Statistics on terrorism
In the late 1990s, FAA officials disguised as passengers repeatedly succeeded in smuggling guns and pipe bombs onto planes. statistics on terrorism Terrorism in america. "At the same time, few would have predicted that commercial airliners would be commandeered for destruction rather than ransom. It was simply inconceivable that the planes themselves would be used as instruments of murder-suicide. Further ironies: As Bill Nichols reported in the September 12 USA Today, "The attack was so unexpected that a joint FBI/CIA anti-terrorist task force that specifically prepared for this type of disaster was on a training exercise in Monterey, California. statistics on terrorism Terrorism insurance bill. As of late Tuesday, with airports closed around the country, the task force still hadn't found a way to return to Washington. "On the agenda of a House defense appropriations subcommittee, scheduled to meet the same morning, was a discussion about moving $800 million from national missile defense to counterterrorism. OpportunismIn a confused and chaotic time, it is not surprising (but it is appalling) that within hours Defense officials were out defending expensive weapons programs that were irrelevant to preventing or protecting against the disaster. statistics on terrorism Terrorism & war. To argue on that particular day that the United States must build an as-yet-unworkable national missile defense at any cost seemed not only hollow, but cruel. Defense Department policy official Douglas Feith was in Moscow, busy threatening Russia yet again with a U. S. abrogation of the ABM Treaty. When questioned by reporters who suggested that the disaster in New York pointed to the possibility that other forms of defense might be more useful, Feith remarked that "if a missile defense system is designed to intercept missiles, and airplanes hit the World Trade Center, it's not what the missile defense system is designed to protect against. " He concluded, "I guess I have difficulty with the question. "To be fair, all the weapons-of-mass-destruction doomsayers, whether their specialty was chemical, biological, or nuclear, rushed to get their messages out-despite an early reminder by proliferation expert Joe Cirincione of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace that the event required them to undertake "a painful reappraisal. "If there were any political "winners" among them on September 11, it was that group of politicians and think tankers who have spent the last two years or so pushing for something called "homeland defense. " On September 12, the co-chairs of a government commission on the subject-former senators Gary Hart and Warren Rudman-expressed what Jake Tapper of Salon characterized as "something between frustration and regret" that the White House had failed to embrace the commission's recommendations. Instead, the Bush administration decided in May that it would be more prudent for Vice President Dick Cheney and cronies to produce a report of their own. Although Rudman and Hart "predicted it," as Hart said, ("We said 'Americans will likely die on American soil, possibly in large numbers, sometime in the next quarter century'"), neither he nor Rudman spent much time pointing out that their commission had focused much more on the idea that terrorists would attack with high-tech tools and weapons of mass destruction. Nor did they point out that many of their recommendations would have been of limited value. Like everyone else, they had no special insight into a large, clever, but low-tech attack. Nonetheless, the disaster preparedness and emergency response provisions they envisioned in their proposed "National Homeland Security Agency," including state-of-the-art equipment and training for "first responders" like police and firefighters, would undoubtedly have been helpful. How the administration respondedTo many, President George W. Bush seemed uncertain on the first day. After a sentence or two at the Florida grade school where he was visiting when the attacks on the World Trade Center occurred, the president boarded Air Force One, flying first to an airbase in Louisiana, and then to Offutt Air Force Base near Omaha, Nebraska, where he considered the situation from an underground bunker at U. S.
Statistics on terrorism
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