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Salman bin Abdul Aziz


 


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GOVERNOR OF THE KING

Prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz is the governor of Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia. He has held this post since 1962. One of the seven sons of country founder Abdul Aziz bin Saud's favorite wife, Hassa Bint Ahmad Sudeiri, he is the second youngest of the "Sudeiri Seven," the most influential group in Saudi Arabia. Prince Salman is known as one of King Fahd's most trusted advisers and reported peacemaker in royal family feuds. Since the king's stroke in November of 1995, the prince rarely leaves his brother's side King Fahd in Jeddah. According to diplomatic reports, Salman, along with his brother Sultan and his half- brother Abdullah, are the de facto rulers of Saudi Arabia.

HEIR TO THE THRONE

Prince Salman is more than a governor. He is one of the most powerful members of the ruling clan. An important Saudi academic phrased his influence in these terms: "if you fall out with him you're finished." (Financial Times, April 22, 1985). His unofficial roles include: head of intelligence (Turki al-Faisal, the late King Faisal's son is the nominal intelligence chief); chief censor of media, domestic and foreign press coming into Saudi Arabia (His son Ahmad runs al-Sharq al-Awsat and other media businesses); head of cultural affairs (Faisal bin Fahd, the king's oldest son, officially has this role); mentor of the "Riyadh-Qassim axis" in business and government administration; chief monitor of foreign affairs (Saud al-Faisal, Turki's brother, carries the title of Foreign Minister); and head of oil policy (his hatred of Sheik Ahmed Yamani was a reported leading factor in the popular oil minister's firing in 1986).

In his role as head of the family council that confirms succession, he is said to be backing his brother Sultan over designated heir, Crown Prince Abdullah, his half-brother. turning sixty this year, Salman is on Saudi watchers' short list for successors because they do not expect Abdullah or Sultan, both in their seventies, to live much longer than Fahd. Some analysts pick him to be next in line instead of Abdullah or Sultan.

According to "Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy," the family council reached consensus on the following scenario on December 10 or 11, immediately after the king's stroke: Crown Prince Abdullah would be de facto head of state and acting head of government. Once the king died or was clearly incapacitated, he would hand over power to Salman. When it became clear that Fahd was not yet near death, he reclaimed the power he had given Abdullah in December. Even so, Fahd reportedly suffers from dementia and the triad Abdullah-Salman-Sultan are the de facto leaders of the Saudi government.

Since Fahd's stroke, the power struggle has become somewhat more open. Three of the pretenders to the throne are part of a joke which goes: If an election were held in Saudi Arabia, Salman would win the popular vote, Naef, the ruthless interior minister, would get one vote, and Sultan, known as the most corrupt of the Sudeiri brothers, would get as many votes as he could buy.

The question of succession is important because, as an American observer put it, " None of the people competing for king is intelligent enough to think of the national interest. After Fahd, the chances of a civil war or a crippling tribal feud are real." (Sunday Telegraph, November 19, 1995).

FUNDAMENTALIST CONNECTIONS

Prince Salman is courting Arab fundamentalists as a power base to ensure his successful accession to the throne. His links to this segment of the Saudi population became stronger after the Gulf War because he was reportedly jealous of Sultan and his sons' popularity in the war's aftermath. He maintains ties with Saudi Wahabbi fundamentalists, particularly those in the regional strongholds of Burayada and Darriya, places the prince frequents.

This affiliation is akin to playing with fire. Salman is a Sudeiri through and through, and as such, he is also a target of fundamentalist criticism of the regime, and part of the reason for the increasing terrorism by fundamentalist inside the kingdom. The November bombing in Riyadh shows just how dangerous his policy is. Salman has based his claim to power on his ability to suppress the growing militant fundamentalist threat inside Saudi Arabia. In 1994, King Fahd reportedly gave him a personal mandate to administer the country's internal security. Since then, he has made repeated overtures to the Islamists. As the November bombing and the June bombing in Dhahran show, the militants are not fooled by his hypocrisy. They know he is trying to use them to gain power, so they take what they can get and go on their way. This in turn is upsetting and upstaging Naef whose reputation and hold onto power is in doubt after these bombings. Naef's has fallen from grace in the eyes of the US administration and he is partly blaming Salman for not reigning more his power onto the perpetrators of terrorism in the last two bombings.

During the war in Afghanistan, he organized transportation for mujahadins from various Arab countries so they could help the Afghan fundamentalist organizations. He maintained close ties and financially aided, through his role as the royal family member who controlled the charity funds for Afghan resisters raised through mosques and schools, Abdul Rahman, leader of an Islamic fundamentalist group linked with the Wahabbi sect. This group is accused of kidnapping Afghan women and killing Afghan army deserters.

Mohammed al-Khilewi, a former first secretary at Saudi Arabia's UN mission who is seeking political asylum in the U.S., accused Saudi Arabia of financing the terrorist group Hamas and of giving the group information on building bombs. He also accused his government of undertaking electronic surveillance of American Jewish groups. If this is true, such activities would have to have been approved by Prince Salman. Prince Salman sent his family to al-Khilewi in the U. S. with bribe offers and the following threat: "Tell your relative we can get him in the United States, we can get him even if he goes to the moon." (Sunday Times, June 12, 1994). It is noted to say that Salman has visited Jewish organizations in New York in December of 1995 carrying a message of peace. Fouad Ajami who accompanied Salman has allegedly said privately that :"Salman has a long way to go to prove his friendship to Jews before he is trusted"

Apart from backing Hamas, Saudi Arabia has an unofficial policy of using government money to fund other Islamic extremist fundamentalist organizations such as, FIS, the Algerian-based Islamic Salvation Front; al-Nahada, an outlawed Tunisian movement; and the Moslem Brotherhood, based in Egypt, Sudan, Jordan, and Syria. The government backs these groups for several reasons, including: to buy friends for the Saudi government, to appease domestic fundamentalist groups, and to curtail Iranian influence in the terrorist groups.

The royal family channels government funds through several "charitable" organizations that must answer to Prince Salman. These organizations are Moslem World League (Al- Rabita al-Islamiya al-'Alamiya) and its affiliate, World Council of Mosques, both are based in Mecca, and World Assembly of Moslem Youth, headquartered in Riyadh. The Moslem World League was established by the Moslem Brotherhood. It officially receives a little over $4 million a year, but state funding for fundamentalist organizations, like FIS, allegedly passes through it. The organization has offices in many Saudi embassies throughout the world.

Saudi funding of the Moslem Brotherhood has provided them enormous influence in Egyptian society because education and the media there has been taken over by the Brotherhood. "Effectively there is a parallel government here in the pay of the Saudis," says Hussein Amin, a senior diplomat and author of critical works on the militant perception of an Islamic society. "You will never find any of the critics of the Islamic militants on Egyptian television. We are not allowed to debate the issues with them and this is policy linked to the domination of Egyptian political life, and especially the ministry of information, by Saudi Arabia. Indeed, every six months the entire television and radio schedules are taken to Saudi Arabia for approval." All of this allegedly happens under the eye of Prince Salman.

Yet, even royal family money cannot control terrorists. Riyadh began funding the Sudanese Brotherhood in the 1970's. The Sudanese Brotherhood is the "shadow government" behind Lieutenant-General Omar al-Bashir, who is fighting a brutal civil war against Sudan Christians and Animists. The Saudi government set up banks in Sudan, the most famous being the Faisal Islamic Bank. Key members of the Sudanese Brotherhood held top positions. Hassan Turabi, the most powerful leader of the Brotherhood had offices on the top floor of the building where he was said to be an adviser. "Leading Moslem Brothers got positions in these banks. In the early 1980s the Moslem Brothers seemed very well financed in Sudan, although they
were formally banned," says Timothy Niblock, director of the Middle East politics program at the University of Exeter. Sudan, today, is on the watch list of the US State Department because of its fundamentalist activities. In fact, Turabi has been the protector and guardian of Osama bin laden, the Saudi millionaire who has publicly resigned to fighting all Us backed regimes in the area.

LOW TOLERANCE FOR DISSENT

When the governor is in Riyadh, he works from his office overlooking Sahat al-Adl or "Justice Square" where public beheadings take place on Fridays after the noon prayers. He can be as ruthless as his brother Naef. He has reportedly beaten a man in public and seized his passport. He has ordered another flogged.

As the de facto head of Saudi intelligence, Prince Salman works closely with Naef and tolerates little dissent on his watch. Religious leaders based at King Saud University in Riyadh criticized government support of peace with Israel. In retaliation, Salman fired Sheik Hamdan al-Hamdan, the leader of Friday prayers at the university's mosque.

Salman combines his intelligence information with his role as overseer of charitable organizations to block these organizations from being used to profit political dissenters. In 1994, he ordered ten charities to dissolve because of reports that their trustees were "activists." Under a law passed in 1993, Saudi donations to Muslim charities must be collected by a fund headed by Prince Salman. In this way, the Prince can not only get his hands on outside money, but can see who is giving money to what charity and can use that information against the donor and the charity. The law apparently does not say that the donor will be reimbursed if the charity is closed down. No Saudi trusts any member of the royal family to handle their money.

In 1993, as part of a crackdown against dissenters throughout Saudi Arabia, Salman allegedly had phones of dissenters in his province tapped, and had them arrested.

In 1992, he allegedly tried to suppress distribution of a memo calling for, among other things, an end to "courts and instructions that suppress the people's rights to travel, that permit censoring of telephone calls and mail, or the searching of houses"; the "absolute prohibition of torture by security of police"; a stop to "any behavior that harms the dignity of an accused in order to get him to confess"; not allowing a suspect to be held "for more than one night, nor be allowed to enter the suspect's house or prevent him from traveling, unless these security forces have permission from a sharia judge"; "financial and psychological compensation" to victims of civil and human rights abuses and prosecution of the perpetrators of the abuse. (The Washington Post, September 28, 1992).

In October 1997, Salman ordered the execution of Abdul Karim Merhi al-Naqshabandi, a Syrian expatriate who has been working in Saudi Arabia for 14 years, the last 3 in which he was falsely imprisoned by Salman for not testifying against a fellow worker in a company who fronts for Salman. His execution was closely publicized by the Human Rights Watch and reported by Tarek al-Issawi, a reporter for the Associated Press on October 6, 1997.

EXTREME CENSORSHIP

Prince Salman not only airbrushes away unfavorable news about Saudi Arabia that may come into the country via the foreign news media, but, through his ownership of Ash-Sharq al-Awsat, a London newspaper for the Arab community, he is working to keep the Saudi image "spic and span." He touched up a photo of a reception. People held their hands in the air, but an airbrush had wiped out the wineglasses they were holding.

Ash-Sharq al-Awsat runs huge annual losses. Since a member of the royal family owns the paper, many suspect it is being financed by government money, and, therefore, for Salman, the losses are a small price to pay for the political influence the prestigious newspaper wields. Everyone in the Arab world reads the newspaper. Arab leaders vie for coverage. Saudi money is used to buy the best printing equipment and the best reporters. Any reporter who refuses a Saudi offer is blacklisted. Abdul al-Bari Atwan runs an independent newspaper called Al-Quds al-Arabi. He comments: "The Saudis have bought up or are trying to buy up every single journalist, author and independent thinker in the Arab world. Most Arab journalists are not paid well, and the Saudis offer huge salaries. It's hard not to dream of working in the petro-dollar press." (The Guardian, November 30, 1992).

Arab journalists work for the newspaper even though they do not agree with the censorship of news relating to Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf countries. "I have a mortgage to pay and children to educate," says one Arab journalist. "I don't like it, but I have to work for the Saudis. What else can I do? Where else can I write?" (The Guardian, November 30, 1992).

Prince Salman is known as the press overlord of the royal family. "Every Saudi newspaper gets its orders from Riyadh," says a senior editor at a London-based Saudi newspaper. (The New York Times, June 29, 1992).

MORE THAN A GOVERNOR

An incident in 1992 shows just how much power this governor wields. On October 14 of that year, two Filipinos were arrested for proselytizing Christianity. The ambassador from the Philippines did not meet with the Foreign Minister nor the Minister of the Interior who would have been in charge of the arrests, he met with Prince Salman to discuss the fate to the men.

In August 1991, a British citizen, Neville Norton, was allowed to return home after being denied an exit visa for 16 years because he claimed that he was not paid the 10 million pounds owed to him for plans he designed for three palaces for Prince Naef. After pressure from Prime Minister Major during the Gulf War and from Foreign Secretary Hurd in 1991, King Fahd asked Governor Salman to review the case. On August 13, 1991, Norton left Saudi Arabia with a check from the royal family as part of a settlement agreement he made with Salman.

HOME AWAY FROM HOME

Like other members of his family, Prince Salman has bought real estate in Spain. In the mid-1970's he had a mansion built and in 1981, a mosque. As a Spanish real estate agent noticed, "When Arabs build a mosque, it means they are setting up a community." In Marbella, he and other family members, benefit from having zoning and construction restrictions waived, so they can build as lavishly as they wish.

SOURCES

U.S. News & World Report, June 24, 1996, WORLD REPORT; Pg. 44, 46, 1174 words, A volatile mixture in a desert kingdom, By Richard Z. Chesnoff, Riyadh; Jidda
Scotland on Sunday, January 7, 1996, Sunday, Pg. 9, 4800 words, DEEP BARREL OF CRUDE, The Oil-Rich Kingdom Is Sinking In A Sea Of Disrepute. Diplomatic Editor Trevor Royle Examines The Rot That Typifies Saudi Relations With The West
Foreign Affairs, JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1996 January, 1996 /February, 1996, ESSAYS; Pg. 93, 5534 words,
The Storm and the Citadel, Milton Viorst; MILTON VIORST, who recently visited Saudi Arabia, is the author of Sandcastles: The Arabs in Search of the Modern World.
International Country Risk Guide: Middle East & North Africa, June, 1995, No. 6, 1154 words, SAUDI ARABIA POLITICS, 2864848
Los Angeles Times, January 17, 1995, Tuesday, Home Edition, World Report; Page 1; Column 2; World Report, 1929 words, REGIONAL OUTLOOK; THE GRAYING OF ARAB LEADERS; SPECULATION ABOUT SUCCESSION IS BECOMING AN OBSESSION IN THE MIDEAST., By KIM MURPHY, TIMES STAFF WRITER, DAMASCUS, Syria
Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy, October 31, 1994, CURRENT ESTIMATES; Pg. 24, 2023 words, Saudi Leaders Resist Islamist Pressures
Petroleum Economist, September, 1993, Vol. 60 ; No. 9 ; Pg. 20; ISSN: 0306-395X, 1020 words, Cash crisis looms; Saudi Arabian economy; Saudi Arabia; Industry Overview, Kielmas, Maria, IAC 14604119
The Independent, June 21, 1993, Monday, INTERNATIONAL NEWS PAGE; Page 12 1188 words, Saudis attack rulers by tape and fax; Robert Fisk examines how a hi-tech form of underground protest is proving successful in unsettling the monarchy, ROBERT FISK
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 19, 1993, Wednesday, Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; gulf states; ME/1692/A; , 515 words, SAUDI ARABIA; TWO UNIVERSITY EMPLOYEES REPORTEDLY DETAINED; AFP CITES LONDON-BASED GROUP, Agence France-Presse in English 2015 gmt 17 May 93
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 14, 1993, Friday, saudi arabia; 400 words, SAUDI ARABIA; Human rights committee member: US diplomats informed of committee's activities, Agence France-Presse in English 1328 gmt 13 May 93
The Daily Telegraph, May 14, 1993, Friday, INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 10, 279 words, Saudis sack founders of rights movement
The Times, May 11, 1993, Tuesday, Overseas news, 295 words, Saudi rights group angers ruling family, By Christopher Walker
The Washington Post, September 28, 1992, Monday, Final Edition, FIRST SECTION; PAGE A12, 1432 words, Conservative Clergy Attack Saudi Government, Caryle Murphy, Washington Post Foreign Service, CAIRO, Sept. 27, 1992
Business Week, November 19, 1990, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS; Number 3188; Pg. 66, 1681 words, A KINGDOM TESTED FROM WITHOUT -- AND WITHIN, John Rossant in Riyadh, with Stanley Reed in New York
Financial Times, September 13, 1990, Thursday, SECTION I; Pg. 2, 883 words, Crisis in the Gulf; Saudi Arabia's Shias now face test of loyalty, LARA MARLOWE, QATEEF
The San Francisco Chronicle, SEPTEMBER 12, 1990, WEDNESDAY, FINAL EDITION NEWS; Pg. A13, 975 words, Iraq Isn't Saudis' Only Worry Ruling Sunnis fear resurgence of historic clashes with Shiites, Lara Marlowe, Chronicle Foreign Service, Qateef, Saudi Arabia
Financial Times, October 24, 1988, Monday, SURVEY; Pg. 38, 1286 words, Arab Banking 2; Sama Lends A Hand, Robin Allen
Reuters, April 1, 1987, Wednesday, BC cycle, International News, 694 words, SAUDI CAPITAL PAMPERS FOREIGN DIPLOMATS IN MAN-MADE OASIS, By Philip Shehadi, RIYADH, CAPITAL
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, June 28, 1996, Friday, Part 4 The Middle East; THE MIDDLE EAST; SAUDI BOMB ATTACK; EE/D2651/ME, 1344 words, SENEGAL; London-based Saudi opposition: bombing shows militants getting stronger, Source: Al-Islah', London, in Arabic 27 Jun 96
Deutsche Presse-Agentur, June 5, 1996, Wednesday, International News, 1240 words, Marbella hopes to become retirement home town to Saudi King Fahd, By Sinikka Tarvainen, Madrid
Agence France Presse, May 29, 1996, International news, 667 words, Fahd's worsening health fuels rumors, Patrick Rahir, DUBAI, May 29
Reuters World Service, May 20, 1996, Monday, BC cycle, 581 words, Saudi readies bombers punishment,dismisses threats, By Barry May, DUBAI, May 20
Jane's Intelligence Review - Pointer, February 1, 1996, FEATURE; Vol. 3; No. 2; Pg. 3, 926 words, Questions remain over the Saudi succession, James Bruce
APS Diplomat Operations In Oil Diplomacy, January 29, 1996, No. 1, Vol. 31 1188 words, PROFILE - Saudi Arabia - KING FAHD IBN ABDEL AZIZ, 3078005
Sunday Times, December 10, 1995, Sunday, Overseas news, 1351 words, Saudi princes vie for crown, By Marie Colvin
Deutsche Presse-Agentur, December 5, 1995, Tuesday, International News, 1334 words, Fahd reported to be improving, but succession questions remain, By Jim Anderson, Washington
Newsweek, November 27, 1995 , UNITED STATES EDITION, INTERNATIONAL; Terrorism; Pg. 45, 433 words, The Sons -- Also Rising
Sunday Telegraph, November 19, 1995, Sunday, Pg. 29, 1341 words, INTERNATIONAL FOCUS - THE MIDDLE EAST: BATTLE FOR THE HOUSE OF SAUD The US plans a say in who succeeds to the throne of its powerful Arab ally, writes Said K. Aburish
BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 3, 1995, Wednesday, Part 4 Middle East; THE MIDDLE EAST; SAUDI ARABIA; ME/2293/MED, 1060 words, Opposition leader Mas'ari on Saudi power struggle, fatwa on hajj demonstrations, Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran external service, Tehran, in Arabic 1730 gmt 1 May 95
COMPASS Newswire, APRIL 7, 1995, FRIDAY, IN THE NEWS, 398 words, SAUDI NEWSPAPER EDITOR SAYS OPPOSITION GROUP DEFAMED HIM
Intelligence Newsletter, October 6, 1994, OPERATIONS; No. 249, 560 words, SAUDI ARABIA: Princes Fight It Out
The Washington Post, August 24, 1994, Wednesday, Final Edition, FIRST SECTION; PAGE A22, 1338 words, Traditional Saudis Take Dim View Of Attempts to Modernize Islam, Nora Boustany, Washington Post Foreign Service, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia
The New York Times, June 14, 1994, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page 6; Column 1; Foreign Desk , 1032 words, Critical of His Government, Saudi Diplomat Seeks Asylum in U.S., By PAUL LEWIS, Special to The New York Times , UNITED NATIONS, June 13
Sunday Times, June 12, 1994, Sunday, Overseas news, 1032 words, An unlikely Saudi rebel pleads for political asylum, By Marie Colvin, New York International Country Risk Guide-Middle East & North Africa, June, 1994, No. 6, 763 words, SAUDI ARABIA POLITICS, 2552854
APS Diplomat Fate of the Arabian Peninsula, May 9, 1994, No. 5, Vol. 27, 672 words, SAUDI ARABIA - The Provincial System, 2368444
The Independent, November 27, 1993, Saturday, INTERNATIONAL NEWS PAGE; Page 12 , 366 words, Saudis move to take over critical Arab press; Now you see it . . . prince's newspaper makes sure that leaders' wives lose their taste for wine, ANNIKA SAVILL, Diplomatic Editor
Jane's Intelligence Review, July 1, 1993, Vol. 5; No. 7, 836 words, Leaders and Sponsors The Times, May 21, 1993, Friday, Features, 1503 words, Salute the seven heroes, Bernard Levin
Agence France Presse, May 17, 1993, News, 627 words, Saudi rights group says two university employees arrested, NICOSIA
Agence France Presse, May 16, 1993, News, 627 words, Saudi professors urge release of rights activist, father says, NICOSIA
Agence France Presse, May 14, 1993, News, 747 words, Saudi Arabia cracks down on opposition, NICOSIA
The New York Times, May 14, 1993, Friday, Late Edition - Final, Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Foreign Desk, 1267 words, Saudis Crack Down on a Dissident Islamic Group, By YOUSSEF M.IBRAHIM, Special to The New York Times, PARIS, May 13
Agence France Presse, May 9, 1993, News, 1147 words, Saudi Arabia angry over human rights group, NICOSIA
The Guardian, May 5, 1993, THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 11, 907 words, SAUDI CURB ON ALMS TARGETS RADICALS' CASH; Gifts to charity have funded militant groups in other countries, KATHY EVANS
St. Petersburg Times, January 2, 1993, Saturday, City Edition, RELIGION; RELIGION DIGEST; Pg. 4E, 1341 words, Arabs to deport, not hang, Christian pastor NEW YORK (RNS); WASHINGTON; ATLANTA; JERSUSALEM; MIKWAUKEE [sic]; CRESTWOOD, N.Y. 528.
Moneyclips, December 31, 1992, 2654 words, 1992: an eventful year for Saudi Arabia, By FURQAN AHMED, Riyadh Daily Staff, SAUDI ARABIA
Agence France Presse, December 24, 1992, News, 160 words, Filipino missionaries to be expelled for preaching, RIYADH
Orlando Sentinel Tribune, December 24, 1992 Thursday, 3 STAR, A SECTION; Pg. A6, 89 words, FILIPINOS TO BE DEPORTED FOR PREACHING TO SAUDIS, RIYADH, SAUDI ARABIA
The Reuter Library Report, December 24, 1992, Thursday, BC cycle, 220 words, SAUDI ARABIA TO DEPORT FILIPINO CHRISTIANS, MANAMA, Dec 24
The Washington Times, December 24, 1992, Thursday, Final Edition, Part A; TOP OF THE NEWS; WORLD; Pg. A2, 124 words, Saudis deport 2 for proselytizing, FROM WIRE DISPATCHES AND STAFF REPORTS, RIYADH, SAUDI ARABIA
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The New York Times, June 29, 1992, Monday, Late Edition - Final, Section D; Page 8; Column 1; Financial Desk, 758 words, THE MEDIA BUSINESS; Saudis Pursue Media Acquisitions, Gaining Influence in the Arab World, By YOUSSEF M. IBRAHIM, Special to The New York Times, LONDON, June 24
The Guardian, February 29, 1992, FOREIGN; Pg. 9, 3667 words, MILITANT ISLAM'S SAUDI PAYMASTERS; For a decade Iran's role in the spread of fundamentalism has been the object of hostile scrutiny in the West. Here Guardian correspondents examine the less known part played by 'moderate' Saudi Arabia, IAN BLACK IN JERUSALEM, DEBORAH PUGH IN CAIRO, SIMON TISDALL IN WASHINGTON, KATHY EVANS IN ISLAMABAD AND LESLIE PLOMMER
The Daily Telegraph, August 14, 1991, Wednesday, Pg. 1, 507 words, Saudis set Briton free
The Independent, May 29, 1991, Wednesday, FOREIGN NEWS PAGE; Page 11 , 538 words, Religious rift in Saudi Arabia, By ADEL DARWISH
The Courier-Journal, March 10, 1991, Sunday - METRO Edition, FORUM; Pg. 1D, 4600 words, SAUDI ARABIA; THE WAR IS ENDING, BUT THE TENSIONS ARE FAR FROM OVER, JUDITH MILLER
Time, November 26, 1990, U.S. Edition, WORLD; Pg. 46, 909 words, SAUDI ARABIA; Life in the Slow Lane; By formally banning Saudi women from driving cars, conservatives hope to brake any further efforts at liberalization, By WILLIAM DOWELL RIYADH
The Christian Science Monitor, June 20, 1990, Wednesday, THE WORLD; Pg. 1 1066 words, Saudi Aims in Afghanistan Appear Increasingly at Odds With West, Sheila Tefft, Staff writer of The Christian Science Monitor, PESHAWAR, PAKISTAN
Middle East Executive Reports, November, 1988, SAUDI ARABIA; Volume 11, Number 11; Pg. 19, 1831 words, Saudi Arabia In the Oil Era; Part II:
Potential Sources Of Instability, by Mordechai Abir; Mordechai Abir is Professor of Middle Eastern and African Studies, Institute of Asian and African Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem. This series is an updated adaptation from his book, Saudi Arabia in the Oil Era: Regime and Elite; Conflict and Collaboration, published in 1988 in London by Croom Helm Ltd., and in the U.S. by Westview Press, Frederick A. Praeger, Publisher
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United Press International, June 11, 1987, Thursday, BC cycle, Financial, Texas, 356 words, Saudi company acquires Texas refiner, DALLAS
Financial Times, October 31, 1986, Friday, SECTION I; Pg. 6, 1191 words, Opec After Yamani; Discount In The Kingdom Forces Sacking Of Stylish Servant, Richard Johns
Financial Times, April 22, 1985, Monday, SECTION III; Financial Times Survey; Saudi Arabia; Pg. VII, 347 words, The wide influence of the Governor of Riyadh, Michael Field
The New York Times, December 4, 1981, Friday, Late City Final Edition, Section A; Page 2, Column 3; Foreign Desk, 1190 words, SAUDIS FORGE FUTURE FROM AN EVER-PRESENT PAST, By JOHN KIFNER, Special to the New York Times, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia
The Washington Post, November 28, 1981, Saturday, Final Edition, First Section; A17, 1199 words, A Touch of Desert Democracy: Saudi Princes Receive Petitioners, By David B. Ottaway, Washington Post Foreign Service, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia
Reuters, November 13, 1981, Friday, BC cycle, International News, 749 words By Ethan Bronner, MARBELLA, Spain, Moslems
Business Week, May 7, 1979, Industrial Edition, INTERNATIONAL OUTLOOK; Pg. 58, 820 words, The Saudi regime's tricky balancing act
The Economist, September 17, 1977, THE WORLD; INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 79, 200 words, Saudi Arabia; Deadlock, FROM OUR LEVANT CORRESPONDENT
The Economist, July 16, 1977, THE WORLD; INTERNATIONAL; Pg. 76, 310 words Saudi Arabia; Brothers, FROM OUR LEVANT CORRESPONDENT
Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy, November/December, 1995, FEATURE REPORTS; Pg. 1, 817 words, Saudi Succession In Crisis
Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy, November/December, 1995, THE MIDDLE EAST; Pg. 5, 4428 words, Saudi Arabia's Iranian-Backed Islamist Terror Groups Launch Their Jihad Against the Sa'uds, Yossef Bodansky
 


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