Fahd bin Abdul Aziz
Sultan Bin Abdul Aziz
Naef Bin Abdul Aziz
Salman Bin Abdul Aziz
Ahmad Bin Abdul Aziz
| |
I am Michael Collins. I am Justin Coe. I am Sandra
Mackey. Behind my male pseudonyms of Collins and Coe, I spent four years
as an underground journalist in Saudi Arabia.
From 1978 to 1980 and again from 1982 to 1984, I wrote on politics, the
royal family, the economy, conflicts in the society, military tensions,
foreign policy, and everyday life for the Christian Science Monitor,
newspaper syndicates, and business journals. I also contributed an
academic article to the Washington Quarterly, published by Georgetown
Center for Strategic Studies, and another article to the Army War College.
Collins and Coe became my identity outside Saudi Arabia. Inside, my
friends perceived me as a dutiful wife stalwartly suffering exile in a
fanatical, intolerant Islamic society that regards women as little more
than breeding stock. To the Saudis, I was yet another foreign woman to be
forced into a long dress and confined to the house to keep her corrupting
influences isolated from Saudi society.
Saudi authorities had no idea that a political scientist by training and a
journalist by inclination - and as an added indignity, a woman - had
penetrated the carefully constructed and relentlessly patrolled walls that
Saudi Arabia retains around itself.
The only way I gained entrance into Saudi Arabia was as a dependent of my
physician husband, who was on the staff of the King Faisal Specialist
Hospital in Riyadh. Since this is the hospital that provides health care
for the royal family and top government officials, it gave me entry into
the palaces and homes of the mighty. I worked as an editor in the Ministry
of Planning, which is responsible for Saudi Arabia's massive development
plans. Papers containing the goals and spending priorities of every
government ministry passed across my desk. Yet surprisingly my greatest
advantage in reporting on Saudi Arabia was not my strategic position but
rather the fact that I am a woman.
The Saudis regard women as such mindless creatures that I was able to ask
questions without raising much suspicion. No man could have walked into
the headquarters of the Palestine Liberation Organization and interviewed
the PLO chief for Saudi Arabia and succeeded in convincing him that his
interest was nothing more than idle curiosity, as I did. But above all,
being a woman gave me access to the secluded world of Saudi women. I went
into their houses and tents. I watched them shop in the sequestered
women's souqs. I went to their weddings. I questioned and probed about
their lives, their marriages, their children, their ambitions, and their
lifestyles.
Through it all, I guarded my anonymity for one reason only: to stay out of
jail. I constantly lived with the fear of being caught. My male pseudonyms
not only gave me credibility in the Western press (still not totally
liberated from the male mystique) but also afforded an added measure of
protection. Publishing under a woman's name in the male- dominated Saudi
society would have sent up a red flag to the Ministry of the Interior,
leading agents of the secret police to ferret through their files for
Western female suspects.
The need for my deception arose from the very core of the Saudi psyche -
an obsession with how they appear to others. The government's strictures
on foreign journalists serve to protect Saudi society's image of itself as
much as to protect the political interests of the House of Saud. Saudi
Arabia is a highly secretive, super-sensitive society that distrusts
anyone beyond family or tribe. Since the oil boom, the Saudis have come to
regard themselves as a family facing the outside world. In a culture where
image is paramount to reality, the Saudis want both to bask in the glory
of their wealth and progress and, at the same time, hide anything that
threatens their self-esteem.
With general public support, then, the government bans all foreign news
organizations from the country. The only press reports that come out of
the kingdom are those written by journalists invited to visit Saudi Arabia
under the auspices of the Ministry of Information. Any one breaking the
rules is severely punished. During my time in Saudi Arabia, the most
infamous example of Saudi sensitivities involved a British subject, Keith
Carmichael, a freewheeling entrepreneur in the construction business who
was arrested in October 1981 while trying to cross the border into Qatar
to escape debts exceeding a million dollars. The claims against his
indebtedness would have been resolved in about a year if Carmichael had
not had the effrontery to embarrass Saudi Arabia in the Western press by
writing a series of letters to the editor of the London Observer,
protesting what he called his brutal treatment in primitive jails. The
Saudi government held Carmichael in jail for three years, until 1984, when
Margaret Thatcher purportedly tied the sale of British-made weapons to
Saudi Arabia to Carmichael's release.
Only a few trusted Western friends in Saudi Arabia knew that I was a
writer. They took my rough drafts to the desert to burn, carried copy out
of the country when they went on vacation, and stored my notes when I had
reason to believe that the secret police might be closing in. Yet writing
the story was not the only problem. While in Saudi Arabia I was totally
cut off from my publishers. All communication had to be handled by a
friend in the United States who received the copy and sent it on. The only
time I knew when an article had been published was when I received a coded
letter saying, "Your picture of the new rare bird sighted in Saudi
Arabia [in this case the arrival of the U.S. AWAC~ has been hung by the
gallery in Boston."
My motivation to continue my underground reporting was a desire to record
the extraordinary conjunction of time and place. In 1973 Saudi Arabia
quarterbacked the oil embargo against the world. Almost overnight this
increasingly prosperous but largely ignored country on the Arabian
peninsula catapulted into world prominence. As a result, a deeply
traditional society now struggled to define itself while trying to cope
with an influx of enormous wealth and the arrival of legions of
foreigners. From the outset, the progress of the economic and social
planners ran head on into a rigid Islamic society that had not changed for
fourteen hundred years. This clash between the progressives and
traditionalists was repeated as the xenophobic Saudis tried to control the
forces unleashed by the presence of great numbers of expatriates,
Westerners particularly.
To appreciate just what was happening, reflect on the fact that al most
every Saudi man thirty years old or older in 1973 had, at one time, made
his own shoes. Although the national income in the 1960s was far greater
than ever before, the average Saudi had little in the way of material
goods or human comforts. Few people who did not actually live in Saudi
Arabia before the oil bonanza realize just how hard life actually was,
even for the well-to-do in urban coastal areas such as Jeddah. As one
member of a prominent Jeddah merchant family said, when criticized by a
Westerner for tearing down the family's historic old tabby house to make
way for a new stucco and marble one, "If all you remembered from that
house was heat, foul smells, and disease, you would tear it down,
too."
As late as '945, at the end of World War II, King Abdul Aziz ibn Saud and
his countrymen were living on charity. After two years of production,
Saudi Arabia's infant oil industry had closed down for the duration of the
war. The kingdom was forced to return to living on the receipts of
pilgrims making the hajj to Mecca; but pilgrimages too had been all but
shut down by the war. Nature added its vengeance as a severe drought
parched the country for several years in the early 1040's.
Saudi Arabia survived on British and American aid supplemented by loans
from the California Arabian Standard Oil Company. The generosity of
governments and the oil company was not all selfless altruism but instead
was motivated by the need to protect their individual and collective
interests in Saudi Arabia's oil. When Abdul Aziz died in 1953, he was
still living in his mud-walled palace in Riyadh.
During the 1950's, the royal family and the merchant families began to
reap the rewards of their oil production. Revenues from oil, which went
directly into the king's personal treasury, rose from $56.7 million in
1950 to $333.7 million by 1960. Members of the royal family undertook
highly publicized shopping trips to the United States and Europe, but the
money was in the hands of only a few. Most of the people still lived in
their goat-hair tents or clustered around oases in small, poorly
ventilated houses made of straw and mud. They had no electricity, no
education, no medical care. But the common people seldom went hungry. In
the tradition of Abdul Aziz, who traveled around his kingdom with the
public treasury in a chest on the back of a camel, King Saud, his oldest
son and successor, continued to dole out the national wealth. There was no
system of distribution, only the personal gifts of the king or the coins
Saud threw from his car whenever he went out among his people.
It was not long before the profligate spending habits of the royal family
and the generosity of the king plunged the country into near bankruptcy.
After all, Saudi Arabia was producing only 1.4 million barrels of oil a
day and the oil companies were paying less than $2.00 a barrel. King
Saud's abdication, forced by the royal family in 1964, ushered in the era
of King Faisal, the mastermind of the oil embargo and guru of Saudi
Arabia's development policies.
By 1970 the world's appetite for oil was bringing in $1.2 billion a year,
which relieved some of Saudi Arabia's major economic problems. Basic
services such as water and electricity were creeping into the cities. The
port cities of Jeddah on the west and Dammam on the east began to see more
consumer goods than ever before. The blessings of air conditioning spread
and cars became common. But the new prosperity did not spread much beyond
the urban areas. Even Riyadh remained out of the mainstream of prosperity
that was overtaking the coasts, although King Faisal did build an
impressive new palace of buff-colored stone with a green slate roof in a
date grove on the edge of Riyadh, and his favorite sister moved into a
tasteless square palace near the center of the city. A few trees sprang up
and some concrete- block stores appeared, but basically the city
slumbered.
By '973 Saudi Arabia was producing 7.6 million barrels of oil a day and
selling it for $3.60 a barrel. So much money was coming in that the
government had no way to spend it all. Therefore it was not primarily
economics but politics that motivated King Faisal to impose the oil
embargo. Since 1967 the honor of the mystical entity known as the
"Arab nation" had stood blemished by the Israeli victory over
the Arabs in the Six Day War. Saudi Arabia felt the Arab loss for its own
particular reasons. Emotionally, the loss of Jerusalem, the third of
Islam's holiest sites, was a blow from which Faisal never recovered.
Politically, the bitterness of the Palestinians continued to destabilize
the Middle East and threaten the House of Saud.
When Egypt attacked Israel to avenge Arab honor for the Six Day War, Anwar
Sadat already had Faisal's promise to unleash the Arabs' ultimate weapon,
oil. Ten days after the October 6, 1973, war began, oil sales to nations
supporting Israel were suspended. The embargo was on. It was not to end
until March 19, 1974
The oil embargo exposed a critical weakness in the West - a dependence on
Arab oil. Greed took over from politics as OPEC moved to maximize its
price advantage. By the end of 1974, oil prices had quadrupled to $16 per
barrel and Saudi Arabia's revenues hit $22.5 billion and were climbing.
The kingdom was swimming in money.
It was the quest for a share in the Saudis' money that brought hundreds of
foreigners into the interior of Saudi Arabia, which was largely un touched
by the outside world. Legitimate businessmen, con artists, and hucksters
poured into Riyadh to solicit every Saudi who could read as a business
partner. But Saudi Arabia was not prepared for the onslaught. In Riyadh
the only hotel that could be called habitable was the Al Yamama, located
on the narrow road that ran between the central town and the airport. Room
reservations at the Al Yamama meant nothing. It was essentially first
come, first served. Bribery helped, of course, but even if a room were
obtained, it still meant sharing it with three other men. The lobby was
like a pilgrims' rest, as exhausted businessmen from a dozen different
countries sprawled
on the sparse furniture or stretched out on the floor, their luggage
spread out around them defining their space. There was constant turmoil as
other desperate men pleaded for a room or searched for floor space. Groups
of two, three, or four buzzed in corners, hallways, or the one restroom on
the main floor, as eager businessmen plotted strategies to win contracts
or to cut the price of the Saudi "agent" or middleman.
According to an American farm equipment salesman, there was only one place
in all of Riyadh where Westerners would risk eating - a small, dingy
restaurant over a shop near the old Riyadh supermarket, called the Green
something (dirt and grime obliterated the last word). The menu was rice
and lamb alternating with lamb and rice. Customers brought their own
bottled water.
Logistics for the businessman were difficult if not impossible. In town,
taxis were available for those with a careless regard for life. Rental
cars were nonexistent. A businessman who was in the kingdom for only a few
weeks often was forced to buy a car, if he could find one. Even with
transportation, other obstacles remained. The road connecting Riyadh, the
capital, with Dhahran, the home of the Arabian- American Oil Company (ARAMCO)
, * was impassable in anything less than a four-wheel-drive vehicle. So
most people were forced to depend on Saudia, Saudi Arabia's national
airline, for transportation between cities. The Arabian Express, the
commuter service between Riyadh and Dhallran and Riyadh and Jeddah, was
like the hotels, al ways overbooked. A man could wait a week or forever to
get a seat. An alternative means of reaching Dhahran was to go to al-Kharj,
about 40 kilometers south and east of Riyadh, and take the old, wheezing
train that ARAMCO had built for Abdul Aziz in 1951 The 250-mile trip took
eight hours if all went well.
* ARAMCO, the Arabian-American Oil company, was formed in 1948 by Standard
Oil of California, Texaco, Standard Oil of New Jersey, and Mobil to
produce Saudi Arabia's oil.
By 1975 foreigners began to arrive to staff the schools and
hospitals that were opening. Housing that approached a Western standard
was all but nonexistent. Some of my friends who arrived during this
period lived in a succession of abominable places. Most were housed in
dark, dank apartments not far from the Baatha souqs overlooking an open
sewage canal. The evaporative coolers (air conditioning had arrived only
in the newest buildings) whirled day and night, throwing water- cooled
air into the stuffy rooms. The men went to work while the women stayed
trapped in their quarters, except when they went out in groups to buy
fruit, a few vegetables, and perhaps a little meat to prepare on the hot
plates in their rooms. Life was hard and few people were willing to
endure it. Yet I was about to join them.
Saudi Arabia was desperate for skilled labor. A majority of the Saudis
were illiterate, and those who were educated had been taught the
traditional curriculum of classical Arabic and the Koran, but no
technical skills. To build the large infrastructure projects needed for
economic development and to deliver the services that the Saudis now
demanded required that the country import a highly skilled work force,
primarily from the West, where most of these needed skills were found.
To woo these Westerners to come live in the adverse conditions existing
at the beginning of the boom, the Saudis were willing to pay well and to
provide lavish fringe benefits. Everything - housing, utilities,
transportation, sheets to sleep on, and pans to cook in was pro vided by
the employer. Children could attend the finest boarding schools anywhere
in the world and the Saudis paid. Vacation time was generous: for most,
about sixty days a year. The opportunity for travel was unparalleled.
Every employee got a round-trip ticket home once a year for himself and
his dependents. So many people flew first class, courtesy of the Saudis,
that most of the planes going in and out of Saudi Arabia were
reconfigured to expand the size of the first-class section to about a
third of the plane.
Even before the oil embargo, as a political scientist, I had developed a
consuming interest in the Middle East. Watching events in Saudi Arabia
that followed the embargo, I was pulled to the country as if by a
magnet. I wanted to live there, to bury myself in events, to experience
what was happening to this medieval society. But I could not go on my
own Females received visas only as dependents of foreign workers or for
critical jobs such as nursing. Fortunately, my husband shared my
enthusiasm and began to send out feelers for job possibilities in Saudi
Arabia.
In the fall of '977, the King Faisal Specialist Hospital (KFSH) in
Riyadh asked Dan to come fill in for a dermatologist who was on vacation
for a month. The hospital had been founded by the former king, Faisal,
who was assassinated in 1975 just before the facility officially opened.
The 250-bed hospital was conceived by the king as a royal clinic to keep
members of his vast family from escaping to Lon don, Geneva, or Los
Angeles on the pretext of needing medical care. Perhaps smarting from
the grumbling about the hospital's cost and grandeur, Faisal, just
before he died, expanded its role from royal clinic to the medical
referral center for Saudi Arabia. But because housing at the hospital
was in such short supply, I was denied a visa. So we decided that while
Dan was working in Saudi Arabia, I would make my own tour of Syria,
Jordan, and Israel.
At the end of the month, I met Dan in Amman and we returned home. He had
been fascinated by the professional challenges presented by the quantity
and diversity of rare diseases he had seen in Riyadh, and I was, by now,
inescapably addicted to life in the Middle East. When the King Faisal
Hospital called a few weeks later to ask Dan to come as a staff
physician on a two-year contract, we seized the opportunity.
The decision to go to Saudi Arabia in 1978 was not to be taken lightly,
but perhaps it was less difficult for Dan and me than it might have been
for many others. This would not be our first foreign living experience.
In 1962, shortly after we were married, Dan was awarded a fellowship to
study primitive medicine, and we spent four months in the interior of
Borneo living with the Ibans, a tribe of former headhunt ers. I
experienced outdoor privies, snakes, cockroaches, monkey meat entrees,
giant lizards, mosquitoes, and a face-to-face encounter with a Komodo
dragon while happily surviving life in the jungle.
In 1978 Saudi Arabia in its own way was as much a frontier as Borneo had
been. Few had blazed the trail before us. There were essentially no
books on Saudi Arabia, and few people outside the oil industry had ever
even been there. The orientation provided by Hospital Corporation
International, the American management company for KFSH, was meager. But
one fact that was indelibly impressed on me was the importance of
respecting Saudi customs about the pro scribed dress for women. In
public I was to wear a long dress with a high neck and long sleeves, and
I was to cover my hair. From the few things I was able to learn about
Saudi Arabia, I quickly realized that the kingdom presented an
unparalleled opportunity for a journalist.
While Dan shifted his patients in Atlanta to the care of other doctors,
I packed, put our business affairs in the hands of strangers, took our
nine-year-old son, Cohn, out of school, closed up my house, told my
friends good-by, and left my parents with a family portrait in case we
never came back. Three months after making our decision to leave, we
boarded an airplane for Riyadh.
It was the first part of May 1978, the height of Saudi Arabia's oil
boom. The Saudia airlines jumbo jet from London was fully loaded that
night, as it had been for months before and as it would be for months
ahead. The airline was the conduit through which the outside world was
shuttled into and out of the secluded microcosm of Saudi Arabia. Except
for a smattering of Saudi nationals returning home from holiday in
London, the passengers were all foreigners. They represented a new kind
of servant class, highly skilled and highly paid, recruited literally to
build a country.
Near midnight the 747 touched down on a runway laid out on a barren and
seemingly lifeless desert. Beyond the mounds of pale, sandy soil lining
the tarmac, there was nothing - no houses, no highways, no parallel
runways, no lofty structures - just the crusty dirt and one low,
rambling building defined as an airport only by the blinking light atop
its flat roof.
As the pilot touched the brakes, the Saudis in the oversize first-class
section began to gather near the exit door. The men, dressed in long
white shirtdresses known as thobes * and white head coverings held in
place by a black double-corded ringlet, carried packages from Harrods,
the tailors of Savile Row, and the chic shops of Regent Street. Their
women were formless figures engulfed in black cloaks and heavy veils.
Clutched to their shrouded bodies were big, heavy cosmetics bags filled
with the promises of the London perfumeries and cosmeticians.
* One of the distinguishing characteristics of Saudi society is the
uniformity of dress among n'en. Except for the coolest months of the
winter, when he might don light wool or polyester, a Saudi man wears the
white thobe. His head gear is composed of a skull cap over which is
placed a gurra, a triangular folded cloth of either white or
red-and-white check. It is held in place by an agal, which the Bedouins
traditionally used to tether their camels.
The abaaya, or black cloak, worn by women hat large sleeves and hangs
over the head. Unlike the Iranian chador, it does not cover the face.
Two styles of veils are seen on Saudi women. Rural women commonly wear a
veil that drops from a velvet band across the forehead and leaves the
wearer's eyes exposed. Urban women wear veils made of a heavy gauzelike
fabric that completely covers their faces and is anchored at the top of
the head by the abaaya.
As the plane rolled to a stop on the tarmac, I could see a miniature
collection of the world's luxury cars of the period - Rolls Royces,
Mercedes, Cadillacs - clustered below the wings of the aircraft, their
drivers leaning against the expensive bodies. When the exit ramp locked
into place, the cabin crew threw open the door and quickly moved to
block the aisle while the world's new ultra rich deplaned. The men,
their wives trailing behind, descended the steps and embraced the men
meeting them, planting a kiss on each cheek and then the nose. Within
moments, the cars were loaded and sped off into the night.
The rest of us tumbled out into the heavy heat. Spring was long past,
and the summer was already upon us. We were herded toward a bus, not old
but rattling and wheezing from lack of maintenance. I gathered up my
requisite long skirt and struggled aboard the bus. The crowd behind me
surged forward and the crowd in front staggered under the weight of
sleeping children and heavy hand luggage.
We neophytes to Saudi Arabia were in a trance. Physical fatigue,
anxiety, and the enormous emotional drain associated with total up
rooting lay over me like a sodden blanket. The people crammed together
in the wheezing, belching bus laboring toward the terminal spoke very
little. Suddenly we jerked to a stop. I took my son's hand and followed
my husband into the great unknown.
The scene inside the airport was chaos. Baggage handlers of a dozen
different nationalities, speaking a dozen different languages, were
tossing luggage off an antiquated conveyor belt into a makeshift holding
pen. Passengers who missed their bags as they flew by yelled at the
handlers while climbing over the barricades in a frantic effort to
retrieve their suitcases. Others who had arrived days earlier wandered
through the mountains of unclaimed baggage in an odyssey of despair,
searching for their lost possessions.
The confusion was made even worse by the number of bags most of us had.
We were coming to an underdeveloped country in the midst of frantic
expansion, where everything was in short supply. Essentially we had
brought along everything we needed for a whole year. My family, which
had a history of going to Europe for two weeks with one carry-on bag
apiece, had twelve large pieces of luggage, including a typewriter.
There were no porters and only six dilapidated luggage carts, so the
fifty feet from the baggage claim area to customs presented a major
logistics problem. We picked up as many bags as we could carry and
pushed the rest along with our feet. The arrival "lounge" was
so small that the lines before the three customs counters snaked in and
out of each other. Even the ever-polite British, the originators and
vigilant defenders of the queue, were pushing and shouting as they tried
to get through the mob with their suitcases. Gathered along the walls in
casual chatting groups was a sampling of Saudi men. With no apparent
purpose in the general scheme of things, they fondled their plastic
prayer beads and watched as their new servants struggled toward the
gates of the kingdom. The plane had landed at
midnight. It was approaching 2:00 A.M. when we presented ourselves for
customs inspection.
Saudi Arabia probably has the most tyrannical customs organization in
the world. The list of items forbidden in the country is long and
vigorously enforced, a list whose restrictions are rooted in the Koran
and the politics of the Arab world.
Saudi Arabia is the cradle of the Islamic religion. Mohammed, the
seventh-century prophet whose revelations became the foundation of
Islam, was a native of the scruffy, dry mountains of western Saudi
Arabia, where the holy city of Mecca nestles. As possessors of two of
the three holy sites of Islam, Mecca and Medina, the Saudis see them
selves as having a certain birthright as defenders of the faith. There
fore, if other Moslems are pious, the Saudis must be even more pious. If
other Moslems are faithful to the teachings of the Prophet, the Saudis
must be even more faithful.
Coupled with their assumed birthright as the elect among Moslems, the
Saudis are the Puritans of the Moslem world. They are followers of
Wahhabism, a sect that is among the most fundamental, rigid, and
intolerant in Islam. Wahhabism demands of its adherents exacting
compliance with the dictates of Mohammed. At the same time, the Saudis
harbor an almost pathological fear that temptation on the path of
religious purity is beyond man's ability to resist. For centuries, Saudi
Arabia's barren deserts protected its purity from invasion by outside
sin. But with the oil boom, the country was suddenly being flooded with
thousands of heretics from the Christian West who brought the sins of
their decadence with them. The religious authorities and the House of
Saud had made it an article of faith to stop temptation at the borders
of the kingdom. Standing like a bulwark between Saudi society and
eternal damnation was the Saudi customs agent, charged with the
preservation of purity.
Customs was one of the few areas of government employment in which only
Saudi nationals were permitted. Manning its borders with nothing but
Saudis presented sparsely populated Saudi Arabia with an enormous
manpower problem. To meet the personnel demands, young men were pulled
out of villages, given a crash course in English, and sent to the front.
Before the late 1970's, the average Saudi customs agent, in all
likelihood, had never been exposed to anything outside the confines of
his own village, did not possess much beyond the essentials of life, and
was probably a devout adherent of the Wahhabi sect of Islam. At his
post, he was mildly resentful of the infusion of foreigners coming into
his world and was charged with the responsibility of protecting his
country and his society from the ravages of sin. Little wonder that he
was a tyrant.
The big three on the forbidden list were pork, alcohol, and pornography.
Because the Moslems follow some of the same dietary restrictions as
orthodox Jews, pork is regarded as unclean and banned from the country.
Alcohol, in any form, is totally forbidden to a Moslem and is,
therefore, banned from the kingdom. Lust in any disguise is forbidden by
the Koran and so anything that compromises the modesty of women is
banned.
When a customs agent went through an incomer's luggage, his eye would
move beyond the obvious, such as a bottle of gin or Penthouse magazine.
Everything entering the country was suspect. Mouthwash was often seized
because it might contain alcohol. Fashion magazines with ads for
lingerie were destroyed. I had a book of knitting patterns mutilated,
apparently because the models were too scantily clad. Guide books to the
museums of Europe were confiscated, for the Venus Di Milo, the paintings
of Botticelli, and the David were all classified as pornography. Even
the Mona Lisa's seductive smile on occasion fell victim to seizure.
Added to these was the restriction on anything that propagated an other
religion. Reading material about or symbols of other religions,
including Bibles and crucifixes, were contraband. And those who had
failed to heed the warnings about shipping in artificial Christmas trees
or other Christmas decorations with their household goods paid the
price. The trees were invariably seized. While one helpless family stood
by, I watched while customs officials dropped its Christmas ornaments,
one at a time, on the floor and crushed them under their sandals. A few
bewildered little girls even saw their dolls torn apart be- cause an
inspector regarded them as idols.
Any printed matter that reflected unfavorably on the Saudis or Moslems
in general was confiscated. The definition of unfavorable covered
virtually everything about Saudi Arabia, the Arabs, the Middle East, or
Islam that was not printed by Saudi Arabia's own Ministry of
Information.
In addition, Saudi customs carried on the Arabs' political war against
the state of Israel. Products made, or suspected of being made, in
Israel were taken. Coca-Cola and a range of other common products whose
companies did business in Israel were banished from Saudi Arabia. Books
by Jewish authors were confiscated. During one period, Saudi customs
decided James Michener was Jewish and seized all of his books carried in
by arriving passengers.
In almost every case, the decision about what would be permitted in the
country and what would be confiscated rested with the individual customs
agent. There was little chance of appeal.
In fact, however, vigilance on the part of the Saudis was a necessity
since almost every Westerner, at some time, engaged in petty smuggling.
Yeast for homemade wine was brought in, disguised as aspirin or sewn in
the hems of women's dresses. Book jackets were substituted to get banned
books into the kingdom. And someone was always trying to smuggle in
canned ham.
But this was something I would learn in the future. Now I was fac ing
the customs officer. Poised over my bag, he raised his arms high above
his head and swooped down, running his hands along each inner side of
the suitcase until he had plunged to the very bottom. There he burrowed
until his parted hands met, clasped them together, and raised them up
again as if seeking air after a deep dive. Neatly folded clothes went
everywhere as a second customs man rummaged through the heap. Shaving
kits and cosmetics bags were dumped out, the contents thoroughly
searched. Reading material was examined for author and con tent. I had
with me the classic sociological study of the Arabs, The Arab Mind, by
the well-known scholar Raphael Patai. It was grabbed out of my hand and
thrown on the mound of books already seized.
Inspection completed, we were dismissed. Dan and I nervously stuffed our
possessions into our bags while the Saudi who had done all of the damage
yelled at us to move on. The scrutiny of my possessions had left me
feeling violated. But even stronger was the feeling of humiliation that
Saudi customs imposed on all the foreigners who passed through. We were
herded like animals, treated with contempt, and finally shoved out the
door to confront Saudi Arabia.
It was now 3:oo A.M. Staggering through the door of the arrivals
section, we were overwhelmed by the mob scene beyond. The airport police
were beating self-appointed porters with night sticks, vainly trying to
keep a path cleared in front of the door. Beyond this narrow neutral
zone, which continued to change in size and shape as the crowd surged
and ebbed, was a mob of at least a hundred people holding signs reading
"Roltzman," "Corps of Engineers," "BAC,"
"Bechtel," "Seimens," "Lockheed." This was
the rendezvous point for the new ar rival and his employer. The company
representatives were there night after night to collect the
ever-increasing numbers of Westerners com ing into the country. One of
the enduring mysteries of Riyadh was that all international flights,
arriving or departing, operated sometime between midnight and 2:00 A.M.
There was no sign for the King Faisal Specialist Hospital bobbing in the
crowd. We had no idea where to go or what to do. With nowhere to sit
(the airport had no chairs), we gathered up the luggage once more and
crawled over sleeping people scattered across the floor until we found a
protected place to stand while Dan went in search of a tele phone.
My immediate problem was somehow to keep control of our lug gage.
Scurrying through the crowd were tiny little men dressed in skirts and
turbans. They were Yemenis, natives of the southern end of the Arabian
Peninsula. Left without oil, the dwarfish Yemenis migrated north early
in the boom to become the backbone of Saudi Arabia's manual labor force.
They mixed cement during the day and carried bags at night. I found that
it took everything short of brute force to keep them from seizing our
bags and running off to load them into our nonexistent vehicle.
For anyone arriving in Saudi Arabia for the first time, being met by a
resident was crucial. And because whole systems were not yet functioning
in the kingdom, new arrivals were missed as often as they were met. The
reasons varied. The telex with the arrival date and flight number may
never have made it through the inadequate and over loaded communications
system. Or the flight had been overbooked and the expected new arrival
might not have been able to secure a seat for five days. The car coming
to pick up the passenger may have been hit by one of the new Saudi
drivers, and since there were no public telephones and absolutely no
message service at the airport, a person de layed had no way of
notifying anyone.
The newly arrived novice was unaware of the monumental problem he faced
in moving from point A to point B. Ground transportation from the
airport was all but nonexistent, for limousines and public buses had yet
to reach this Arabian frontier. The only public transportation available
was the hundreds of yellow Toyota taxicabs whose drivers were eager to
take people anywhere for an outlandish price if the destination could
only be established.
Language was at the root of much of the newly arrived foreigner's
difficulties in functioning. Most Westerners did not have even a
smattering of Arabic. And the Saudis had not yet been forced into
learning English in order to communicate with their new servant class.
That left the new arrival to cope as best he could.
If the stranded traveler had a telephone number to call, and access to
the airport director's personal phone, he was fortunate. Riyadh had no
telephone directories. But even if the caller actually reached some one,
the person at the other end, in all likelihood, spoke no English and
would hang up. If the caller then, in desperation, tried the number
again, the telephone by this time probably was no longer working.
Pleas for assistance from Arabic-English speaking Saudia employees were
fruitless, as they were overwhelmed by the mobs in front of the ticket
counters trying to get on departing flights.
So the next step was to gather up the bags and move outside to get a
taxi. In the rush toward modernization, it seemed, the government had
bought every Saudi a car and made him a taxi driver. Taxis were
everywhere, with every driver blowing his horn for customers. If the
stranded traveler could make himself heard over the noise, he could tell
the driver where he wanted to go. But since the driver probably could
speak no English, the well-prepared arrivee might have a card printed
with the name of his company, on one side in English, one side in
Arabic, on the off chance that the taxi driver could read. The problem
remained that there could be no address on this card, since Riyadh had
few street names and no house numbers.
In the end the only way anyone could move around the city was to know
exactly where he was going so he could direct the driver there street by
street, comer by comer, in Arabic.
More than a few stranded Westerners were taken home for the night by
other hospitable Westerners who might well have been in the same
situation at one time.
Fortunately, Dan was able to use the director's precious telephone to
get through to the hospital and talked to an English-speaking Egyptian,
who dispatched a car to fetch us. The Yemenis were still swarming around
our luggage as I sat on the floor, snapping and snarling at them. Cohn,
clutching his worn and much-loved Curious George doll, was sprawled
across my lap, asleep.
At last the Sudanese driver from the hospital arrived. He spoke no
English except "King Faisal." He held the horde of Yemenis at
bay while three of them loaded the luggage. Apparently, the fifteen
Saudi Riyals (approximately $4.40) apiece to carry the bags fifty feet
was considered an inadequate tip. The porters, in their distinctive
skirts and rubber sandals, shook their fists and screamed as the driver
bundled us into his car and sped away through the maze of yellow taxi
cabs, drivers and potential passengers engaged in the Middle East's
timeless ritual of bargaining.
Riyadh, in the middle of the night, embodied in miniature what was
happening to the country as a whole. There were stretches of the road
from the airport to the hospital that were so quiet they seemed to have
been asleep for centuries. But interrupting the tranquility were the
massive construction sites, where tons of steel rose out of the dust of
millennia. The frantic race to build something where nothing existed
before went on twenty-four hours a day. Bathed in the light of huge
round floodlights, hard-hatted construction workers, with gauze masks
over their faces to filter the rising dust, crawled through the
superstructures. Foremen shouted orders; trucks plied in and out of the
sites. And looming overhead like the new national bird of Saudi Arabia
were the ubiquitous bright yellow construction cranes.
The effect was to make Riyadh look like a surrealistic painting. Small
mud houses and scruffy stucco apartment houses slumbered in the
foreground, while rising out of the placid background and dominating the
scene were machines contorted out of shape by the harsh lights and
operated by seemingly grotesque figures bent on their urgent activity.
In those early morning hours, few of Riyadh's inhabitants were yet aware
of how menacing the pace of development was to their traditional
lifestyles.
By 4:oo A.M. we arrived at the gate to the King Faisal Specialist
Hospital. The hospital complex was located at the edge of Riyadh on land
donated by the royal family. Former King Faisal's palace, with its green
tile roof rising through the palm trees, was just beyond the main gate.
KFSH was the showplace of the capital. The buff stone building exceeded
in design and quality anything else in the city. Sit ting on the site of
a former date grove now carefully landscaped, the institution had the
feeling of a garden. Dominating the entrance was a spewing fountain
highlighted with garish colored lights. Cool water cascaded down into a
pool, breaking the stillness of the night. New trees, struggling to sink
in their roots, were scattered about in the greatest luxury of all -
grass! KFSH boasted the only public grass in all of Riyadh.
The employee housing compound across the street had been left much as
the rest of Riyadh, bare and dusty. As we pulled to a stop at the gate,
I began to see the outlines of the buildings where I would live. Numb by
this time, I did not yet feel the full impact of the gap between the
recruiting company's promises about life in Riyadh, presented in their
color brochures and 35-mm slides, and the reality. All I wanted was a
bed.
The guard on the gate was Lebanese. He had his job because he could
speak some English. I soon learned that a great gulf existed between
being able to speak some English and being able to speak English. The
same was true of those of us who struggled to speak some Arabic and
those of us who could actually operate in the language.
My husband slowly pronounced his name and then spelled it. The guard
consulted his official-looking clipboard, perused the list, and said
there was no Dr. Mackey listed. With great patience, Dan said that he
must be on the list. The hospital had known for several months when he
would be arriving.
Through the list again. No, the only doctor expected that night was a
Dr. Sanstorm. Finally the guard was convinced that, regardless of the
name on his list, there was no other doctor in sight. The stalemate
ended and our car proceeded through the forbidding gate into a cluster
of prefab townhouse apartments laid out like a little community~ Not a
soul stirred. The night shift workers had long since gone, and the
morning shift was still drifting through its
dreams.
The car stopped in front of I 3E. We all grabbed for the bags and
staggered in the door. There we faced what was to be our new home.
The front door opened into the dining area, which contained a For.
mica-topped table and four stainless steel chairs. The kitchen was just
large enough for one person. On the counter was a survival package
designed to get us through the first few days. It contained tea bags
from India, instant coffee from the United States, cubed sugar from
Singapore, a box of salt from China, a jar of jelly from Switzerland, a
loaf of bread of local origin, and some powdered milk, origin un known.
The living room was furnished with a foam rubber cube covered in bright
purple fabric, which I later learned was the sofa, a plastic coffee
table, and a collapsible wooden chair, sitting under an enormous paper
lantern Upstairs there were two tiny bedrooms and a bath. All of the
walls of the 8oo-square-foot apartment were cheap imitation wood
paneling.
By now it was 4:30 A.M. We stood amid our mountain of luggage in a daze.
Cohn was bleary-eyed and far beyond whining and complaining. I numbly
wondered, Where is the three-bedroom apartment we were promised? Where
is the bougainvillea lazily creeping over stucco walls? Where are the
exotic bazaars and the mystery and intrigue of the East? I finally
collapsed into bed just as the mournful sounds of the muezzin calling
the faithful to morning prayers drifted over the compound and Saudi
Arabia's newest arrivals. We were there; now it was up to the Saudis to
decide if they wanted us, and the rest of the new servant class, to
stay.
This is the question that the Saudis have never answered for them
selves. As I rode through Riyadh that first night, the contrast I ob
served between the tranquility of the sleeping Saudis and the mad pace
of the working foreigners characterized the great truth of the oil boom.
The people and their leaders believed that they could buy the physical
development that they wanted without disturbing the stability of their
traditional society. It is an illusion they still fight to preserve.
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