wish and security men to patrol the 200-acre perimeter. Bandar
claims the "ranch" was a gift from King Fahd and Prince Sultan
for his hard work in representing the royal family abroad.
The property requires its own water-treatment plant, because it has so
many bathrooms. Bandar found himself in the middle of a legal suit when he
petitioned for approval to expand the treatment facility. Maximum water
flow reached 8,300 gallons a day and the treatment plant could only handle
3,000 gallons. Karl Parrish sued to have the county court review the
state's decision to allow expansion because Bandar's plans presented the
potential for groundwater and surface water contamination.
His official home is in McLean,Virginia. When he moved in he was disturbed
to see a neighbor's house blocking his view. So for $2 million of the
Saudi citizens money the Saudi government bought it, knocked it down and
replaced it with grass. No effort is made to hide the fact that the money
of the Saudi people pay for this estate. Its recorded owner is the Saudi
government.
The government bought the original 4.02 acres for $1.65 million in 1981.
Then the main house had 15 bedrooms and nine bathrooms. In March 1993, the
government paid $4.7 million for the six acres next door and for the
26-room house that sat on the property. Bandar lives in "McLean
House," the main dwelling on the estate. It is a 38-room mansion with
a three-story addition in which a dressing room and a bathroom take up one
entire floor. A gothic-style greenhouse has been connected to the main
house. These additions give Bandar's home an area of over 40,000 square
feet.
Recently, he added a 25-space above-ground parking lot to supplement the
underground one, an outdoor tennis court, a 12 x 21 foot addition to a
five-bedroom, five-bathroom house with a racquetball court. He reportedly
has a new indoor swimming pool and a new rose garden. For outdoor
swimming, he uses the pool that came with the property the government
bought in 1993.
Mark Fetterman, one of Bandar's architects, explains the
additions. "The ambassador has had four children since moving into
the house. The expansion was carried on to support their ongoing
needs." (The Record, September 25, 1994).
Bandar has also purchased land in the Maryland suburbs of
Washington, including Poolesville, where he planned to build a mosque on
land that cost $3 million, and Barnesville, where he has an estate that
includes a horse farm.
Bandar paid 11 million pounds Glympton village so he could have a rest
stop between Saudi Arabia and the U.S. He spent 42 million pounds
refurbishing the main house and the village proper. His
"cottage" has nine bedrooms for him, his family, and guest. His
five children each have a bedroom, sitting room, and bathroom suite. The
main floor of the mansion has a large sitting room, drawing room and
library on one end and a dining room, garden hall, pantry, and servery on
the other. In the middle are the staff rooms, the security room, and the
gun room. There is plenty of wildlife on the grounds for hunting. The
basement houses a racquet-ball court, a gymnasium, a steam room, a
swimming pool, and a spa. The grounds are kept manicured. There is a deep
lake. Bathroom fixtures are made of silver and gold.
This is how Bandar spends money belonging to Saudi citizens. But in a
country where people have no say on who rules them, and no way to check
the corruption of their rulers, Bandar can spend their money any way he
pleases.
BETRAYAL
Although there are those--editors, ambassadors, politicians, businessmen,
lawyers, and bureaucrats--in Washington who think Bandar's attention and
friendship is important to advancing their status, others--victims of his
lies, fraud, deceit, and betrayal--have learned to be wary of any contact
with Bandar. Mr. Robinson has dealt with Bandar on several occasions.
Robinson, a Washington lawyer, has filed a lawsuit against the Saudi
Government (See Westland Scandal) for fraud, bribery and breaking the law
under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. He accuses Bandar of paying off
contractors and executives to ensure that the Black Hawk Sikorsky
Helicopter contract sale would go through to Saudi Arabia via the Yamamah
project (See Yamamah Scandal). Based on his contact with Bandar, Robinson
will tell you that the ambassador does not care about his
reputation.
Recently, Bandar made a mockery of his position as Ambassador when he
flagrantly questioned whether Israel was a democracy on ABC with David
Brinkley. For a totalitarian regime like the one functioning under al-Saud
to question a country whose vibrant democracy is creating economic
opportunities and higher standards of living for their people tells us
exactly the medieval and feudal system that still persist in Saudi Arabia
under the leadership of people like Bandar bin Sultan. Bandar wants to
hold on to absolute power as long as he can but time is running out.
Bandar does not even care about his reputation among his peers in Saudi
Arabia, either. He is reportedly amassing information for a huge
intelligence file on those he fears are enemies and obstacles to his
advancement, like Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi Minister of Foreign
Affairs and son of late King Faisal, Prince Mohammed bin Fahd who has
amassed great wealth since 1975 through corruption and fraud, Prince Walid
bin Talal, the successful tycoon, and Prince Turki bin Faisal who heads
Saudi intelligence. Bandar claims to be Turki's best friend in order to
neutralize his power and access to information. Turki, in turn, has played
into Bandar's hands just to tame Bandar's back stabbing. Bandar keeps this
file secret in order to leak its contents to the media to embarrass his
enemies.
King Fahd Medical City in Riyadh awarded an operation contract to GAMA-Harvard
for the amount of SR 6billion ($1.8b). GAMA is owned by al-Athil (a
relative of the Ibrahim family and the Saudi behind the WESTLAND Scandal )
and our beloved Prince Bandar. When Prince Abdullah became King after King
Fahd yielded his powers on Jan.1, 1996, he canceled this contract and
instead tried to pay the money to Saudi farmers Bandar immediately went
into action and with the Ibrahims convinced Fahd to recapture his powers
from Abdullah which he did. Bandar's stake is $180 million in dirty money.
His Royal Highness has been playing his Washington game close to his vest.
There are very few people in Washington he needs to talk to and thus has
limited leaking news. But some news can never stay secret for long. CACSA
has learned that Bandar has been coordinating the capture and torture of
Shia'a in the Eastern Province with the Prince Naef and Prince Mohammed.
For Bandar, the foreign affairs letter carrier to get involved in internal
affairs of Saudi Arabia says either one of two things: The FBI is
breathing down his neck as their go-between in the investigation of the
al-Khobar bombing or he is about to accept a new role inside Saudi Arabia
and is being trained in the iron fist and illegal rule of al-Saud.
In December of 1997, Bandar bin Sultan threw a party at his sumptuous
address in McLean, Virginia in which the main theme was to guess the
number of karats his wife, Princess Haifa, was wearing in diamonds around
her neck. 120 guests spent their evening trying to guess something that is
so inconsequential and self-promoting that it takes the term "Nouveau
Riches" to new heights. The vanity and mind simplicity of our beloved
Bandar and future King is so overwhelming that we have decided to call
Bandar Prince Nouveau Riche.
SOURCES
 | Times Newspapers Limited Sunday Times, July 28, 1996, Sunday
Features, 998 words, Americans face
rerun of iran as Saudi wobbles, James Adams |
| COMPASS Newswire, JULY 25, 1996, THURSDAY, IN THE NEWS, 594
words, U.S. ADMINISTRATION ASSESSING ITS POLICY IN SAUDI ARABIA |
| USA TODAY, July 22, 1996, Monday, FINAL EDITION, NEWS;, Pg.
14A, 383 words Olympics TV biased Copyright 1996 Times Newspapers
Limited Sunday Times, July 21, 1996, Sunday, Features, 1229 words, A
gift for getting on in high society. |
| The Independent, July 21, 1996, Sunday, COMMENT; Page 15,
1599 words, Out of the shadows; profile: Wafic Said, Brian Cathcart
The Observer, July 21, 1996, Sunday, THE OBSERVER REVIEW PAGE; Pg. 7,
2827 words, WHO'D GIVE POUNDS 20 MILLION TO MAKE ROY JENKINS HAPPY?,
John Sweeney |
| The Washington Post, July 21, 1996, Sunday, Final Edition,
STYLE; Pg. F01, 6431 words, BEEN THERE, DONE THAT;
Prince Bandar, One of the Great Cold Warriors, Faces the Yawn of a New
Era., David B. Ottaway, Washington Post Staff
Writer, |
| ASPEN, Colo. Evening Standard, July 17, 1996, Pg. 21, 1400
words, Mr Fixit splashes out Mark Honigsbaum |
| The Guardian, July 17, 1996, THE GUARDIAN HOME PAGE; Pg. 3,
667 words, PROFILE: SHY FRIEND OF BRITAIN WHO LOBBIED FOR HUGE
CONTRACTS, Owen Bowcott |
| THE ARIZONA REPUBLIC, July 7, 1996 Sunday, Final Chaser,
FRONT; Pg. A2, 72 words, BILLIONAIRES CROWD OUT
MILLIONAIRES IN TONY ASPEN, STEVE WILSON, |
| Republic Columnist DAILY MAIL, May 22, 1996, Pg. 29, 2000
words, It is the perfect country house lovingly restored as only an
Englishman could. Except that it took an Arab prince and L42m to
reclaim the glory of Glympton, Paul Harris |
| COMPASS Newswire, DECEMBER 21, 1995, THURSDAY, IN THE NEWS,
1428 words, SPECIAL REPORT: FAHD'S ILLNESS SHARPENS FOCUS ON SAUDI
SUCCESSION |
| The Baltimore Sun, November 24, 1995, Friday, FINAL EDITION,
Pg. 2A, 1067 words, Prince still charming, but... ; Saudi star dims:
Prince Bandar bin Sultan bin Abdul Aziz, the Saudi ambassador, is not
the presence in Washington that he was when U.S.-Saudi ties were
cozier., Mark Matthews, |
| SUN NATIONAL STAFF DAILY MAIL, October 23, 1995, Pg. 31, 400
words, Right Said 'Mr Fixit', lets party, Nigel Dempster |
| Rocky Mountain News, October 5, 1995, Thursday, LOCAL; Ed. F;
Pg. 6A, 440 words, Affluent homeowners mired in effluent battle royal,
Michael Romano; Rocky Mountain News Staff Writer |
| The Washington Times, August 9, 1995, Wednesday, Final
Edition, Part A; WORLD; EMBASSY ROW; Pg. A12, 690 words, James
Morrison; |
| THE WASHINGTON TIMES Sunday Times, July 16, 1995, Sunday,
Features, 151 words, Old allies feel wind of change, James Adams |
| New Statesman & Society, June 23, 1995, Vol. 8 ; No. 358
; Pg. 16; ISSN: 0954-2361, 2149 words, Sword of truth? UK firm
firearms sales to Iran, Lashmar, Paul, IAC 17312304 |
| The Guardian, April 14, 1995, THE GUARDIAN HOME PAGE; Pg. 5,
894 words, HOLY WARS, SLEAZE AND BIT ON THE SIDE, Richard
Norton-Taylor |
| The Daily Telegraph, February 16, 1995, Thursday, Pg. 4, 66
words, Soley apologizes to Heseltine Press Association Newsfile,
February 15, 1995, Wednesday, PARLIAMENTARY NEWS, 1301 words, AT
WESTMINSTER TODAY |
| Press Association Newsfile, February 15, 1995, Wednesday,
PARLIAMENTARY NEWS, 103 words |
| Press Association Newsfile, January 18, 1995, Wednesday, HOME
NEWS, 557 words, NADIR STORY NOT 'ANTI-TORY
SCANDAL-MONGERING' - EDITOR, John Aston, PA News |
| The Times, October 12, 1994, Wednesday, Features, 894 words,
Arms and the middle men, Anthony Sampson Daily Mail, October 10, 1994,
Pg. 22, 1920 words, Middleman Mark and the arms deal of the century;
THE MARK THATCHER
AFFAIR, TAPES THAT ASK A L12m QUESTION ABOUT THE EX- PRIME MINISTER'S
SON, Paul Harris, Chris Brooke |
| Intelligence Newsletter, October 6, 1994, OPERATIONS; No.
249, 560 words, SAUDI ARABIA: Princes Fight It Out |
| Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy, September
30, 1994, INDICATORS ON STRATEGIC ISSUES; Pg. 3, 503 words, Saudi
Leaders Strengthen Ties, Tighten Control |
| The Record, September 25, 1994; SUNDAY; ALL EDITIONS,
BUSINESS / REAL ESTATE; Pg. R02, 576 words, MANSION REFLECTS ARABIAN
NIGHTS AND DAYS, PATRICIA DANE ROGERS, Washington Post News Service,
WASHINGTON, SAUDI ARABIA |
| The Jerusalem Post, August 31, 1994, Wednesday, MIDDLE EAST;
Pg. 5, 427 words, Saudis worried about stability after Yemeni
rebellion, DOUGLAS DAVIS, LONDON |
| Sunday Times, August 28, 1994, Sunday, Overseas news, 471
words, Asylum for the man who told Saudi secret, By Marie Colvin |
| International Herald Tribune, August 26, 1994, NEWS, 547
words, In Sensitive Case, U.S. Gives Asylum To Saudi Diplomat, John
Mintz, WASHINGTON |
| The Washington Post, August 25, 1994, Thursday, Final
Edition, FIRST SECTION; PAGE A28, 574 words, Saudi Diplomat Who
Criticized Royals Wins U.S. Asylum; Envoy to U.N. Sent Cable Opposing
His Country's Human Rights Record, John Mintz, Washington Post Staff
Writer |
| Sunday Times, July 24, 1994, Sunday, Overseas news, 1263
words, Britain's Gulf war ally helped Saddam build a nuclear bomb,
Marie Colvin |
| Los Angeles Times, July 19, 1994, Tuesday, Home Edition,
World Report; Page 1; Column 2; World Report, 1728 words,
NATIONAL AGENDA; SAUDI ARABIA'S EXILES CHALLENGE A CLOSED SOCIETY; THE
DISSIDENTS WANT THE
KINGDOM TO BE MORE DEMOCRATIC AND MORE ISLAMIC., By KIM MURPHY, TIMES
STAFF WRITER, LONDON |
| ABC NEWS, 20/20 (ABC 9:00 pm ET), June 24, 1994, Transcript #
1425-2, Package, News, 2831 words, 'The Secrets of the Kingdom' -
Saudi Terrorist Support, MUHAMED AL KALUI, Former Saudi Diplomat;
Prince BANDUR BIN SULTAN, Saudi Ambassador to the U.S. |
| APS Diplomat Operations In Oil Diplomacy, May 2, 1994, No. 5,
Vol. 27, 693 words, SAUDI ARABIA - Background of
Negotiations, 2359054 |
| Sunday Times, February 6, 1994, Sunday, Business, 1041 words,
Middle East turmoil casts cloud over oil, Irwin Steizer |
| Sunday Times, December 26, 1993, Sunday, Home news, 810
words, Labour's hound of the press chokes on an apology, Rebecca
Fowler and Claire Oldfield |
| Daily Mail, December 22, 1993, Wednesday, Pg. 11, 760 words,
NEWSPAPER SAYS SORRY FAR CASH AID SLUR ON TORIES; LABOUR PAPER PAYS
DAMAGES TO SAUDI PRINCE IT LIBELLED, Christopher Bell |
| Daily Mail, December 22, 1993, Wednesday, Pg. 11, 1867 words,
The making of the Left-wing lie which had Major seeing red; MP FANNED
THE FLAMES AS L7m FANTASY SWEPT EUROPE, Tony Gallagher and Michael
Seamark |
| The Washington Post, November 7, 1993, Sunday, Final Edition,
METRO; PAGE B1; COURTLAND MILLOY, 859 words, Calling The Saudis On the
Carpet, COURTLAND MILLOY |
| The Washington Post, September 20, 1993, Monday, Final
Edition, METRO; PAGE D3, 788 words, Poolesville Fears Effect on
Services Of Saudi Plan for Mosque, Schools, Liz Spayd, Washington Post
Staff Writer |
| The New York Times, August 23, 1993, Monday, Late Edition -
Final, Section A; Page 1; Column 1; National Desk, 2837
words, U.S.-Saudi Deals in 90's Shifting Away From Cash Toward Credit,
By Stephen Engelberg, Special to The New York Times; The following
article is based on reporting by Stephen Engelberg, Jeff Gerth and Tim
Weiner and was written by Mr Engelberg., WASHINGTON, Aug. 21 |
| The Buffalo News, August 22, 1993, Sunday, Final Edition,
NEWS; Pg. 1, 1360 words, BUFFALO GENERAL QUIETLY
PROVIDES SURGERY TO SAUDI; ROYAL FAMILY MEMBER SEEKS PROMINENT
DOCTOR'S SERVICES, By DAN HERBECK, News Staff Reporter |
| The Independent, June 27, 1993, Sunday, INSIDE STORY PAGE;
Page 16 , 2749 words, Sleaze, smears, Saudis, leaks and dodgy money;
Donald Macintyre and Nick Cohen pick through a week of accusations and
denials, By DONALD MACINTYRE and NICK COHEN |
| The San Diego Union-Tribune, April 13, 1993, LIFESTYLE; E-2,
787 words, ARTHUR SALM |
| Sacramento Bee, April 11, 1993, METRO FINAL, MAIN NEWS; Pg.
A2, 134 words REDECORATING THE EASY WAY, By Kathy Murray from Bee news
services |
| The Washington Post, April 10, 1993, Saturday, Final Edition,
FIRST SECTION; PAGE A1, 961 words, Saudi Prince Snaps Up Va. Mansion
Next Door; $ 4.7 Million House to Be Temporary Home, Peter Baker,
Washington Post Staff Writer |
| Chicago Tribune, March 24, 1993, Wednesday, NORTH SPORTS
FINAL EDITION, NEWS; Pg. 8; ZONE: N, 490 words, Court: American can't
sue Saudis Foreign governments' freedom from legal action upheld, By
Linda P. Campbell, Chicago Tribune, WASHINGTON |
| The New York Times, March 24, 1993, Wednesday, Late Edition -
Final, Section A; Page 19; Column 1; National Desk, 896 words, Court
Sharply Restricts Lawsuits Charging Abuse by Foreign Police, By LINDA
GREENHOUSE, Special to The New York Times, WASHINGTON, March 23 |
| Capital Times, March 23, 1993, Tuesday, SECOND EDITION, Pg.
3D, 287 words COURT: AMERICAN CAN'T SUE SAUDI GOVERNMENT IN U.S.,
WASHINGTON (AP) |
| The Houston Chronicle, March 23, 1993, Tuesday, 4 STAR
Edition, A; Pg. 1, 217 words, High court nixes Saudi torture suit,
Houston Chronicle News Services, WASHINGTON |
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