Moral Worlds
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Local Moral Worlds


HIV/AIDS orphaning
Popular Medicine
Modern Fertility
Moral Worlds

Women's Bodies, women's worries
Health and Family planning in a Vietnamese Rural Community
Tine Gammeltoft

General overview
In this chapter T. Gammeltoft once again starts with a story illustrating what the chapter will be about: social dynamics underlying the tensions and contradictions in women's lives. In the daily lives of the community of Vai Son widely differing and contradictory moral notions exists. Notions, which create a broad array of differing modes of percieving and evaluating social relations.

The title of the chapter is Local Moral Worlds. Gammeltoft explains that these are the local worlds of shared experience which mediate the influence of macorsocial and political forces, shaping their specific local effects: society at large and the political notions in it create and influence the societal moral, which spirals down to the local world.

Since her focus in this book is women, she starts her investigations of this local moral world by exploring the daily living conditions which women themselves experience as stressfull, and which seem to be related to two central facets of life: the experience of overwork and the one of submission. The conclusions she comes to is that women feel they always have to depend on men and their families while also bearing the largest burden of family responsibilities.

As to why it is that women feel this way, she explains that everyday moral standards are nourished and supported by Confucian ideologies, which predict relationships between parent-child, husband-wife, ruler-subject, and filial piety, female behaviour and chastity among other things. And although in some ways such moral guidelines seem to belong to the past, the Confucian moral framework is the only natural women have to submit to their husbands and inlaws.

The moral guidelines seem to belong to the past because in socialist Viet Nam the virtues position women in a double role as responsible for both family and nation, bringing them in a triangulating category. In fact however Confucian ideals still persist in the local moral worlds of family and community: moral standards are dominant in the sense that they are widely agreed uppon, among women as well as men; and women often seem to be the strictest judges of eachothers behaviour. But co-existing with these dominant moral ideologies are alternative moral visions that emphasize equality rather than hierarchy and individual freedom rather than social duty. So the local moral world of Vai Son is going through a change: a transition to the alternative more modern/western moral vision. This shift of moral framework allows women to feel that their bodies are their own and that (at least in some situations) it is their right to insist on their own wishes and do what they can to realize them, eventhough they may feel they have to comply with and please their husbands.

However, Gammeltoft says, dreams of equality and mutuality colide with everyday realities, where neither husband-wife nor daughter-in-law-mother-in-law relations are equal. She calls these use of concepts of freedom and independence the women talk about visions of an unreal world, of dreams. And she wonders where these dreams stem from. According to her from history: literary, colonial and revolutionary history.

She concludes that although there are two different sets of everyday moral ideologies, these ideas often merge in daily life and the difference between them lies in their mode of articulation in this very life. Confucian moralities are dominant in Vai Son in the sense that they are socially legitimate and generally accepted within the local moral worlds of family and community, while the alternative moral notions are much less accepted socially. The alternative moral notions are hidden transcripts that contain those perceptions of reality which goes against the dominant world view and as such represent resistance to dominant social orders. Women often simultaneously embrace and resist dominant moral notions, living with a double and equally valid sets of moral ideals.

Women's experience of overwork and submission therefore seem to be rendered mre stressful by the fact that many women are conscious of the contingency of dominant moralities and articulate about their vision of a differnt and more equal social order.

Points for discussion

As it is in the previous chapters of this book there is the repetitiveness of Gammeltoft in her writings, creating the sense that the things she says has been said before and are therefore not new. It might become boring to the reader and decreases the motivation to read on, because she seemds to have made her point already.
Strickingly, when looking into the origin of the dreams of freedom and independence, Gammeltoft does not look at religion as a possible source of this alternative ideology or of the lack there of.
The most difficulties I had with the following: (Gammeltoft, 1999:168): A woman is like a rain drop, no one knows whether it will fall into a well or a nice rice field. This was in my perception the overall picture from this article. Woman are dependent for the life the lead on someone else than themselves. But concerning family planning there seem to be a shift in Vai Son: woman have the more to say about their own bodies, allowing them to make important decisions. This came about because of the alternative moral vision. But Gammeltof calls these dreams, ideas of an unreal life for the Vais Son woman. But are the just dreams, and does this than imply that it will never become reality? Aren't dreams suppose to be in someones live in order to be able to improve? Are the woman simply not capabale of making dreams become reality?

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