CMP(7) - The Congress's unease with parity.
Exchanges between the Congress and the Cabinet Mission on 8th and 9th
May .
Documents included
From 'The Transfer of Power 1942-7' Volume VII The Cabinet Mission 23 March-29 June 1946, Eds, Nicholas Mansergh and Penderel Moon, 1977. 222 page 466(full text) The four Congress Delegates had a warm debate over the Cabinet Mission's suggestions. The foremost point was that if the Delegates accepted the terms they would be binding on them and, therefore, on the Congress unless the latter repudiated them. The same would be the case with the Muslim League. On the strength of what you told me last night I said they were binding on no one. The Constituent Assembly would be free to throw out any of the items and the members of the two delegations were equally free to add or amend the suggestions before the Constituent Assembly. I added that they were meant only as a scaffolding by means of which the two institutions could be brought to the Constituent Assembly adumbrated in the draft. If you are able to confirm the above and are free to make a public declaration to that effect, the main difficulty would be over. As to merits the difficulty about parity between six Hindu majority Provinces and the five Muslim majority Provinces is insurmountable. The Muslim majority Provinces represent over nine crores of the population as against over nineteen crores of the Hindu majority Provinces. This is really worse than Pakistan. What is suggested in place is that the Central Legislature should be framed on the population basis and so too the Executive. If this is considered unfair an impartial non-British tribunal should award on this as on any other matter of differences otherwise incapable of adjustment. If these two points are cleared my way would be clear. Instead
of running down to you I thought I should send this note, leaving you
to decide whether we should meet before the Conference or whether an
exchange of letters should suffice. I am in your hands. Yours sincerely, M.K. Gandhi 223 page 466(full text) My dear Mr. Gandhi, Sudhir brought me your letter last night just as I had got into bed after my excellent treatment by Dr. Mehta, so I sent you back an answer verbally by him. This is merely a note to confirm what he will have told you. As to your first point the position, as I see it, is this:- If the Congress and Muslim League Delegates agree to a certain basis for the new constitution they will be bound as honourable men to do their utmost to see that the form agreed upon is that adopted by the Constituent Assembly. To do less than that would be to go back upon their word. As to the second point - equality at the centre, I appreciate your difficulty though not that "it would be worse than Pakistan". If this can be overcome with some form of international arbitration by agreement with the League there is, of course, nothing whatever to prevent such agreement. I am very grateful for this
further helpful advice and look forward to seeing you again this
evening after the Conference has met again. Yours very sincerely. R. Stafford Cripps. His Excellency the Viceroy said that he had seen Mr. Jinnah. He had emphasised to him that if there were no agreement His Majesty's Government would have to make their own proposals and that if Jinnah was intransigent in the negotiations, that would draw us towards the Congress. Mr. Jinnah made the following objections to the Statement:- (a) there must be definite groups of Muslim Provinces before he could participate in the scheme. This was not sufficiently definitely laid down. (b) He could not agree to a single Constituent Assembly. In discussion, he had agreed, however, that provided group Constituent Bodies had formal meetings separately before the formal meeting of the Constituent Body as a whole, his point would be met. (c) He agreed that Assam was not a Muslim-majority Province. Provided it was recognised that the 6 Pakistan Provinces were in one Group Mr Jinnah would be quite prepared for a Pakistan Constitution-making Body to sit in two parts one of which would consist of Bengal and Assam. It might possibly be that the North-Western Provinces might wish to form more than one Group. Mr. Jinnah had emphasised that he was trying to be reasonable but the acceptance of a Union of any kind was a great concession from his point of view and that he was already the subject of criticism from his supporters for having yielded on this. As regards the Executive Council, Mr. Jinnah had said that that should be dealt with subsequently. The Viceroy had said that he must have a new Council and that if Mr. Jinnah could not help him over it he would have to carry on without him. Sir S. Cripps said that he had found Maulana Azad and Pandit Nehru entirely reasonable but evidently having great difficulty with their colleagues. There were two main points of difficulty for the Congress. 1. Parity in the Executive and Legislature at the Centre. There were two possible ways of getting over this, either that it should be reconsidered after five years or that in its place it should be provided that both in the Executive and the Legislature a majority of each main community should be required for any important decision. 2. The Congress had no objection to Groups with Governments and Executives provided that they were formed voluntarily by decision of the main Constitution-making Body. They objected to division of Provinces into groups even initially on a communal basis. The Congress feared particularly the possibility of Hindu/Muslim parity being established as a principle and applied in the Services and the Army, etc. It was agreed that if the Conference did not break down that evening the Delegation should see the two Party Delegations separately in the morning and evening of Friday, the 10th, with a view to a final meeting on Saturday the 11th. |
Update
in 08/09: www.geocities.com is closing down in end-October 2009. The new location of this website is: http://sites.google.com/ site/cabinetmissionplan/ Home Page 2 Secondary sources on Page 3 CMP(1) - From Ayesha Jalal's 'The Sole Spokesman'/a> CMP(2)
- The Congress League positions on 12 May 19946
CMP(3) - The Cabinet Mission Plan 16 May 1946/span> CMP(8)
- More exchanges on parity during Simla Confference meeting 11 May
1946
CMP(9)- Jinnah's Conversations with Major Wyatt(1) on Pakistan and the Cabinet Mission Plan , 8 January and 25 May 1946 CMP(10) - Jinnah's Conversations with Major Wyatt(2)) on the interim government, 11 June 1946 CMP(12A) Congress and the Cabinet Mission's arguments over inclusion of a Congress Muslim in the Interim Government June 12 and June 23 1946 CMP(13)- Jawaharlal Nehru's press conference on the Plan, 10 July 1946 CMP(14) - League withdrew from Plan, called Direct AAction, Viceroy Wavell talked to Nehru, July-August 1946 CMP(15) - The Viceroy tried to strong-arm Nehru and Gandhi on compulsory grouping, Pethick Lawrence to Attlee, August-September 1946 CMP(16)- Intelligence
assessment on Jinnah's options and threat of civil war, September 1946
CMP(17)- The League's boycott of the Constituent Assembly, Jinnah and Wavell, Mission insisting on compulsory grouping, etc October 1946-January 1947 CMP
(A1) - Additional material - Some Plain speaking from Sir Khizr Hayat,
Abell on the Breakdown plan, Viceroy to Jinnah
CMP(A2) North West Frontier Province, October-November 1946 and February-March 1947 CMP(A3) Bengal and Bihar, August - November 1946 CMP(A4) Punjab, February - March 1947 CMP (18) - My take CMP (19) - What did parity and communal veto mean in numbers? CMP(20) Another summary /take on the Cabinet Mission Plan-with links to the above reference material CMP(21) Mountbatten discusses the Cabinet Mission Plan with Sardar Patel and M. A. Jinnah, 24-26 April 1947 CMP(22) A reply on the Cabinet Mission Plan Extra(1) - Speech by Jinnah in March 1941 outlining the case for an independent sovereign Pakistan Extra(1A) Jinnah's Speeches and Statements from 1941-1942 Extra(1B) Jinnah's Speeches and Statements from 1938-1940 Extra(1C) Jinnah's speeches and Statements from 1943-45 Extra(2) - Jinnah's letter to Gandhi during Ganndhi-Jinnah talks in 1944 on defining Pakistan Extra(3)- B.R. Ambedkar quoted from his book 'Pakistan or the Partition of India' Extra(8)
Comments on Separate electorates, Joint electorates and Reserved
constituencies
Extra(9) Links to a selection of cartoons on Indian constitutional parleys published in the Daily Mail, UK, in 1942 and 1946-1947, by L.G. Illingworth, from National Library of Wales' online Illingworth exhibition |