Fahd bin Abdul Aziz
Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz
Naef Bin Abdul Aziz
Salman Bin Abdul Aziz
Ahmad Bin Abdul Aziz
| |
|
GOVERNOR OF THE KING
Prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz is the governor of Riyadh, the
capital of Saudi Arabia. He has held this post since 1962. One of the
seven sons of country founder Abdul Aziz bin Saud's favorite wife, Hassa
Bint Ahmad Sudeiri, he is the second youngest of the "Sudeiri
Seven," the most influential group in Saudi Arabia. Prince Salman is
known as one of King Fahd's most trusted advisers and reported peacemaker
in royal family feuds. Since the king's stroke in November of 1995, the
prince rarely leaves his brother's side King Fahd in Jeddah. According to
diplomatic reports, Salman, along with his brother Sultan and his half-
brother Abdullah, are the de facto rulers of Saudi Arabia.
HEIR TO THE THRONE
Prince Salman is more than a governor. He is one of the most powerful
members of the ruling clan. An important Saudi academic phrased his
influence in these terms: "if you fall out with him you're
finished." (Financial Times, April 22, 1985). His unofficial roles
include: head of intelligence (Turki al-Faisal, the late King Faisal's son
is the nominal intelligence chief); chief censor of media, domestic and
foreign press coming into Saudi Arabia (His son Ahmad runs al-Sharq
al-Awsat and other media businesses); head of cultural affairs (Faisal bin
Fahd, the king's oldest son, officially has this role); mentor of the
"Riyadh-Qassim axis" in business and government administration;
chief monitor of foreign affairs (Saud al-Faisal, Turki's brother, carries
the title of Foreign Minister); and head of oil policy (his hatred of
Sheik Ahmed Yamani was a reported leading factor in the popular oil
minister's firing in 1986).
In his role as head of the family council that confirms succession, he is
said to be backing his brother Sultan over designated heir, Crown Prince
Abdullah, his half-brother. turning sixty this year, Salman is on Saudi
watchers' short list for successors because they do not expect Abdullah or
Sultan, both in their seventies, to live much longer than Fahd. Some
analysts pick him to be next in line instead of Abdullah or Sultan.
According to "Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy,"
the family council reached consensus on the following scenario on December
10 or 11, immediately after the king's stroke: Crown Prince Abdullah would
be de facto head of state and acting head of government. Once the king
died or was clearly incapacitated, he would hand over power to Salman.
When it became clear that Fahd was not yet near death, he reclaimed the
power he had given Abdullah in December. Even so, Fahd reportedly suffers
from dementia and the triad Abdullah-Salman-Sultan are the de facto
leaders of the Saudi government.
Since Fahd's stroke, the power struggle has become somewhat more open.
Three of the pretenders to the throne are part of a joke which goes: If an
election were held in Saudi Arabia, Salman would win the popular vote,
Naef, the ruthless interior minister, would get one vote, and Sultan,
known as the most corrupt of the Sudeiri brothers, would get as many votes
as he could buy.
The question of succession is important because, as an American observer
put it, " None of the people competing for king is intelligent enough
to think of the national interest. After Fahd, the chances of a civil war
or a crippling tribal feud are real." (Sunday Telegraph, November 19,
1995).
FUNDAMENTALIST CONNECTIONS
Prince Salman is courting Arab fundamentalists as a power base to ensure
his successful accession to the throne. His links to this segment of the
Saudi population became stronger after the Gulf War because he was
reportedly jealous of Sultan and his sons' popularity in the war's
aftermath. He maintains ties with Saudi Wahabbi fundamentalists,
particularly those in the regional strongholds of Burayada and Darriya,
places the prince frequents.
This affiliation is akin to playing with fire. Salman is a Sudeiri through
and through, and as such, he is also a target of fundamentalist criticism
of the regime, and part of the reason for the increasing terrorism by
fundamentalist inside the kingdom. The November bombing in Riyadh shows
just how dangerous his policy is. Salman has based his claim to power on
his ability to suppress the growing militant fundamentalist threat inside
Saudi Arabia. In 1994, King Fahd reportedly gave him a personal mandate to
administer the country's internal security. Since then, he has made
repeated overtures to the Islamists. As the November bombing and the June
bombing in Dhahran show, the militants are not fooled by his hypocrisy.
They know he is trying to use them to gain power, so they take what they
can get and go on their way. This in turn is upsetting and upstaging Naef
whose reputation and hold onto power is in doubt after these bombings.
Naef's has fallen from grace in the eyes of the US administration and he
is partly blaming Salman for not reigning more his power onto the
perpetrators of terrorism in the last two bombings.
During the war in Afghanistan, he organized transportation for mujahadins
from various Arab countries so they could help the Afghan fundamentalist
organizations. He maintained close ties and financially aided, through his
role as the royal family member who controlled the charity funds for
Afghan resisters raised through mosques and schools, Abdul Rahman, leader
of an Islamic fundamentalist group linked with the Wahabbi sect. This
group is accused of kidnapping Afghan women and killing Afghan army
deserters.
Mohammed al-Khilewi, a former first secretary at Saudi Arabia's UN mission
who is seeking political asylum in the U.S., accused Saudi Arabia of
financing the terrorist group Hamas and of giving the group information on
building bombs. He also accused his government of undertaking electronic
surveillance of American Jewish groups. If this is true, such activities
would have to have been approved by Prince Salman. Prince Salman sent his
family to al-Khilewi in the U. S. with bribe offers and the following
threat: "Tell your relative we can get him in the United States, we
can get him even if he goes to the moon." (Sunday Times, June 12,
1994). It is noted to say that Salman has visited Jewish organizations in
New York in December of 1995 carrying a message of peace. Fouad Ajami who
accompanied Salman has allegedly said privately that :"Salman has a
long way to go to prove his friendship to Jews before he is trusted"
Apart from backing Hamas, Saudi Arabia has an unofficial policy of using
government money to fund other Islamic extremist fundamentalist
organizations such as, FIS, the Algerian-based Islamic Salvation Front;
al-Nahada, an outlawed Tunisian movement; and the Moslem Brotherhood,
based in Egypt, Sudan, Jordan, and Syria. The government backs these
groups for several reasons, including: to buy friends for the Saudi
government, to appease domestic fundamentalist groups, and to curtail
Iranian influence in the terrorist groups.
The royal family channels government funds through several
"charitable" organizations that must answer to Prince Salman.
These organizations are Moslem World League (Al- Rabita al-Islamiya al-'Alamiya)
and its affiliate, World Council of Mosques, both are based in Mecca, and
World Assembly of Moslem Youth, headquartered in Riyadh. The Moslem World
League was established by the Moslem Brotherhood. It officially receives a
little over $4 million a year, but state funding for fundamentalist
organizations, like FIS, allegedly passes through it. The organization has
offices in many Saudi embassies throughout the world.
Saudi funding of the Moslem Brotherhood has provided them enormous
influence in Egyptian society because education and the media there has
been taken over by the Brotherhood. "Effectively there is a parallel
government here in the pay of the Saudis," says Hussein Amin, a
senior diplomat and author of critical works on the militant perception of
an Islamic society. "You will never find any of the critics of the
Islamic militants on Egyptian television. We are not allowed to debate the
issues with them and this is policy linked to the domination of Egyptian
political life, and especially the ministry of information, by Saudi
Arabia. Indeed, every six months the entire television and radio schedules
are taken to Saudi Arabia for approval." All of this allegedly
happens under the eye of Prince Salman.
Yet, even royal family money cannot control terrorists. Riyadh began
funding the Sudanese Brotherhood in the 1970's. The Sudanese Brotherhood
is the "shadow government" behind Lieutenant-General Omar al-Bashir,
who is fighting a brutal civil war against Sudan Christians and Animists.
The Saudi government set up banks in Sudan, the most famous being the
Faisal Islamic Bank. Key members of the Sudanese Brotherhood held top
positions. Hassan Turabi, the most powerful leader of the Brotherhood had
offices on the top floor of the building where he was said to be an
adviser. "Leading Moslem Brothers got positions in these banks. In
the early 1980s the Moslem Brothers seemed very well financed in Sudan,
although they
were formally banned," says Timothy Niblock, director of the Middle
East politics program at the University of Exeter. Sudan, today, is on the
watch list of the US State Department because of its fundamentalist
activities. In fact, Turabi has been the protector and guardian of Osama
bin laden, the Saudi millionaire who has publicly resigned to fighting all
Us backed regimes in the area.
LOW TOLERANCE FOR DISSENT
When the governor is in Riyadh, he works from his office overlooking Sahat
al-Adl or "Justice Square" where public beheadings take place on
Fridays after the noon prayers. He can be as ruthless as his brother Naef.
He has reportedly beaten a man in public and seized his passport. He has
ordered another flogged.
As the de facto head of Saudi intelligence, Prince Salman works closely
with Naef and tolerates little dissent on his watch. Religious leaders
based at King Saud University in Riyadh criticized government support of
peace with Israel. In retaliation, Salman fired Sheik Hamdan al-Hamdan,
the leader of Friday prayers at the university's mosque.
Salman combines his intelligence information with his role as overseer of
charitable organizations to block these organizations from being used to
profit political dissenters. In 1994, he ordered ten charities to dissolve
because of reports that their trustees were "activists." Under a
law passed in 1993, Saudi donations to Muslim charities must be collected
by a fund headed by Prince Salman. In this way, the Prince can not only
get his hands on outside money, but can see who is giving money to what
charity and can use that information against the donor and the charity.
The law apparently does not say that the donor will be reimbursed if the
charity is closed down. No Saudi trusts any member of the royal family to
handle their money.
In 1993, as part of a crackdown against dissenters throughout Saudi
Arabia, Salman allegedly had phones of dissenters in his province tapped,
and had them arrested.
In 1992, he allegedly tried to suppress distribution of a memo calling
for, among other things, an end to "courts and instructions that
suppress the people's rights to travel, that permit censoring of telephone
calls and mail, or the searching of houses"; the "absolute
prohibition of torture by security of police"; a stop to "any
behavior that harms the dignity of an accused in order to get him to
confess"; not allowing a suspect to be held "for more than one
night, nor be allowed to enter the suspect's house or prevent him from
traveling, unless these security forces have permission from a sharia
judge"; "financial and psychological compensation" to
victims of civil and human rights abuses and prosecution of the
perpetrators of the abuse. (The Washington Post, September 28, 1992).
In October 1997, Salman ordered the execution of Abdul
Karim Merhi al-Naqshabandi, a Syrian expatriate who has been working
in Saudi Arabia for 14 years, the last 3 in which he was falsely
imprisoned by Salman for not testifying against a fellow worker in a
company who fronts for Salman. His execution was closely publicized by the
Human Rights Watch and reported by Tarek al-Issawi, a reporter for the
Associated Press on October 6, 1997.
EXTREME CENSORSHIP
Prince Salman not only airbrushes away unfavorable news about Saudi Arabia
that may come into the country via the foreign news media, but, through
his ownership of Ash-Sharq al-Awsat, a London newspaper for the Arab
community, he is working to keep the Saudi image "spic and
span." He touched up a photo of a reception. People held their hands
in the air, but an airbrush had wiped out the wineglasses they were
holding.
Ash-Sharq al-Awsat runs huge annual losses. Since a member of the royal
family owns the paper, many suspect it is being financed by government
money, and, therefore, for Salman, the losses are a small price to pay for
the political influence the prestigious newspaper wields. Everyone in the
Arab world reads the newspaper. Arab leaders vie for coverage. Saudi money
is used to buy the best printing equipment and the best reporters. Any
reporter who refuses a Saudi offer is blacklisted. Abdul al-Bari Atwan
runs an independent newspaper called Al-Quds al-Arabi. He comments:
"The Saudis have bought up or are trying to buy up every single
journalist, author and independent thinker in the Arab world. Most Arab
journalists are not paid well, and the Saudis offer huge salaries. It's
hard not to dream of working in the petro-dollar press." (The
Guardian, November 30, 1992).
Arab journalists work for the newspaper even though they do not agree with
the censorship of news relating to Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf
countries. "I have a mortgage to pay and children to educate,"
says one Arab journalist. "I don't like it, but I have to work for
the Saudis. What else can I do? Where else can I write?" (The
Guardian, November 30, 1992).
Prince Salman is known as the press overlord of the royal family.
"Every Saudi newspaper gets its orders from Riyadh," says a
senior editor at a London-based Saudi newspaper. (The New York Times, June
29, 1992).
MORE THAN A GOVERNOR
An incident in 1992 shows just how much power this governor wields. On
October 14 of that year, two Filipinos were arrested for proselytizing
Christianity. The ambassador from the Philippines did not meet with the
Foreign Minister nor the Minister of the Interior who would have been in
charge of the arrests, he met with Prince Salman to discuss the fate to
the men.
In August 1991, a British citizen, Neville Norton, was allowed to return
home after being denied an exit visa for 16 years because he claimed that
he was not paid the 10 million pounds owed to him for plans he designed
for three palaces for Prince Naef. After pressure from Prime Minister
Major during the Gulf War and from Foreign Secretary Hurd in 1991, King
Fahd asked Governor Salman to review the case. On August 13, 1991, Norton
left Saudi Arabia with a check from the royal family as part of a
settlement agreement he made with Salman.
HOME AWAY FROM HOME
Like other members of his family, Prince Salman has bought real estate in
Spain. In the mid-1970's he had a mansion built and in 1981, a mosque. As
a Spanish real estate agent noticed, "When Arabs build a mosque, it
means they are setting up a community." In Marbella, he and other
family members, benefit from having zoning and construction restrictions
waived, so they can build as lavishly as they wish.
SOURCES
| U.S. News & World Report, June 24, 1996, WORLD REPORT;
Pg. 44, 46, 1174 words, A volatile mixture in a desert kingdom, By
Richard Z. Chesnoff, Riyadh; Jidda |
| Scotland on Sunday, January 7, 1996, Sunday, Pg. 9, 4800
words, DEEP BARREL OF CRUDE, The Oil-Rich Kingdom Is Sinking In A Sea
Of Disrepute. Diplomatic Editor Trevor Royle Examines The Rot That
Typifies Saudi Relations With The West |
| Foreign Affairs, JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1996 January, 1996
/February, 1996, ESSAYS; Pg. 93, 5534 words, |
| The Storm and the Citadel, Milton Viorst; MILTON VIORST, who
recently visited Saudi Arabia, is the author of Sandcastles: The Arabs
in Search of the Modern World. |
| International Country Risk Guide: Middle East & North
Africa, June, 1995, No. 6, 1154 words, SAUDI ARABIA POLITICS, 2864848 |
| Los Angeles Times, January 17, 1995, Tuesday, Home Edition,
World Report; Page 1; Column 2; World Report, 1929 words, REGIONAL
OUTLOOK; THE GRAYING OF ARAB LEADERS; SPECULATION ABOUT SUCCESSION IS
BECOMING AN OBSESSION IN THE MIDEAST., By KIM MURPHY, TIMES STAFF
WRITER, DAMASCUS, Syria |
| Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy, October 31,
1994, CURRENT ESTIMATES; Pg. 24, 2023 words, Saudi Leaders Resist
Islamist Pressures |
| Petroleum Economist, September, 1993, Vol. 60 ; No. 9 ; Pg.
20; ISSN: 0306-395X, 1020 words, Cash crisis looms; Saudi Arabian
economy; Saudi Arabia; Industry Overview, Kielmas, Maria, IAC 14604119 |
| The Independent, June 21, 1993, Monday, INTERNATIONAL NEWS
PAGE; Page 12 1188 words, Saudis attack rulers by tape and fax; Robert
Fisk examines how a hi-tech form of underground protest is proving
successful in unsettling the monarchy, ROBERT FISK |
| BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 19, 1993, Wednesday,
Part 4 The Middle East, Africa and Latin America; gulf states;
ME/1692/A; , 515 words, SAUDI ARABIA; TWO UNIVERSITY EMPLOYEES
REPORTEDLY DETAINED; AFP CITES LONDON-BASED GROUP, Agence France-Presse
in English 2015 gmt 17 May 93 |
| BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 14, 1993, Friday, saudi
arabia; 400 words, SAUDI ARABIA; Human rights committee member: US
diplomats informed of committee's activities, Agence France-Presse in
English 1328 gmt 13 May 93 |
| The Daily Telegraph, May 14, 1993, Friday, INTERNATIONAL; Pg.
10, 279 words, Saudis sack founders of rights movement |
| The Times, May 11, 1993, Tuesday, Overseas news, 295 words,
Saudi rights group angers ruling family, By Christopher Walker |
| The Washington Post, September 28, 1992, Monday, Final
Edition, FIRST SECTION; PAGE A12, 1432 words, Conservative Clergy
Attack Saudi Government, Caryle Murphy, Washington Post Foreign
Service, CAIRO, Sept. 27, 1992 |
| Business Week, November 19, 1990, INTERNATIONAL BUSINESS;
Number 3188; Pg. 66, 1681 words, A KINGDOM TESTED FROM WITHOUT -- AND
WITHIN, John Rossant in Riyadh, with Stanley Reed in New York |
| Financial Times, September 13, 1990, Thursday, SECTION I; Pg.
2, 883 words, Crisis in the Gulf; Saudi Arabia's Shias now face test
of loyalty, LARA MARLOWE, QATEEF |
| The San Francisco Chronicle, SEPTEMBER 12, 1990, WEDNESDAY,
FINAL EDITION NEWS; Pg. A13, 975 words, Iraq Isn't Saudis' Only Worry
Ruling Sunnis fear resurgence of historic clashes with Shiites, Lara
Marlowe, Chronicle Foreign Service, Qateef, Saudi Arabia |
| Financial Times, October 24, 1988, Monday, SURVEY; Pg. 38,
1286 words, Arab Banking 2; Sama Lends A Hand, Robin Allen |
| Reuters, April 1, 1987, Wednesday, BC cycle, International
News, 694 words, SAUDI CAPITAL PAMPERS FOREIGN DIPLOMATS IN MAN-MADE
OASIS, By Philip Shehadi, RIYADH, CAPITAL |
| BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, June 28, 1996, Friday, Part
4 The Middle East; THE MIDDLE EAST; SAUDI BOMB ATTACK; EE/D2651/ME,
1344 words, SENEGAL; London-based Saudi opposition: bombing shows
militants getting stronger, Source: Al-Islah', London, in Arabic 27
Jun 96 |
| Deutsche Presse-Agentur, June 5, 1996, Wednesday,
International News, 1240 words, Marbella hopes to become retirement
home town to Saudi King Fahd, By Sinikka Tarvainen, Madrid |
| Agence France Presse, May 29, 1996, International news, 667
words, Fahd's worsening health fuels rumors, Patrick Rahir, DUBAI, May
29 |
| Reuters World Service, May 20, 1996, Monday, BC cycle, 581
words, Saudi readies bombers punishment,dismisses threats, By Barry
May, DUBAI, May 20 |
| Jane's Intelligence Review - Pointer, February 1, 1996,
FEATURE; Vol. 3; No. 2; Pg. 3, 926 words, Questions remain over the
Saudi succession, James Bruce |
| APS Diplomat Operations In Oil Diplomacy, January 29, 1996,
No. 1, Vol. 31 1188 words, PROFILE - Saudi Arabia - KING FAHD IBN
ABDEL AZIZ, 3078005 |
| Sunday Times, December 10, 1995, Sunday, Overseas news, 1351
words, Saudi princes vie for crown, By Marie Colvin |
| Deutsche Presse-Agentur, December 5, 1995, Tuesday,
International News, 1334 words, Fahd reported to be improving, but
succession questions remain, By Jim Anderson, Washington |
| Newsweek, November 27, 1995 , UNITED STATES EDITION,
INTERNATIONAL; Terrorism; Pg. 45, 433 words, The Sons -- Also Rising |
| Sunday Telegraph, November 19, 1995, Sunday, Pg. 29, 1341
words, INTERNATIONAL FOCUS - THE MIDDLE EAST: BATTLE FOR THE HOUSE OF
SAUD The US plans a say in who succeeds to the throne of its powerful
Arab ally, writes Said K. Aburish |
| BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, May 3, 1995, Wednesday, Part
4 Middle East; THE MIDDLE EAST; SAUDI ARABIA; ME/2293/MED, 1060 words,
Opposition leader Mas'ari on Saudi power struggle, fatwa on hajj
demonstrations, Source: Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran external
service, Tehran, in Arabic 1730 gmt 1 May 95 |
| COMPASS Newswire, APRIL 7, 1995, FRIDAY, IN THE NEWS, 398
words, SAUDI NEWSPAPER EDITOR SAYS OPPOSITION GROUP DEFAMED HIM |
| Intelligence Newsletter, October 6, 1994, OPERATIONS; No.
249, 560 words, SAUDI ARABIA: Princes Fight It Out |
| The Washington Post, August 24, 1994, Wednesday, Final
Edition, FIRST SECTION; PAGE A22, 1338 words, Traditional Saudis Take
Dim View Of Attempts to Modernize Islam, Nora Boustany, Washington
Post Foreign Service, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia |
| The New York Times, June 14, 1994, Tuesday, Late Edition -
Final, Section A; Page 6; Column 1; Foreign Desk , 1032 words,
Critical of His Government, Saudi Diplomat Seeks Asylum in U.S., By
PAUL LEWIS, Special to The New York Times , UNITED NATIONS, June 13 |
| Sunday Times, June 12, 1994, Sunday, Overseas news, 1032
words, An unlikely Saudi rebel pleads for political asylum, By Marie
Colvin, New York International Country Risk Guide-Middle East &
North Africa, June, 1994, No. 6, 763 words, SAUDI ARABIA POLITICS,
2552854 |
| APS Diplomat Fate of the Arabian Peninsula, May 9, 1994, No.
5, Vol. 27, 672 words, SAUDI ARABIA - The Provincial System, 2368444 |
| The Independent, November 27, 1993, Saturday, INTERNATIONAL
NEWS PAGE; Page 12 , 366 words, Saudis move to take over critical Arab
press; Now you see it . . . prince's newspaper makes sure that
leaders' wives lose their taste for wine, ANNIKA SAVILL, Diplomatic
Editor |
| Jane's Intelligence Review, July 1, 1993, Vol. 5; No. 7, 836
words, Leaders and Sponsors The Times, May 21, 1993, Friday, Features,
1503 words, Salute the seven heroes, Bernard Levin |
| Agence France Presse, May 17, 1993, News, 627 words, Saudi
rights group says two university employees arrested, NICOSIA |
| Agence France Presse, May 16, 1993, News, 627 words, Saudi
professors urge release of rights activist, father says, NICOSIA |
| Agence France Presse, May 14, 1993, News, 747 words, Saudi
Arabia cracks down on opposition, NICOSIA |
| The New York Times, May 14, 1993, Friday, Late Edition -
Final, Section A; Page 3; Column 1; Foreign Desk, 1267 words, Saudis
Crack Down on a Dissident Islamic Group, By YOUSSEF M.IBRAHIM, Special
to The New York Times, PARIS, May 13 |
| Agence France Presse, May 9, 1993, News, 1147 words, Saudi
Arabia angry over human rights group, NICOSIA |
| The Guardian, May 5, 1993, THE GUARDIAN FOREIGN PAGE; Pg. 11,
907 words, SAUDI CURB ON ALMS TARGETS RADICALS' CASH; Gifts to charity
have funded militant groups in other countries, KATHY EVANS |
| St. Petersburg Times, January 2, 1993, Saturday, City
Edition, RELIGION; RELIGION DIGEST; Pg. 4E, 1341 words, Arabs to
deport, not hang, Christian pastor NEW YORK (RNS); WASHINGTON;
ATLANTA; JERSUSALEM; MIKWAUKEE [sic]; CRESTWOOD, N.Y. 528. |
| Moneyclips, December 31, 1992, 2654 words, 1992: an eventful
year for Saudi Arabia, By FURQAN AHMED, Riyadh Daily Staff, SAUDI
ARABIA |
| Agence France Presse, December 24, 1992, News, 160 words,
Filipino missionaries to be expelled for preaching, RIYADH |
| Orlando Sentinel Tribune, December 24, 1992 Thursday, 3 STAR,
A SECTION; Pg. A6, 89 words, FILIPINOS TO BE DEPORTED FOR PREACHING TO
SAUDIS, RIYADH, SAUDI ARABIA |
| The Reuter Library Report, December 24, 1992, Thursday, BC
cycle, 220 words, SAUDI ARABIA TO DEPORT FILIPINO CHRISTIANS, MANAMA,
Dec 24 |
| The Washington Times, December 24, 1992, Thursday, Final
Edition, Part A; TOP OF THE NEWS; WORLD; Pg. A2, 124 words, Saudis
deport 2 for proselytizing, FROM WIRE DISPATCHES AND STAFF REPORTS,
RIYADH, SAUDI ARABIA |
| The Guardian, November 30, 1992, THE GUARDIAN FEATURES PAGE;
Pg. 16, 2014 words, MEDIA: THE PETRO-DOLLAR PRESS; London, long the
Arab world's most important opposition centre, is now home to a pair
of powerful newspapers, owned by Saudi royalty, KATHY EVANS |
| The New York Times, June 29, 1992, Monday, Late Edition -
Final, Section D; Page 8; Column 1; Financial Desk, 758 words, THE
MEDIA BUSINESS; Saudis Pursue Media Acquisitions, Gaining Influence in
the Arab World, By YOUSSEF M. IBRAHIM, Special to The New York Times,
LONDON, June 24 |
| The Guardian, February 29, 1992, FOREIGN; Pg. 9, 3667 words,
MILITANT ISLAM'S SAUDI PAYMASTERS; For a decade Iran's role in the
spread of fundamentalism has been the object of hostile scrutiny in
the West. Here Guardian correspondents examine the less known part
played by 'moderate' Saudi Arabia, IAN BLACK IN JERUSALEM, DEBORAH
PUGH IN CAIRO, SIMON TISDALL IN WASHINGTON, KATHY EVANS IN ISLAMABAD
AND LESLIE PLOMMER |
| The Daily Telegraph, August 14, 1991, Wednesday, Pg. 1, 507
words, Saudis set Briton free |
| The Independent, May 29, 1991, Wednesday, FOREIGN NEWS PAGE;
Page 11 , 538 words, Religious rift in Saudi Arabia, By ADEL DARWISH |
| The Courier-Journal, March 10, 1991, Sunday - METRO Edition,
FORUM; Pg. 1D, 4600 words, SAUDI ARABIA; THE WAR IS ENDING, BUT THE
TENSIONS ARE FAR FROM OVER, JUDITH MILLER |
| Time, November 26, 1990, U.S. Edition, WORLD; Pg. 46, 909
words, SAUDI ARABIA; Life in the Slow Lane; By formally banning Saudi
women from driving cars, conservatives hope to brake any further
efforts at liberalization, By WILLIAM DOWELL RIYADH |
| The Christian Science Monitor, June 20, 1990, Wednesday, THE
WORLD; Pg. 1 1066 words, Saudi Aims in Afghanistan Appear Increasingly
at Odds With West, Sheila Tefft, Staff writer of The Christian Science
Monitor, PESHAWAR, PAKISTAN |
| Middle East Executive Reports, November, 1988, SAUDI ARABIA;
Volume 11, Number 11; Pg. 19, 1831 words, Saudi Arabia In the Oil Era;
Part II: |
| Potential Sources Of Instability, by Mordechai Abir;
Mordechai Abir is Professor of Middle Eastern and African Studies,
Institute of Asian and African Studies, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem. This series is an updated adaptation from his book, Saudi
Arabia in the Oil Era: Regime and Elite; Conflict and Collaboration,
published in 1988 in London by Croom Helm Ltd., and in the U.S. by
Westview Press, Frederick A. Praeger, Publisher |
| Platt's Oilgram News, September 15, 1988, ANALYSIS; Vol. 66,
No. 179; Pg. 3, 931 words, CROWN PRINCE ABDULLAH: SHAPING THE NEXT
SAUDI ERA |
| United Press International, June 11, 1987, Thursday, BC
cycle, Financial, Texas, 356 words, Saudi company acquires Texas
refiner, DALLAS |
| Financial Times, October 31, 1986, Friday, SECTION I; Pg. 6,
1191 words, Opec After Yamani; Discount In The Kingdom Forces Sacking
Of Stylish Servant, Richard Johns |
| Financial Times, April 22, 1985, Monday, SECTION III;
Financial Times Survey; Saudi Arabia; Pg. VII, 347 words, The wide
influence of the Governor of Riyadh, Michael Field |
| The New York Times, December 4, 1981, Friday, Late City Final
Edition, Section A; Page 2, Column 3; Foreign Desk, 1190 words, SAUDIS
FORGE FUTURE FROM AN EVER-PRESENT PAST, By JOHN KIFNER, Special to the
New York Times, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia |
| The Washington Post, November 28, 1981, Saturday, Final
Edition, First Section; A17, 1199 words, A Touch of Desert Democracy:
Saudi Princes Receive Petitioners, By David B. Ottaway, Washington
Post Foreign Service, RIYADH, Saudi Arabia |
| Reuters, November 13, 1981, Friday, BC cycle, International
News, 749 words By Ethan Bronner, MARBELLA, Spain, Moslems |
| Business Week, May 7, 1979, Industrial Edition, INTERNATIONAL
OUTLOOK; Pg. 58, 820 words, The Saudi regime's tricky balancing act |
| The Economist, September 17, 1977, THE WORLD; INTERNATIONAL;
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| Defense & Foreign Affairs' Strategic Policy,
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