We "conserve" nothing; neither do we want to return to any past periods; we are not by any means "liberal"; we do not work for "progress"; we do not need to plug up our ears against the sirens who in the market place sing of the future: their song about "equal rights," "a free society," "no more masters and no servants" has no allure for us. We are delighted with all who love, as we do, danger, war, and adventures, who refuse to compromise, to be captured, reconciled, and castrated; we count ourselves among conquerors; we think about the necessity for new orders… Is it not clear that with all this we are bound to feel ill at ease in an age that likes to claim the distinction of being the most humane, the mildest, and the most righteous age that the sun has ever seen? We are too open-minded, too malicious, also too well informed, too well traveled…
- Friedrich Nietzsche
DART - Dharmapala's Rage
Folk Socialist, Radical Traditionalist, Radical Environmentalist,
anti-American, anti-Zionist and anti-Globalist Stance.

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"Having recognized the pleasure and the suffering as equal, the gain and the loss, the victory and the defeat, prepare for the combat; thus you will not commit any sin."
- Bhagavad-Gita, II-38
Aryan Dharmapala
Devanampiya Vajra Bhairava
tramples on
the anti-dharmic mongrel
 kinglet Wangchuck of Bhutan
'We are a small, religious, and independent nation. To keep up with the rest of the world, we must defend our country. In view of past invasions by foreigners, our people may have to face certain difficulties, which they must disregard..'
- His Holiness the Dalai Lama XIII


1. Bhutan
Orientations: DART Political Theses
Gen.Vajra Bhairava’s Collection of Essential Quotes
The Coming Fall of the Wangchuck Despotic Dynasty
The Raising Power: A True Bhutanese Aristocracy
King Jigme: Psychological Analysis and Reconstruction
Kinglet's Early Sexual Experience Exposed
Kinglet Jigme Speaks For Gay Rights
What the World Says About DART
What Bhutanese Say About DART
Bhutan in the Hands of a Madman: Basic Facts and Analysis
Bhutan and the New World Order
The Bhutanese Establishment and the New World Elite

2. Artis Militaris
DART Military Strategy, by Commander-in-Chief Gen.Vajra Bhairava
Gen.Vajra Bhairava the Furious Dharmapala
The Principles of War, by Carl von Clausewitz
On War, by Carl von Clausewitz
Book of Five Rings, by Miyamoto Musashi
The Art of War, by Sun Tzu
Hagakure: The Book of the Samurai, by Yamamoto Tsunetomo
Mini-manual of the Urban Guerrilla, by Carlos Marighella
CIA Guerilla Warfare Manual
On Guerrilla Warfare, by Mao Tse-tung
Grass-Roots Guerrilla, or the Art of Starting Guerrilla Warfare
Guerrilla Warfare, by Stephen G. Antonelli
Guerrilla Warfare: A Method, by Che Guevara
Irish Guerrilla, by D. M. Gould
Ultimate Survivalist Resources: Online File Library

4. Eurasia
National Socialist Germany and Tibet
The Indian National Army and the War of India's Liberation
National Socialist Nippon
The Secret of Japan's Strength
The Secret of Eurasia
Dreams of the Eurasian Heartland
Sir Halford Mackinder, Geopolitics and Policymaking
The Eurasists and the State
The Eurasist Vision
Geopolitics and the Eurasian Alternative
Russia vs. New World Order
The US and Eurasia: End Game for the Industrial Era?
The Sacral Authority of Eurasia, by Constantin von Hoffmeister
Will of our Blood, by Pavel Tulaev
Manifesto of Aryan Anti-Fascism, by Constantin von Hoffmeister
Kathmandu Blues, by Constantin von Hoffmeister

6. Integral Tradition
Akhnaton and the World Today, by Savitri Devi
Caste System, by Koenraad Elst
Conclusions, by Rene Guenon
Eastern Wisdom, by Ananda Coomaraswamy
Indian Paganism, by Savitri Devi
Joyous Wisdom, by Savitri Devi
Nature and the Unity of the Principle, by Frithjof Schuon
Notes on the End of a World, by Rene Guenon
On Jihad and Holy War, by Julius Evola
On the Dark Age, by Julius Evola
The Aryans, by Richard Hooker
The Fissures in the Great Wall, by Rene Guenon
The Hindu Doctrine of Castes, by Rene Guenon
The Perennial Philosophy, by W. T. S. Thackara
The Relation of Hindu and Celtic Culture, by D. B. Ategnatos

7. The Crisis of the Modern World
American 'Civilization', by Julius Evola
Anti-Globalist Resistance, by Bill White
European Decadence, by Julius Evola
Man-Centered Creeds, by Savitri Devi
On the Secret of Degeneration, by Julius Evola
Regression of the Castes, by Julius Evola
The Destiny of America, by Francis P. Yockey
The Illusion of Democracy, by Rene Guenon
The Lightning and the Sun, by Savitri Devi
The Revolt of the Masses, by Jose Ortega Y Gasset
The World's Mastermind, by Adrian Salbuchi
What is Noble? by Friedrich Nietzsche

8. Ecology and Animal Rights
Animal Rights in National Socialist Germany
Romantism, Nazism and Animal Rights
Congenial Spirit: Unabomber's Manifesto
The Green Nazi, antifa review of Dr. Anna Bramwell's Blood and Soil

9. Links
International Eurasianist Movement - Russia, multi-lingual
Eurasian Movement - UK
Rivista di studi Geopolitici - Italy
Regin-Verlag - Germany
Netaji Sinjasj Chandra Bose - India
Bharatiya Janata Party - India
Hezb-e Sosialist-e Melli-ye Kargaran-e Iran - Occupied Persia
Syrian Social Nationalist Party - Syria
Ba'ath Arab Socialist Party - Syria, multi-lingual
National Socialist Japanese Workers Party - Japan
Yukio Mishima Cyber Museum - Japan, English
Integral Tradition, Conservative Revolution - USA
Earth Liberation Front - International

DART Political Theses

We are saintly warriors of compassion and goodwill. Being well aware of King Jigme's many problems and pains, we are here to give him a good opportunity for resigning honorably from his office that increasingly becomes a burden far beyond his strength to bear. In case he fails to appreciate our kindness and willingly abdicate the crown, we will readily help him to leave for a while that samsaric mess of his own making and re-enter as a more happy incarnation.
                                                                   ~ Gen. Vajra Bhairava, DART Commander-in-Chief, 1999

Our Worldview

1.1. Our worldview reflects the Aryan principles, inherent to the pre-monarchist traditional Bhutanese culture, and their application to the modern-day crisis situation:

1.2. The transcendent is real.

1.3. Man's knowledge of his relationship to transcendence has been handed down from the beginning of human culture.

1.4. This is Tradition, with a capital T. Ontologically, tradition is a wider term which organically incorporates what we know as the Dharma teachings.

1.5. State and society are hierarchical and the clearer the hierarchy, the healthier the society.

1.6. The worst traits of the modern world are its denial of transcendence, reductionist vision of man and egalitarianism

1.7. Humanity exists to attain knowledge of the transcendent and to strive and accomplish heroically. The economy is only a tool to provide the basis for such accomplishments and to sustain the kind of society that permits the best to attain sanctity and greatness.

1.8. The modern Bhutanese Establishment denies this vision.

Primacy of Spirit

2.1. A fundamental part of the answer to the crisis of the modern Bhutanese society is restoration of contact with Tradition and the Transcendent. Since the main reason for the crisis is the increasingly materialistic view of life, human nature and history - revitalization can only be found in a consistently spiritual worldview. This means to fight against the pro-Western influences and restore the traditional view and holistic way of being. Since the problems are deeply rooted and have affected all parts of Bhutanese life, radical measures need to be applied.

2.2. In Bhutan, the transcendent socio-cultural order known through Tradition can only be regained by force. No price is too high to pay for it.


3.1. Traditionalism is a worldview which reverses the usual connotations of the terms "traditional" and "progressive", so that "traditional" means positive and "progressive" negative or rather, an illusion. There is indeed a progression in human affairs, but the direction is invariably one of decline, and "progressive" thus becomes a synonym for "corrupt".

3.2. The impact of Traditionalism derives from its essence. Once the modern world is understood in terms of decline rather than progress, almost everything else changes. For a Traditionalist, truth is to be found not in the future or in the trivial discoveries of natural science, but in the past.

3.3. The modern-day crisis in Bhutan is a natural consequence of the final Dark Age in which we live - an epoch identified with the Hindu final age, the Kali Yuga, where quantity reigns and quality is eclipsed. To the extent that it is possible, salvation lies in reclaiming what remains of the past from the general collapse of the present. For the whole nation, it means restoration of the quintessential primordial Volksgeist, or the spirit of the people, in its organic unity with the Transcendent and the Natural.

3.4. The concept of tradition, however, has nothing to do with peoples' mere customs of the days of old, but is understood as truths and principles of divine order revealed or unveiled to mankind.

3.5. Without a dharmic revolution as a method of purification and improvement carried on by a warrior aristocracy, even the best men will not differ in any essential sense from the ruling degenerates who have given rise to the horrors of the modern Bhutanese society, and who have acted upon the materialist and modernist conception of Life and History to please their Western masters.

3.6. We are are the only power capable of catalyzing the "revolution from above".


4.1. Hierarchy can be understood as politics based upon the principles of Tradition as a means to create a new fearless individual, a higher human and a political method embodying primordial dharmic wisdom.

4.2. Dharmic knowledge demands that one must not only deal with spiritual truth intellectually, but as a living practice. The reconstruction of Bhutanese traditional civilization needs a new aristocracy capable of achievement and sacrifice in a time of increasing spiritual and cultural mediocrity.

4.3. We categorically deny the modern concept of "equal rights" as contradictory to the very essence of traditional hierarchy. The natural right of a true aristocracy lies in their responsibility to accomplish heroically and provide people with a clear understanding of their destiny. Organic freedom of the people manifests itself in their right to follow the best individuals whose leadership rights are self-evident and traditionally sanctified.

4.4. We do not endorse dictatorship; that is, a political apparatus that functions contrary to the Will and best interests of the people, as does the present Bhutanese Establishment. Folk Socialism endorses the "leadership principle," or the idea that a nation is best governed by those most capable of guiding his fellow citizens and providing for their higher needs and wants.

Bhutanese Folk Socialism

5.1. This is is the higher manifestation of the folk-community, and its supra-individual spirit.

5.2. We seek to simultaneously embraces the folk-community and the means for its development and protection.

5.3. Our Bhutanese vision advocates dharmic rejuvenation of culture and society, integral Tradition, theocracy, hierarchy, autarchy and spiritual vitality.

5.4. We are militant traditionalists and followers of the Path of Dharmapalas and protectors of the teachings of the Buddhas. As a worldview, this is a reawakened moral perception, founded upon the eternal living truth of the supra-individual Powers as manifested in integral proto-Aryan tradition, and a reemerging manifestation of the proto-Aryan cosmology and spirituality, clear traces of which can be found in Hinduism, Buddhism and Bon religion as well as in Germanic Paganism.

5.5. We are is determinedly environmentalist, anti-American, anti-Globalist and anti-Zionist.

Conservative Revolution

6.1. As conservative revolutionaries, we subscribe to the following meaning of "conservatism" and "revolution" in European, not American, terms.

6.2. Revolution is acceptable only if it is true re-volution, a turning back to origins.

6.3. Conservatism is valid only when it preserves the true Tradition. Hence, loyalty to the bizarre socio-political order in Bhutan, that consists of irresponsible despotism, ineffective remains of feudal system and inadequate innovations, is a false conservatism, because on the level of principle, the ruling Bhutanese Establishment is nothing but a group of impostors whose rule was neither sanctified nor based on Tradition.

6.4. From the very beginning of the degenerative Bhutanese monarchy, their interests largely coincided with those of the British imperialists. Bhutanese politics of shameless servility has naturally evolved these days to the alliance with the American Globalism represented as so-called "international development" agencies (the World Bank etc). We understand that the "international development" paradigm is nothing but an updated extension of imperialism and neo-colonialism.

6.5. As such, the Bhutanese monarchy and their puppet bureaucracy apparently do not constitute a true national aristocracy and elite.

True Aristocracy

7.1. As an initiatory form of Bhutanese Folkism elite shaped in the wilderness of the forced exile, we see our mission as finding, educating and training men who could be initiated into a real warrior aristocracy, the kind of the Hindu kshatriya, to carry out Bismarck's "Revolution from above" - what Joseph de Maistre called "not a counterrevolution, but the opposite of a revolution."

7.2. Our motto is "Tradition, Hierarchy, Order". We seek no other privilege but responsibility to ensure survival of the unique Bhutanese civilization as an integrated nation and organic state.

7.3. Quality before quantity. Our purpose is far from organizing an "all-inclusive" movement, and our struggle does not depend critically on the support of the masses, by their passive nature incapable of great accomplishments.

7.4. Our strength grows from desperation. And our desperation spells "determination". It is the fuel that energizes our struggle. The past is gone forever, and we are the future.

7.5. We have grown furious and determined. We have grown meek and compassionate. We are committed followers of the Path of Dharmapalas and righteous fighters of justice and dharmic restoration. We are saintly warriors of compassion and goodwill. Being well aware of King Jigme's many problems and pains, we are here to give him a good opportunity for resigning honorably from his office that increasingly becomes a burden far beyond his strength to bear. In case he fails to appreciate our kindness and willingly abdicate the crown, we will readily help him to leave for a while that samsaric mess of his own making and re-enter later on as a more happy incarnation.

7.6. Our strength, among other respects, is in keeping in touch with the most fundamental political science. We draw our concepts, plans and inspirations from the studies of elites and their role in every society as well as traditionalist and conservative revolution theories as carried on by the great Eurasian conservative intellectuals such as Rene Guenon, Julius Evola, Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Gottfried Benn, Ernst Junger, Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, Friedrich Nietzsche, Yukio Mishima and others.

7.7. A true aristocracy ("aristos" - best, "kratos" - power) is a group whose power is ensured with their excellence. A true aristocracy is necessarily meritocracy. A true traditionalist aristocracy is spiritual, ascetic and altruistic.

7.8. It is obvious to us that nothing can be accomplished without leadership of a true elite. The Dragon Kingdom, stuck at a crossroads between backwater stagnation and modernization along the fundamentally foreign liberal lines, needs an elite to rescue it from its apparent involution into Globalization, materialism, "democratic" egalitarianism and its obsession with the banker-sponsored "development" of society and economy - and to restore a regime of order, hierarchy, autarchy and spiritual vitality.

7.9. When that elite is educated and initiated, then - and only then - a true state can be created.

7.10. A traditionalist elite is necessarily a warrior aristocracy. The dharmic warrior is not merely of this world, since he is not merely a being exercising purely material force. He is a man who has united his temporal power with the supernatural and divine, and thereby became transformed in the struggle against those who are merely degenerate opponents, men who stand for and fight on a lower and inferior plane. As Protectors of Dharma, we are not concerned with whatever temporal achievements but continuation of what is Eternal and Traditional. Such an attitude can only result in predictable final victory whatever losses are incurred, whatever setbacks may emerge. This is so because it is a battle between the Infinite and Finite, between Spirit and Matter, between Eternity and Time.

7.11. As dharmic warriors, we must unite our efforts with Higher Powers, for in so doing we will guarantee that our victory will be secured and sanctified. This unification of forces is not going to be an easy affair, for we live in the Dark Age of corruption and decay, but it is the task that must be undertaken as a sacred duty.

7.12. In the Indo-Aryan tradition, we see members of the warrior aristocracy competing victoriously in wisdom with the brahmans, and eventually becoming brahmans, or, just like other brahmans, being "those who tend the sacred flame." This confirms the spiritual character of chivalry and, in a wider sense, the warrior caste in the world of Tradition.

State and People

8.1. We maintain that the state creates the nation, not the opposite. The Volk, or people, is not the basis of a true state. Rather the state creates the people.

8.2. We reject Locke's notion of the Social Contract, where rational, utilitarian individuals come together to give up some of their natural rights in order to preserve the most important one, the right to property. We also disagree with Aristotle's idea that the state developed from the family.

8.3. We hold that the state was created from Mannerbunde, or fellowship of men, disciplined groups entered through initiation by men who were to become warriors and priests. The Mannerbunde, not the family, is the original basis of true political life.

8.4. These principles must play a decisive role in the resolution of the major ethnicity conflict in Bhutan and further progress of the Bhutanese nationhood. We have come to show political will and power and form an integrated Bhutanese nation.

8.5. Even if the overwhelming majority of Bhutanese individuals might be neither able to form a rational opinion nor take an effective action leading to formation of an integrated nation, that would not be the Will of the Bhutanese people. Paradoxically, the Will of the Bhutanese transcends their political inactivity and lack of social involvement, springing up from the very depths of Jungian "collective consciousness" as inherent to the Bhutanese.

8.6. Our vision is the manifestation of the intrinsic Will of the Bhutanese people.

8.7. As a nation, the Bhutanese people are not mere aggregates of distinct ethnic groups which can be easily excluded, excommunicated and deported at will. The formative years of our nation still continue.

8.8. Essentially, Bhutanese nation is of spiritual nature. Tradition lies in the very heart of our people. We believe in the fundamental Volksgeist, or the spirit of the people, inherent to the Bhutanese, which is marked with their strong connection with the Organic, Natural and Traditional. The only means to let the spirit re-emerge is to apply the necessary political will and power and create an organically integrated state. As a redeeming national ideology, our ideology is the manifestation of the sacred Will of the Bhutanese people.

8.9. The Will of the Bhutanese necessarily transcends "democracy" in the sense of mere vote-counting. Similarly, true interests of our people transcend both concerns of  "modernization" along the Western lines and middle-of-the-road "conservation".

8.10. The Will of our people is quintessentially present in their religions, in their Tradition, and in their worldview.

8.11. The Will of any people, Bhutanese included, is a defined-in-itself and dynamic form of mind, and as such it is a vivid presence of the transcendent, supra-individual in the world.

8.12. Our aspiration is to create true Volksgemeinschaft, or people's community, on the basis of Tradition, hierarchy, autarchy, responsible administration at home, intelligible foreign policy, and integrating course of action with regard to ethnicity.

8.13. Folk-community is everything. An individual (even a crowned one), whose interests are not in concord with the folk-community, is nothing.

8.14. Communal interests over private ones. Service before reward. This is natural democracy as opposed to the Western-styled manipulative social system.

Refugee Crisis

9.1. Approximately two-thirds of the government-declared population of 600,000 is composed of Buddhists with cultural traditions akin to those of Tibet. From a racial perspective, they are of either Tibetan or Mongol stock, while origins of the approximately third of the population, living in Southern districts, are Indo-Aryan.

9.2. The rapid growth of the Southern Bhutanese segment of the population, most of whom are Hindus, led some in the Wangchuck Buddhist monarchy to fear for the survival of their regime. Changes in Bhutan's nationality laws introduced by the Government resulted in political protests and led to ethnic conflict and repression of Bhutanese in southern districts during the late 1980's and early 1990's. Tens of thousands of Southern Bhutanese left Bhutan in 1991-92, many forcibly expelled. Approximately 100,000 Southern Bhutanese remain in refugee camps in Nepal and upwards of 20,000 reside outside the camps in the Indian states of Assam and West Bengal.

9.3. The Government maintains that some of those in the camps were never citizens of Bhutan, and therefore have no right to return. In 1998, the Government began resettling Bhutanese from other regions on land vacated by refugees in southern Bhutan. A Folk Assembly resolution adopted in 1997 prohibits still-resident immediate family members of Southern Bhutanese refugees from holding jobs with the Government or the armed forces.

9.4. We maintain that all Bhutanese nationals must be considered as citizens of Bhutan, regardless of their belonging to an ethnic group within the community. As we hold, the state creates the nation. Bhutan can survive only as an integrated nation created as a result of deliberate efforts applied by a responsible national elite.

9.5. If the crisis remains unsolved, in the future the refugees' perspective looms only as ethnic dissimilation, spiritual dissolution and social disintegration. This is our responsibility as a true Bhutanese aristocracy to lead the fight for the restoration of our people's rights.

9.6. The decade of exile has created a new generation and new attitude. 10,000 Bhutanese children have been born in the refugee camps in Nepal and India. The tens of thousands of Bhutanese refugees have produced a vanguard of nationalist revolutionaries, and we are proud to lead them into the battle.

9.7. Responsibility for any possible casualties is only on King Jigme. His immature decisions have caused this unavoidable clash. Having initiated this ethnic conflict, the King has signed a sentence against himself. Much like the heroic Palestinians, who were stripped of everything by Jews, we will fight until the very end. King Jigme's reign is condemned. As long as the monarchy stands, the camps will produce new generations of fighters.


10.1. To understand the pride of our people, one needs to consider history of the Aryan race. The nidi of proto-Aryan culture were found in Mesopotamia, Sumeria, Volga-Don region, Northern Europe, Southern Ural (Arkaim), Central Asia, Northern India, Tibet, and China.

10.2. The Aryans settled in Tibet had a highly developed civilization. Their gods, like the gods of the early Germanic people, were headed by a god known in Hindu and Tibetan Buddhist tradition as "King of the world" or "the Lama of lamas". The symbol used to identify this God was the swastika, the "symbol of the central power of the gem of Heaven".

10.3. Some scholars believe that after the local tribes of Tibetan-Mongoloid stock destroyed this advanced civilization in Tibet, the survivors fled to Mesopotamia and some went to Northern Europe forming the Sumerian and Germanic-Nordic tribes correspondingly. The remained fractions of the Aryan element in Tibet had formed racially foreign ethnical groups - mostly assimilated by our time - among which can be found Southern Bhutanese.

10.4. The German Folk Socialist scholar and explorer Ernst Schafer, who commanded the Institute for Inner Asian Research affiliated with the SS Ahnenerbe department, conducted extensive anthropologic researches during his expeditions in Tibet in 1930s - early 40s. He reported that Southern Bhutanese clearly showed the eye color (which includes blue and gray), features and skin color akin to those of Indo-Europeans.

10.5. In our time, many anthropologists hold that during the early historical period the inhabitants of Bhutan were warlike highlanders of Aryan origin. They practiced the ancient shamanism called Bon, which contributed to the development of Indian Tantra and later to Tantric Buddhism. Racially, they belonged to neither the Tibetan nor Mongoloid stock that later overran Northern Bhutan.

10.6. The early Aryans introduced a hierarchy system forming a social order based on an extent of the advancement of an individual in the involvement with the transcendent, where Aryan priest-rulers (Hindu Brahmins) were on the top level of the social hierarchy and non-Aryan commoners formed the lower classes. Hierarchical divisions led to a color-based class system being developed, known today as the caste system. The word caste was only given to the system by Portuguese travelers many centuries later, coming from the Latin word "castus", meaning "pure". The original Sanskrit for the caste system was "varna", which means color. As assimilation and integration between the Aryans and non-Aryans increased, the caste system became more and more complex, until four major divisions were created, with membership in each group dependent upon the racial characteristics of the individual.

Aryan Restoration

11.1. Bhutan succeeds to the unique Ario-Tibetan civilization, which differs radically from the Western industrial societies.

11.2. Organic freedom of the Bhutanese manifests itself in the rejection of the "development paradigm" as the liberal Western powers impose it on us.

11.3. Our inspiration is to catalyze a process of the restoration of pre-monarchy theocratic values inherent to the Bhutanese culture: order, hierarchy, autarchy and spiritual vitality.

11.4. We want to restore a prevalence of the best Aryan qualities of the Bhutanese folk-spirit: collectivism, altruism, generosity, diligence, law-obedience, discipline, courage, persistence and determination.

Crowned Impostors

12.1. In any traditionalist society, royal power is always consecrated as an attribute of the transcendent. As individuals, sacred rulers of Tradition belong to a race descending directly from the Higher Realm (the Solar and Lunar races of Kings of India, the Chinese and Japanese Emperors being immediate descendants of Gods).

12.2. The traditional world knew only divine kingship. However, nowhere in Bhutanese tradition, mythology and folklore can be found warrants for the sanctification of the Wangchuck royal dynasty.

12.3. Kings whose right to reign is not traditionally consecrated are but crowned impostors. This is exactly what has occurred in Bhutan. Bhutanese monarchy is a non-historic, anti-traditional and anti-national structure. In essence, the Wangchuck despotism is anti-dharmic.

12.4. From the very beginning, the plebeian and vendible pro-imperialistic nature of the Bhutanese monarchy was apparent - as distinct from the independent Shabdrung system of dharmic nation-conscious aristocracy.

12.5. When the last Shabdrung died in 1903, Ugyen Wangchuck artfully intrigued against oppositional Buddhist clergy to make sure that a Shabdrung reincarnation had not officially recognized. In that way, civil administration came under the control of Ugyen Wangchuck. Finally, in 1907, the fifty-fourth and last druk desi (regent of Bhutan, also known as deb raja in Western sources) was forced to retire, and despite recognitions of subsequent reincarnations of Ngawang Namgyal, the Shabdrung system came to an end. In 1907, Ugyen Wangchuck had plotted against and successfully removed his chief rival, the ponlop, or governor, of Paro, and installed in his place a supporter and relative, a member of another pro-British family, namely Dorji.

12.6. After certain special measures applied to leading Buddhist monks, government officials, and heads of important families, in November 1907 Ugyen Wangchuck was elected the first hereditary Druk Gyalpo (Dragon King, reigned 1907-26). The Dorji family became hereditary holders of the position of gongzim (chief chamberlain), the top government post. The British, wanting political stability on their northern frontier, supported the new regime and actively approved of the entire development. Thus, from the very beginning, the nature of Bhutanese monarchy was of unquestioning servitude towards the imperialistic British power.

12.7. At the beginning of the 20th century, financial cliques, whose power was strengthened into that of an issuing bank, had already taken the central position in the British Empire. Still, the Bank of England remains a private bank with foreign ownership. This is also true of the American so-called "Federal Reserve System" - in reality, it is a cohort of private banks whose ownership is overwhelming in enemy hands - e.g. Rothschild, Kuhn-Loeb, etc. This is generally true of most central banking systems in the West and the international World Bank active in Bhutan. The central bank system has been one of the chief instruments used by them to gain control over money and thus of countries.

12.8. Pro-imperialistic servitude, hypocrisy and parasitism have become the only means ensuring the survival of the plebeian Wangchuck despotism planted by the British.

12.9. In this light, it comes as no surprise that King Jigme, on the throne since 1972, has continued efforts towards social and political "modernization" along the banker-sponsored Anglo-American lines as begun by his father, King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (reigned 1952-72). Even if Jigme Singye Wangchuck is a reincarnation of a Bhutanese traditional figure – which is rather unlikely and still open to question - he is truly a personification of a proverbial Mongoloid kinglet and a master of small political games. In essence, his despotic regime is anti-traditional and hence anti-national and anti-dharmic.

12.10. We must replace the self-styled false monarchy with a nation-conscious aristocracy responsible for the continuation of the Bhutanese dharmic tradition.

Blatant Lies Exposed

13.1. Demons can very skillfully mimic Gods, but the outcome of their actions remains recognizably demonic. Do not be fooled by the demonic nature of the Bhutanese ruling elite.

13.2. The Bhutanese establishment declares their political commitment "to a strong and loyal sense of nationhood ensuring the peace and security of our citizens and the sovereign territorial integrity of our land". We insist that "strong and loyal sense of nationhood" cannot be created by expatriating from Bhutan 110 000 of its citizens and causing the severe infringement of the rights for one third of the remaining population. In the terms of official Bhutanese policy, "peace and security" seem to be provided by long-term hosting and financing the terrorist groups UFLA, NDFB, and KLO, outlawed in India who, de jure, remains the major strategic partner of Bhutan. And it is obvious that "sovereign territorial integrity" is constantly under the threat because of unsolved China-Bhutan border disputes, which are a logical effect of the infantile and irresponsible Bhutan's foreign policy.

13.3. The second propagandistic lie is Bhutan's "self-reliance". The fact is that India still fills 5/8 of Bhutan's budget. It has financed all major hydro-projects in Bhutan. It finances the entire military budget of Bhutan. In addition, Bhutan receives substantial economic aid through multilateral and bilateral channels. The repulsive World Bank and various UN agencies finance the overwhelming majority of development projects in the fundamental sectors of society and economy such as education, agriculture, livestock development, forestry, environment conservation, industry, health, children, training of bureaucracy, technical co-operation etc. In 2002, IMF has reported that Bhutan's domestic resources potentially could cover only 3/7 of its total expenditures. In actuality, Bhutan still has not lived up even to this prognosis.

13.4. On the propagandistic level, the Bhutanese establishment declares their willingness to "preserve the ancient religious and cultural heritage that has for so many centuries strengthened and enriched our lives". In actuality, we witness rapid disintegration of tradition values, social hierarchy, family, and work ethics. Corruption, avarice and downright selfishness become the trademarks of the ruling elite. Buddhist piety goes out of fashion. Leaderless, our people are left to adopt the worst attributes of "modern" lifestyle. Divorce rate skyrockets. Youth rebels. In 1990s, we encountered problems unheard of before: genocide against the ingenious people, terrorism, organized crime, wide-scale alcoholism, drug abuse, teenage gangs etc.

Spiritual Issues

14.1. There can be no cultural and religious justification for the current ethnic crisis in Bhutan. Hinduism, Tantra and Tibetan Buddhism spring from a common proto-Aryan source, which, in essence, means that supremacy of a certain religious or ethnic group is absurd. In this light, becomes clearly evident the hypocrisy of King Jigme who declares that his aim is to "preserve the ancient religious and cultural heritages that have for so many centuries strengthened and enriched our lives", while, in reality, his policy is openly anti-Hindu.

14.2. As a spiritual tradition, Tantra derives from Vedic-Hindu religion, not Buddhism. It was most common in Northern India, although it had later been merged with Southern Indian local religions such as the worship of Kali. The offshoot of Indian Tanta in the Tibetan religion is mostly called Tibetan Buddhism, but also referred to as Tibetan Lamaism or Tantric Buddhism.

14.3. In pre-historic times, Tibet had a native local god-goddess religion, akin to shamanism (survived as Bon rituals in Bhutan) and parallel to the Indian regional god-goddess systems. Around the time of the Aryan invasion of India, Aryans consolidated the triple-god concept (Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva) by absorbing the various Dravidian local goddesses as "shaktis" (originally the word meant "power") for their triad. Meanwhile, the Bhutanese were left at a greater liberty, hence their Lamaism resemble neither classic Hinduism nor Buddhism of Theravada and Mahayana traditions. Proto-Aryan roots of Hinduism and Tantric Buddhism become abundantly clear as one considers many sticking correlations between pre-Christian Germanic-Nordic Pagan traditions and their Eastern counterparts.

Bhutan's Ideological Project

15.1. In the modern world, every successful nation has an unique ideological project.

15.2. For example, India is an integrated Hindu nation. China is a communist people's republic. Libya is the "Third Position" nation. Iran is an Islamic theocracy. The Palestine's project is militant anti-Zionism etc.

15.3. An ideological project makes it possible to provide ingenious people and the world with a clear vision of nation's fundamentals, perspectives and objectives.

15.4. Bhutan has not an ideological project of its own. "The Last Shangri-La" cannot be the Bhutan's ideological project because it is (1) nothing but a bogus propagandistic slogan, and (2) no necessary socio-political implications can be derived from it.

15.5.Our ideology is the only ideological project answering the purpose and destiny of the Bhutan's integrated nation. The restoration of the traditional Shabdrung system and theocracy is seamlessly compatible with centralized government, natural democracy, organic human rights and a strong sense of national identity - in contrast to neo-liberal patterns of "development" which the Western powers impose on Bhutan.

DART Foreign Policy

16.1. Bhutanese foreign policy must be radically altered. We need to perform on the international scene as an independent and self-respected  player, not a proverbial Asian despotism.

16.2. India cannot continue to be the major strategic partner of Bhutan as long as India collaborates with Israel & America, and denies Aryan invasion historically and culturally. 

16.3. Neighbors cannot be ignored. Bhutan needs to talk to China in order to solve the border problems and establish normal relations. China can be one of the major players opposing Judeo-American New World Order, but its present foreign policy is far from being clear and independent. Therefore, we cannot count China among our allies.

16.4. Nepal is a friend not only because of the Lhotshampas issue. We must ensure positive relations with our good neighbor.

Globalization and the New World Order

17.1. The process of building the "New World Order", at the center of which stands the political-financial oligarchic groups of the West, is called as Globalization. The victims of this process are the sovereign states, the national cultures, religious doctrines, economic traditions, and environment.

17.2. There has been a steady internationalization of capital leading to the growth of the multinational corporations and the international banks to a stage where their power is organized through international institutions - the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the General Agreement On Tariffs And Trade forums and the European Economic Community bureaucracy. The forces of global capital have created political 'clubs' such as the Trilateral Commission and the Bilderberger Group. We are witnessing before our eyes the emergence of a transnational class. This group has no allegiance to any 'Western' state, to any race or cultural identity. It is beyond the structures of international politics as have developed over centuries.

17.3. The New World Order has emerged when the Eastern Bloc disintegrated. It is obvious that there are peoples who are not part of this Order. The Chinese superpower is not a member of the club; nor is India, and Russia remains unwelcome. The Islamic world cannot be part of a system that directly involves the Zionist dominance. "Minor players" like Bhutan scarcely count at all. This does not mean that these lands are not penetrated by international capital, nor that they do not contain sectors who would dearly welcome Globalism. It does not mean that cheap labor countries are not exploited to provide cheap products - or immigrants to the factories of the home bases of the NWO. The fact that whole areas of the globe are outside this system means that its claim to political normality is a basic lie. The NWO must thence rely upon the impact of economic Globalization and cultural dissimilation of unique national cultures for its power.

17.4. In the struggle against the New World Order, it is necessary to appreciate the presence of nations and states outside of it, and possibly opposed to it. Not all these forces are fulsome or even conditional friends. However, in the world of Realpolitik we have no other choice but to form alliances for the survival of our nation as sovereign political and cultural entity with friends whose geopolitical interests converge with those of us to a certain extent.

17.5. It is obligatory that we mobilize our ideological weapons to win allies where we can, and to disintegrate or damage those structures imposed upon any people by the New World Order. We must oppose and weaken this system. We must encourage armed neutrality against alien blocs, and support - even actively - any regime bullied by the New World Order.

17.6. The present attitude of the Bhutanese government towards Globalization, like any other geopolitical issue, gives away two well-known maladies of their notorious ostrich policy: confusion and dependence. The claims of the Bhutanese Establishment to find a "unique path of development" are nothing but pitiful endeavors not to fall between two stools, which rapidly slide apart - namely, national interests and foreign agendas of the Western political and financial oligarchic groups.

17.7. The undeniable fact of Bhutanese politics is that King Jigme is busy haggling with the Globalists over personal privileges he would be granted in exchange for handing them our land for plunder - in a way or other. It becomes increasingly obvious that his only concern is to secure his personal scraps of the "Globalization pie"- even if only as the least valued and almost unnoticeable personage among the global "eaters".

17.8. As a nation-conscious dharmic warrior aristocracy, we militantly oppose Globalization which is openly disastrous for ingenious cultures, traditions and heritages. If you will meet a Buddha who preaches a "dharma" of modernism, "political correctness", and egalitarianism, kill the Buddha. If you will meet a king who exiles thousands of his people from their native land only to hand it out to foreign powers in exchange for personal privileges, kill the king. Nobody is bulletproof.


18.1. We understand “development” as a degrading system of cultural dissimilation, political dependence and economical exploitation that neo-liberal world powers impose on traditional “underdeveloped” societies. “Development” is a modern version of colonialism. “Development” is a part of the Globalist agenda to secure control over world resources. We reject this “development” paradigm as manipulative, exploitive and corrupting.

18.2. We need not to get “developed”, modernized”, "civilized" or please the World Elite in other possible way.  We do not see what the hordes of weak Judeo-Christian shopkeepers and traders can “teach” us legatees of the oldest and richest Indo-Aryan spiritual tradition. We have our traditional path of growth and improvement in compliance with the Dharma teachings, Ario-Indo-Tibetan Tradition and ways of our ancestors. And we are determined to stick to them.

18.3. Our message for the Globalist stooges is clear, "Eager to modernize? Go elsewhere!" The World Bank, UN agencies and other exposed Globalist agents will be driven out of Dragonland. We will not stand foreign spies in disguise, "development" teachers and modernist preachers at our home. And we are never afraid to shoot $trangers.

DART - This Means War

19.1. The Dragonland's Aryan Restoration Troops (DART) is a Folk Socialist, Radical Traditionalist, Radical Environmentalist, anti-American, anti-Zionist and anti-Globalist organization that uses direct action in the form of guerrilla operations, covert activities, and economic sabotage to oppose the destruction of the traditional Bhutanese culture and society, dharmic values, holistic way of life, and environment.

19.2. Our ultimate objectives are the elimination of the Bhutanese anti-national monarchy, restoration of the traditionally sanctified Shabdrung system and theocracy, formation of the instruments of social nationalist democracy and providing a means for establishing a government of order, hierarchy, autarchy, radical environmentalism and spiritual vitality.

19.3. Presently, DART functions as an underground network of fighting groups and individual activists operating in Bhutan and abroad. We have our supporters and informants in every group of Bhutanese society: government, Buddhist clergy, public service, military, law enforcement etc.

DART Home Policy

20.1. The anti-national and anti-dharmic monarchy must be ruthlessly uprooted from our land. With a view to ensure that the major Bhutanese “modernizers” cannot seek other nation to experiment upon, the royal family will be isolated.

20.2. Nationalization of the lands, natural resources, industry, communications etc must ensure equitable distribution of national resources.

20.3. Our objective is economic autarchy on the basis of the holistic standard of living that is organically inherent to our people. Those seeking decadent Western life-styles will be taught how to return to their ethnic roots in the labor camps.

20.4. Our major concerns are education (dharmic and secular), health, culture, security, environment, and youth.

20.5. Radical displacement of the anti-national bureaucracy is a must. The governmental service must be a privilege for young idealistic men and women, not a feeding-trough for the self-indulgent Wangchuck-Dorji plutocracy.

20.6. The system of meritocracy must be the only principle for promotion. A new educated, effective and committed national elite constituting a true aristocracy-meritocracy must be trained and introduced to public service.

20.7. Restoration of the traditionally sanctified Shabdrung system and theocracy is the only guarantee for national consent and spiritual vitality.

20.8. We must form the instruments of democracy and provide a means for establishing a government of order, hierarchy, autarchy, radical environmentalism and spiritual vitality.

20.9. Among our major concerns are radical reforms of the military and law enforcement.

Tribunal and Labor Camps

21.1. As Dharmapala's forces, we adhere to the Buddhist understanding of justice as the inevitable coming into effect of karmic consequences that certain actions entail upon a defendant. Hence, a certain kinglet and his Wangchuck-Dorji spongers must get ready for reaping consequences of their anti-national and anti-dharmic policy.

21.2. The advent of the DART means an end of King Jigme’s protracted childhood. Now, he is supposed to bear full responsibility in compliance with the stringent  law of karmic requital. The same equally applies to the Wangchuck-Dorji plutocracy.

21.3. We are well aware that we face an implacable opposition in the circles of the Bhutanese elite. In  compliance with the karmic "action causing counteraction" law, the Bhutanese Establishment must get ready for facing us - which means for them investigation of their anti-national activities, tribunal, labor camps, prohibition of certain activities, expropriation of property and estate, and other forms of infringement of their rights.

21.4. We have initiated the formation of an Investigative Committee devoted exclusively to collecting evidences of anti-national and anti-dharmic activities of the Wangchuck regime from mid 1980s to present. On basis of this Committee, we will form a tribunal responsible for examination of claims of those who fell victims of the regime.

21.5. In our dharmic society, we do not need modernists, Globalist stooges, foreign-breed “liberals”, Western-styled “intellectuals” and other decadents, dissidents and traitors of national interests. The present bureaucracy will be totally displaced. We assess the number of persons subject to displacement as 700-1200. Compare with 100 000 Bhutanese expatriated by the government only in the early 1990s.

21.6. All the displaced persons will be sent to labor camps where they will be given a chance to reform and be of benefit for the nation. No one will be allowed to leave the country. Therefore, we strongly advise our in-house opponents that they should not bother to transmit their funds abroad. They simply will be given no opportunities  to benefit from them.

Karmic Requital

22.1. As an organization that relies heavily on direct action as a means of political struggle, we are determined not to wait until the Wangchuck despotism will be overthrown to right all wrongs in Bhutanese society. We constantly carry out surveillance on key Bhutanese officials and have a "hit list" with names of officials who will be targeted for a requital attack.

22.2. The concept of karmic requital, however, implies that DART exemplifies supra-individual dharmic powers working in Bhutanese society.

22.3. This is not that we execute arbitrary verdicts at will. As saintly warriors following the Path of Dharmapalas, we only allow certain processes - as they were initiated by well-known Bhutanese personages - to unfold karmically and reach their natural ends. We only push slightly those who rapidly fall down. From a Buddhist perspective, this is a deed of compassion.

Human Rights

23.1. We believe that a people's right to choose how they live with whom they choose to live -- the right of self-determination -- is the most fundamental, inalienable human right.

23.2. Therefore, 'Bhutanese Folk Socialism foremost goal is the liberation of our nation from genocidal policies of the present government and "international agencies" who are largely behind the infamous RGOB's decisions, and implementation of alternatives which will assure our peoples' perpetual survival and continued positive evolution. The "concern" about "human rights" by the enemy-controlled international media and among most Globalist politicians is a clever sham designed to obfuscate, hiding the real causes of oppression and injustice in the world.

23.3. Organic freedom of the Bhutanese manifests itself also in the rejection of the "human rights paradigm" as the liberal Western powers impose it on us. The most inalienable human right of our people is to preserve their traditions, intrinsic ways of life, fundamental values and beliefs.

23.4. The Globalists' fraudulent "United Nations" and other "human rights organizations" are mere comforting facades, used as tools both to divert attention away from the sinister whims of the Judeo-Christian world elite and to neutralize opposition to their "New World Order." Examination of the record of these "human rights organizations" reveals a very slanted bias towards certain issues and groups serving a clear political agenda. Most obvious is the total lack of genuine censure and effective sanction of Israel's decades of murder and oppression against the indigenous people of Palestine.

23.5. We believe in genuine human rights for all peoples. The well-being of the our people is always our first concern, but as feasible, we support and aid other Nations and Races in their efforts to build societies conducive to their happiness and prosperity and appropriate for their unique characters.


24.1. Updates will be presented as required.

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DART - Never Afraid to Shoot $trangers 


DART Frontline News: Bringing you uncensored news from Bhutan and around the world.


The Frontline News is an affiliated agency that serves to publicize news and actions of the the Dragonland’s Aryan Restoration Troops (DART), as reported through news media or by anonymous communications from the individuals involved in actions.

DART is a Folk Socialist, Radical Traditionalist, Radical Environmentalist, anti-American, anti-Zionist and anti-Globalist organization that uses direct action in the form of guerrilla operations, covert activities, and economic sabotage to oppose the destruction of the traditional Bhutanese culture and society, dharmic values, holistic way of life, and environment.

Our ultimate objectives are the elimination of the Bhutanese anti-national monarchy, restoration of the traditionally sanctified Shabdrung system and theocracy, formation of the instruments of Tsa Yig democracy and providing a means for establishing a government of order, hierarchy, autarchy, radical environmentalism and spiritual vitality.

Presently, DART functions as an underground network of fighting groups and individual activists operating in Bhutan and abroad. We have our supporters and informants in every group of Bhutanese society: government, Buddhist clergy, public service, military, law enforcement etc.

To subscribe to The DART Frontline News, send a blank email to [email protected]. The subject line must be: "Subscribe".

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Statement of Purpose

The material never was considered to serve either propagandistic or counter-propagandistic purposes in any given context of Bhutanese political life. We well understand that most views expressed herein far exceed the intellectual capacity of an average politically challenged Bhutanese official. The primary purpose of this website is to inform of our views and activities our allies  – who, unlike our feeble-minded in-house rivals, are capable of understanding our position. Except for the section # 1, all views expressed on these pages are those of non-affiliated authors and not necessarily endorsed by the DART. This particularly applies to the political materials, which often contain much of the problematic nature of modern civilization.

A Note on Copyright

Some of the documents published herein were found on the Internet. We have taken the liberty of publishing some of the material, which appeared somewhere else, in order to make it accessible. This material is believed to be in the public domain or out of copyright. In other cases, please note that we do NOT support international or US copyright law because as traditionalists we hold that human arrogance and greed must be kept in check. If you consider your works to be more important and privileged than Vedas, Sagas, Sutras etc – which are characteristically not subject to copyright law – it is a time for you to seek professional psychiatric help. Feel free to repost this material elsewhere.

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DART; Destroying the Destroyers

Folk Socialist, Radical Traditionalist, Radical Environmentalist,
anti-American, anti-Zionist and anti-Globalist Stance.

Contact DART via email
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Baron Roman Fedorovich von Ungern-Sternberg
the Patron Avatar of the DART
was declared a Mahakala incarnation
by the Dalai Lama XIII


The Asian Cavalry Division commanded by Ungern


A Cossack in Ungern's troops


The Order of Military Buddhists


Lamas at Ungern's Stavka


Urga liberated by Ungern


The last photo of Ungern (3rd from left)

Ungern Materials: 

Battle Order No. 15, by von Ungern-Sternberg (1921, in Russian)
Ballad about the Baron, by Arseniy Nesmelov (1928, in Russian)
On the Road of Great Conquerors, by Ferdinand Ossendowski
The Czar of the Wilderness, by Leonid Yuzefovich (1991, in Russian)
The Brutal Buddha: Baron von Ungern-Sternberg, by Rhys Hyges
Ungern-Sternberg, el Baron Sanguinario, by Julius Evola
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