IN SAUDI ARABIA, there is no early hour of daylight
when the soft shades of pink creep over the landscape, gradually waking a
sleeping world. Morning comes early and comes forcefully. Within minutes
of rising, the sun falls on the landscape with full intensity, savagely
pounding the fiat roofs and baked earth.
As I opened my eyes that first morning in Saudi Arabia, I saw
the morning light powering its way through the draped windows. Struggling
to wake up, I became aware of a deathly quiet seeping into my
consciousness. There were no birds chirping outside the window and almost
no sound of human activity. Here at the edge of the city, we still had the
luxury of the tranquil desert. But even in the residential neighborhoods
in the heart of the city, the streets were almost deserted, as the
combination of the climate and the culture kept the Saudis in their
houses, protected from the cruelty of the sun and the prying eyes of
strangers.
My first day in Riyadh was spent touring the city with others
who had just arrived at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital. When the car
sent to pick me up stopped in front of my apartment that afternoon, and I
walked out of the air conditioning into the blazing sun, the thermometer
mounted on the shaded wall outside registered a late-spring time
temperature of 114 degrees. It would reach 120 degrees and more by June
and would stay there until late September.
I fought to keep my long skirt from tangling between my legs as
I climbed up into the four-wheel-drive Chevrolet Suburban and crawled into
the back seat between two nurses. It was unbelievably hot. We bumped along
on half-finished roads, dodging heavy Mercedes water trucks and deep
construction pits. The sun hammered the car, and the air conditioner
groaned and labored to keep the temperature just bear able. An intense
glare, interrupted only by the optical illusion of waves washing across
the road, rose up from the fiat landscape. The heat that had sent everyone
indoors created a stillness that was somehow lonely. As I looked at the
overwhelming ugliness around me, a heavy feeling of depression overcame
me. The landscape was an endless monotone of grayish tan. There were no
trees, hardly a shrub. The newer buildings were fiat-topped squares of
dingy stucco that merged with the colorless ground. Mountains of rubble
stood everywhere. In the mad rush of construction, bulldozers ceaselessly
pushed dirt and debris from one building site to the next, increasing the
size and content of the piles as the city spread outward.
The bulk of the government's development funds were being poured
into Riyadh. Before the oil boom, Riyadh, ancestral
home of the House of Saud and capital of the kingdom, produced nothing of
economic value except dates. What little economic activity there was in
Saudi Arabia before the Second World War was centered around the port of
Jeddah, which received religious pilgrims from the Moslem world and a
pitiful volume of goods from the West. In the 1950's and 1960's, the oil
belt in the Eastern Province became prosperous with the development of the
petroleum industry, shifting the kingdom's economy from the west coast to
the east and still largely ignoring Riyadh. The oil boom of the seventies
would provide the funds to make Riyadh, at last, the commercial and
governmental center of the kingdom of the al-Sauds. But in 1978, the new
star of Saudi Arabia was more like a desert outpost than an international
city.
Much of Riyadh was still composed of cramped mud buildings,
especially near the center of the city. The driver and guide on this tour
was an American who had been in Saudi Arabia since 1976. In the manner of
a cheerleader, he chatted on to his passengers about how much living
conditions were improving and how much easier life had become as
electricity, telephones, and supermarkets gradually established
themselves. On each side of the street, I could see the brown porcelain of
the newly installed electrical insulators clinging precariously
from the walls of old mud constructions.
Emerging from a twisting side street, we drove into the central
square of Riyadh, dominated by the nondescript fiat architecture and
humble minaret of the main mosque. Circling right, away from the mosque,
we passed the entrance to the Dirrah souqs ("markets").
Bright brass coffee pots hung along the outside wall and mysterious scents
filtered through the air, imparting the timeless quality of the Oriental
bazaar. Knots of three or four faceless women, totally clad in black,
moved together toward the main entrance. An occasional lone woman,
escorted by a man or her adolescent son, entered through one of the
beckoning doors. Other men stood in the shadows of their shops or sprawled
on intricately woven carpets of deep red, drinking tea from petite glass
cups.
The car turned right again and went into the vegetable markets,
where trucks from a dozen countries supplying Saudi Arabia with food un
loaded their cargoes. We drove back toward the mosque and around the clock
tower, an incongruous structure that some member of the royal family must
have commissioned after a trip to Switzerland. Then on to Baatha, another
marketing district. The area's cardinal feature was a broad, open sewage
canal, which six months before had accommodated everything from human
feces to the bloated bodies of dead donkeys. But now it was being filled
in and within the year would become a wide, asphalt thoroughfare.*
We drove along Intercontinental Road, Pepsi Road, Chicken
Street, and Continuous Flyover Road, all names devised by Westerners to
compensate for the absence of street names. As we came back around the
water tower, Riyadh's most distinguishing landmark, our guide offered
typical directions to places Westerners were likely to frequent. The
silver shops in Baatha were just left of the live chicken souq. And
to reach a good picnic spot we should drive nine kilometers from Riyadh's
last paved road and turn left where a bumper of a wrecked Mercedes stuck
up out of a pile of rocks, then proceed across the desert to the first
thorny tree that might provide some shade.
On the way back to the hospital, we passed one construction site
after another where foreign workers raced to complete buildings to house
government or business and apartment houses to accommodate the influx of
foreigners. At the same time, the Saudis clung to their homes and shops,
wary of the Western world that had camped in their midst. It was a
wariness that would turn to hostility as Saudi Arabia's mad dash into the
twentieth century progressed. The oil boom and its aftermath is not only
economic history, it is a history of the relation ship between Saudi
Arabia and the West. Recruited by the Saudis, the Westerners marched into
Saudi Arabia armed with blueprints, construction equipment, organizational
charts, and management skills. Originally welcomed as liberators, the
Westerners in time came to be regarded as anartny of occupation bent on
destroying the Saudis' traditional values. Through the various controls
they could exert over the Westerners, the Saudis staged a defense of their
society, while the Westerners with subtle determination resisted the
Saudis' attempts to crush their own lifestyle. The Saudis and their
Western work force coexisted in a state of tension that was not the result
of ill will on the part of either, but rather resulted from a combination
of Saudi insecurities and Western insensitivities. The Saudis with their
money and the Westerners with their skills each fought to shape Saudi
Arabia in its own image. Neither has succeeded in winning the battle.
*in the interim, a spate of new T-shirts showed up among the
westerners. Out was the pristine white one with "Baatha Yacht
Club" sedately printed in navy blue on the upper left front, and in
was the yellow-orange one that screamed "Save the Bastha Canal."
Saudi Arabia in the 1970's was both exciting and exhausting for
Westerners. No one attuned to world events could deny that living in the
kingdom at that particular time in history was a unique opportunity. If
one had the stamina, the sense of building a country from scratch was
highly romantic. But not everyone was able to cope. The long hours and
tremendous pressures of working in the midst of chaos produced a sizable
number of cases of battle fatigue. It was stressful to live with the
dictates of Saudi culture and the Saudi psyche. It was wildly frustrating
when everything - the air conditioning, the stove, the water pump, the
telephone - broke down and no one could fix them for days or weeks. It was
maddening to reach the airport with confirmed reservations on a flight for
a much-needed vacation to learn no such flight existed or that the plane
was delayed for three days. Many became bored in a country where there
were no movies, theaters, clubs, golf courses, or sports events and only a
handful of restaurants. While many Westerners happily chalked up one year
after an other, various studies done for Western companies sending large
numbers of employees to Saudi Arabia estimated that as many as a third
could not cope with the demands of their jobs, an alien culture, and the
difficult living conditions. I saw a few leave within days. Others waited
for their first leave, a vacation from which they never returned. Ian
Dylan, a seasoned veteran of Saudi Arabia who had spent three years
tracking the movement of nomads in the northern part of the kingdom,
arrived at his new job at the Ministry of Industry and Electricity to
learn that his predecessor was in a London psychiatric hospital. And Peter
Wright, an American equipment company representative, arrived in al-Khobar
to replace a man who precipitously fled the country to check into the Mayo
Clinic with a whole spectrum of physical and emotional complaints. The
most difficult aspect of living in Saudi Arabia was that life totally
lacked any predictability. Every day was a surprise as the Saudis went
through the throes of modernization. So much had happened so quickly that
there were no systems in place. Procedures for paying phone bills and
regulations governing the con duct of business changed from week to week,
leaving everyone in a state of confusion. The Saudis themselves were so
confused about where they were going, and if they even wanted to go, that
much of life was characterized by abrupt starts and stops. The House of
Saud, for its part, played an intricate game of pushing ahead with strong
policies for economic and social development, while claiming to uphold
age- old religious traditions that conflicted with modernization in order
to placate the religious leaders. Government policy affecting all aspects
of the lives of foreigners living and doing business in the country
shifted daily, causing periodic waves of wonder and apprehension.
Moreover, the lack of order and organization, concepts alien to Saudi
culture, forced foreigners to pick their way through a minefield of
conflicting messages and demands. One misstep that violated an obscure law
or offended a Saudi's sense of honor could lead to immediate expulsion
from the country. Yet the reward at the end of any trying day was to stand
on a corner in Baatha, with a shwarma * in one hand and in the
other a tepid Pepsi bought from the galvanized tub of a street vendor, for
the sole purpose of experiencing the tempo of the time. Harried Western
businessmen carrying fine leather briefcases picked their way along the
sidewalk through crowds of Egyptians in flowing galabias. Tall
Sudanese with lineal designs burned in their faces strode along among
Yemenis, their heads swathed in bright colored turbans. Saudis straight
off the desert honked the horns of their new Toyota pickups and raced
through the newly installed red lights. There were those among us who had
found a niche in Saudi Arabia.
* A Middle Eastern sandwich made from thin layers of lamb sliced
off a standing rack slowly tuning on a rotisserie and served in flat
Arabic bread with a mixture of parsley, tomatoes, lemon juice, and spices.
A colorful kaleidoscope of people was drawn to Riyadh during
those first years of the boom. In addition to businessmen, physicians,
paramedics, administrators, and consultants, I counted among my friends
and acquaintances the son of the last Turkish governor of Palestine, the
heir apparent to the nonexistent throne of Kurdistan, and a stocky
freshman with a missing front tooth who appeared regularly at diplomatic
functions in Jeddah, claiming to be chief of an obscure tribe in the
Cameroons
That first year in Saudi Arabia, I wrote almost as many stories
about the Western experience in Saudi Arabia as I did about the Saudis.
Although the Westerners were being paid phenomenal salaries, they lived
with the same shortages with which the Saudis lived. Saudi Arabia's
primitive transportation system was overwhelmed by the kingdom's
insatiable appetite for steel, cement, machinery, electrical sup plies,
automobiles, and consumer goods. With enormous amounts of money chasing
scarce supplies, market shelves stayed largely bare. But it was the
essentials that were missing, not the luxuries. The Saudis' passionate
love of perfume kept the shops stocked with hundreds of gallons of
expensive French scents, but there were no fly swatters. There were Rolex
watches but no Band-Aids. In the scramble to accommodate, Westerners found
ingenious substitutions for all manner of things that they took for
granted at home. With no Thermos bottles, the children went to school
swinging plastic bottles of frozen water encased in a sock for insulation.
A wide array of metal springs were pressed into service for curtain rods.
Prayer rugs became pictures for the wall. Big empty fruit and vegetable
cans scavenged from communal kitchens were turned into waste baskets. Bits
of aluminum foil from air-conditioning insulation, boxes, string, and
plastic bags were hoarded, for nothing was casually thrown away.
The shortage of consumer goods extended to food. There were only
two "supermarkets" in Riyadh when I arrived, the Western-style
Spinney's and, down the street, the small, dark, and odorous Riyadh
supermarket. Both were miserable places to shop. The shelves at Spinney's
were usually empty of the basics, while the cramped quarters of the Riyadh
supermarket were stuffed with dented, long outdated tin cans of milk and
tuna, molding cheese, and spoiled meat.
The supermarket was for staples like flour, sugar, and tea.
Potato chips, cookies, ice cream, spaghetti sauce, and breakfast cereal
were only memories of another time and place. There was an ample supply of
vegetables and eggs, but meat was a major problem. The mutton, camel, and
goat from the local butcher were slaughtered among flies and rats and hung
in the open without refrigeration. There were frozen chunks of low-grade
beef, scrawny Bulgarian chickens, and plastic tubes filled with a little
ground beef and a lot of ground soybeans that the few cold-storage houses
in Riyadh imported. The only place where quality meat was available was
from a roving meat truck, the project of an enterprising American who
imported frozen beef and sold it at exorbitant prices to Western
expatriates. Unfortunately, the truck was closed down in 1980 for selling
smoked turkey that tasted suspiciously like ham.
Although no one ever faced going hungry, Islam forbade us pork
because it was deemed unclean and vanilla extract because it contains
alcohol. Local law forbade ground nutmeg, which was believed by officials
to be hallucinogenic. The Arab black list forbade us Coca- Cola. And port
congestion frequently forbade us everyday items such as sugar, cocoa, or
coffee. With the high transportation costs and the delays in the ports,
prices were exorbitant. The Saudi government heavily subsidized the
staples of the Saudi diet - lamb, rice, and flour - keeping their costs
inordinately low. It was imported food, food to satisfy the tastes and
desires of the Westerners, that was so expensive. In 1978 prices, a can of
green beans cost $1.50, a box of laundry soap was priced at $7.00,
and six small wedges of cheese sold for $2.80.
Even with all the other shortages, it was the shortage of
housing more than anything else that caused Westerners the most anguish.
Very little housing existed that approached a Western standard. And like
everything else, incessant demand had pushed housing prices to soaring
levels. Since foreigners are barred from owning property in Saudi Arabia,
Saudi nationals who were in favorable positions to acquire land became
wealthy by using interest-free government loans to build rental property,
which they then leased to Westerners. In 1973 modern three-bedroom house
in Riyadh rented for about $8,800 a year. By the end of 1975, this same
house would bring an annual rent of $26,460. And by 1978, the luxury
villas (the Saudi term for a single-family house) could cost $147,058 a
year, payable in advance. Westerners recouped their costs by simply upping
the prices on their contracts. Thus, the petrodollars the West paid for
its oil circulated through the Saudi economy and back to the West.
In my first two years in Saudi Arabia, I moved from the tiny
prefab townhouse we first occupied to a house in a compound of ten villas
in a Saudi neighborhood and, finally, to a metal prefab behind Medical
City Village that was about the size and style of a double-wide trailer.
Each place had its own personality. The kitchen in the townhouse was so
small that unless the wastebasket sat in the hall the refrigerator door
would not open. The villa was a great, graceless barn of approximately 45oo
square feet, built of cement block and stucco, void of even one piece
of interior wood, and with only enough furniture to fill the 8oo square
feet I had just left. As was customary in a Saudi-style house, the front
door opened onto an enormous foyer that served as a prayer area, complete
with two lavatories for washing before prayers.
The house stood in an upper class Saudi neighborhood. Directly
across the street from the compound was an empty lot strewn with debris. A
minor prince in the royal family lived on one side, while on the other
side was a group of Bedouins, the nomads of the Arabian Peninsula. They
lived in packing cases, and their bright new taxicabs, which had been
presented to them by the government, were parked outside. And like true
nomads, they had brought their flocks to the city with them. When our
children ran through the compound yelling "goat alert," it was
the signal to grab mops, brooms, and broken boards and charge out to chase
the large, long-haired Nejdi sheep out of the garbage cans.
Ten months later we moved to Rainbow Villas, a collection of
metal prefabs that had all the ambience of Stalag 17. There were
twenty-four such houses in all, with five washing machines to share among
us. The air-conditioning unit was mounted on the unshaded flat roof of the
house so that it caught the full heat of the sun. The temperature in the
house never dropped below ninety degrees in the afternoon, and be- cause
none of the water pipes was laid below ground, heat rose out of the
toilets all summer long. Moreover, the metal construction expanded so much
during the day that the house groaned all night as it cooled off.
It was life on the frontier. Packs of wild dogs that might
attack any animal or human that got in their way still roamed Riyadh in
1978. There were also rats, scorpions, snakes, an occasional wild donkey,
and horde upon horde of aggressive flies that mercilessly attacked the
eyes, nose, and mouth in their desperate search for moisture. And someone
was always falling down an unmarked construction hole.
Although Westerners existed with the hardships and did without
everything but the bare necessities, we had the best of what was
available. Everything about our lives was governed by a set of conditions
different from those governing the rest of the expatriate work force * and
even the Saudis themselves. We had the best housing, the highest salaries,
and access to whatever recreation was available, for the Saudi government
was pragmatic about its labor needs. To attract and keep the Westerners
whose particular skills they so desperately wanted, the Saudis had to make
life as painless as possible for the Westerners while still protecting
their own culture. Even with the high salaries, a West erner deprived of
recreation and crowded into intolerable housing was not going to stay.
Everyone else, from the illiterate manual laborers from the Third World to
the highly educated and urbane Lebanese, suffered more from the physical
shortages and the Saudis' strict code of conduct than did the Westerners.
Although the Saudis in the work force rejected the recreational amenities
provided to the Westerners because of their religious beliefs, they chafed
under the two-tier salary and housing system in which the Westerners
dominated. But there were so few Saudis in the work force at the time that
the political repercussions for the House of Saud were inconsequential to
the goal of recruiting Westerners to develop the country. In essence, the
House of Saud often allowed the Saudi nationals to lose out to the demands
of the Westerners.
As a result of the different conditions imposed on the various
segments of the population, Saudi Arabia was a composite of several
separate worlds. The manual laborers from the Third World lived in
construction barracks, worked long hours, and stayed largely confined to
their quarters after hours. The Westerners' lives were divided between the
strict culture of Saudi Arabia that existed outside the walls of their
housing compounds and the best imitation of the Western world that they
could create inside. Finally, the Saudis lived in a world being physically
torn apart, their culture under attack by the presence of their Western
work force while they themselves tenaciously clung to their past.
While the Saudis outwardly flattered and indemnified the
Westerners for their services, they were deeply ambivalent toward the
Western presence. While the riches and exhilaration of the oil boom
eclipsed much of the Saudis' internal conflicts over the challenge to
their traditional values, deep hostility toward the Westerners grew and
was fed by the Saudis' own xenophobia. There is an arrogance among the
Saudis, especially among the religiously conservative Wahhabis of central
Saudi Arabia, that comes from a profound belief in their own superiority.
This self-perception has little to do with the Saudis' immense wealth but
rather extends back through the centuries when the vast majority of Saudis
lived within the confines of family and tribe, experienced nothing of the
outside world, and remained smug in their puritanical religion and their
ability to survive the harshness of the desert.