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The process of putting together this issue on the cult abuse of children has been one of the most frustrating - and most enlightening - of any I have edited in the past 22 years.
I began by wondering If the reports of cult abuse were true, influenced, as all of us have been, by the deluge of books and articles In the past few years calling them fictions or even implanted memories. That psychotherapists have been reporting an upsurge in memories of cult abuse from all over the country is clear Monarch Resources, an abuse hotline in California, says it gets 2,500 ritual abuse inquiries a year; another in Maine, Looking Up, gets 6,000 a year; Child Help, a national hotline, got 1,741 cult victim calls last year; similar figures are available from many sections of the country.(1) Extending these local figures to a national estimate would easily mean tens of thousands of cult victims per year reporting, plus undoubtedly more who do not report.(2) This needn't mean, of course, that actual Cult abuse is increasing, only that-as with the increase in all child abuse reports-we have become more open to hearing them. But it seemed unlikely that the surge of cult memories could all be made up by patients or implanted by therapists. Therapists are a timid group at best, and the notion that they sudden-ly begin implanting false memories In tens of thousands of their clients for no apparent reason strained credulity. Certainly no one has presented a shred of evidence for massive "false memory" implantations. (3)
Once I began to familiarize myself with the literature on the subject, I began to see where the well-orchestrated flood of "witch hunt" accusations was originating: from the molesters themselves. To begin with, the founder of the False Memory Syndrome Foundation had been accused of sexual molestation by her daughter. and major contributors and (4)researchers" affiliated with the group are usually either accused molesters, members of pedophile advocacy groups, or appear in jour-nals such as Paidika: The Journal of Paedophilia.(4) As one False Memory Syndrome Foundation Advisory Board member recently told Paidika, "Pedophiles can boldly and courageously affirm what they choose. They can say that what they want is to find the best way to love.. With boldness they can say, 'I believe this is in fact part of God's will.'"(5)
In addition, some of authors of false memory hooks also turned out to be pedophile advocates. For example, one of the most widely cited books claiming that cult abuse reports were mass hysteria is Paul and Shirley Eberle's The Abuse of Innocence: The McMartin Preschool trial.(6) Taken quite seriously by reviewers and widely quoted In later maga-zine articles as authoritative, the book makes such claims as that the over 100 McMartin children who reported they had been abused by a cult were all "brainwashed" and the mothers were all "hysterical" and that it was meaningless that physicians found three-quarters of the children bore physical evidence that corroborated their stories. What reviewers didn't mention was that the Eberles had been called "the most prolific publishers of child pornography in the United States" by Sgt. Toby Tyler, a San Bernadino deputy sheriff who is a nationally recognized expert on child pornography.(7) Their kiddie porn material that I have seen and the articles they have published such as "I Was a Sexpot at Five" and "Little Lolitas" Included illustrations of children involved in sodomy and oral copulation and featured pornographic photos of the Eberles.
Even when "authorities" and cited to disprove the existence of any physical evidence of cult abuse, these usually end up referring to one man, Kenneth Lanning of the FBI, who says he has "been unable to find one murder of anyone by two or more people following typical sa-tanic ritualistic prescriptions." What is never mentioned Is that Lanning has done no investigative work on any cult anywhere and ignores all kinds of convictions for cult abuse that are in police and court records, while others who have actually done ritual abuse investigative work for the F.B.I. are ignored by the press.(8) (Those who wish more detailed in-formation should attend the upcoming conference June 10-12, 1994 on "Ritual Child Abuse: Disclosures in the '80's, Backlash in the '90's" in Arlington heights, Illinois; write Believe The Children, Po Box 26-8562, Chicago, IL 60626.) The more I dug Into the literature, the "curiouser and curiouser" seemed the claims that cults are only witch hunts.
It was not, however, until word began to get around the psy-chotherapy community that I was editing an issue of my Journal on "Cult Abuse of Children" that I began to realize the full extent of cult activity in America today. Phone calls from all over the country poured into my editorial office from psychotherapists who told me that they would like to read the cult abuse issue because they had treated cult abuse victims. When I then asked them if they wished to contribute somehow to the Issue, they often said they couldn't - they were afraid to talk in print about their clients, even anonymously, because the cults had threatened them or their families with violence. Phone threats, dead cats on doorsteps, burning crosses on lawns and other convincing communications made them understandably reluctant to write anything about cults. As one psychiatrist wrote me, after I learned he had given a paper on treating cult abuse victims to a psychoanalytic meeting and asked if I could publish it,
Thank you for inviting me to submit my paper on the treatment of cult abuse victims to The Journal of Psychohistory. I am surprised but pleased that you are interested in such subjects. However, I am going to reluctantly decline your kind Invitation.
As you may know, there Is some risk attached to treating satanic ritual abuse victims. A recent study by Dr. Nancy Perry indicates that as many as 10% of therapists treating such patients have been threatened or attacked by the groups to which their patients formerly belonged.
I live and work in an isolated community in which there is considerable local cult activity. I have presented my thoughts to psychoanalytic discussion groups, hut at present I am uneasy about revealing in print how much I know about such cults. Of course I deeply resent even having to think about such considerations as my personal safety, but there it is.
In fact, even those therapists who had agreed to write about their clients for the cult issue often had second thoughts. Most promised articles but then didn't send them in. One, after I had heard him give at a psychoanalytic meeting a detailed account of his patient being sex-ually abused by a cult - a horrifying story where the child was used sex-ually by the parents and the cult from early childhood - sent in an article, which I have published in this issue as it was written, attributing the increase in cult reports to "the contagious nature of group hysteria . . . but without a single word about his own cult-abused patient!
It was only when I did my own research on the history and psychotherapy of cult abuse of children that I began to piece together what cults actually do and what their motivations are. First of all, cult abuse of children cannot be called a "witch hunt" because it Is quite different from what happened In earlier witch hunts. Witch hunts in-volve people with quite different diagnostic symptoms than the cult abuse patients of contemporary psychotherapists. Witch hunt reports come from people with hysterical symptoms, including possession, convulsions, paralysis and hallucinations of persecuting spectors,(9) phenomena rare In cult abuse victims. The usual witch hunt involves chil-dren accusing old women of such things as bewitching them with "evil eyes" or tormenting them by sticking pins in dolls, fears that adult au-thorities then often use as excuses to wipe out dissent In the community.(10) The "robot" personalities and "borderlines" and "multiple personalities" and suicidal and self-mutilating symptoms so often found In today's cult abuse victims are not often found in the historical witch hunt literature. The only time typical cult activities such as gang rape, child sacrifice and dismemberment, blood drinking and so on appear In the historical literature is in connection with blood libel accusations and pogroms,(11) where authorities want to accuse Jews or other minorities of the worst thing they can think of. All accusations contain-ing Devils aren't the same.
Case studies written by psychotherapists working with children who have recently become victims of cults or adults who have convincing and detailed memories of having been abused as children by groups are plentiful enough if one wants to find them.(12) Particularly reveal-ing are those containing reports by children who were recently abused by cults, since they contain details often missing from memories of cult abuse by adults. A statement that cults are "preoccupied with the eating and drinking of excreta" comes to life as you read dozens of children saying such things as "Daddy eats poo and he drinks wee"(13) or "We ate poo.. Mom put it outside to get cold, to get ice on it.. It's worse when it's hot...Mom puts jelly on her bum, or in her pee-hole, and I get to suck it off."(14) These children have lust been through the abuse; they don't have to depend upon memories which might he distorted. Questions about whether memories of drinking blood are real or not are soon settled after hearing children tell recent events like the one this eight-year-old reported: "When Miss Ellis put the knife in and the blood came out. ..she caught it in a cup. We had to drink it.. It was; warm. It was.. sort of oily tasting, kind of like if you take a sip of salad oil or something." A memory that a child had been hung by a noose by a cult becomes more believable when you find out the child later was found practicing hanging himself.(15) Stories about children being hung upside down on poles and raped are made more vivid by hearing one little girl say:
"They put [Sapphire] upside down on the stick Me and Amber, when we go upside down, we have to put our legs around the stick and they tie them...the men come around and put their dickies In your pranny or sometimes up your bottom. But the other night, when Sapphire was on the stick, they put their fingers in instead. I think 'cause she was too little... I hate 'em doing that to me and Amber, but with Sapphire, It's just too much. It hurts a lot. I know, 'cause It hurts me, and she's just little. She's only a baby and you're supposed to take care of babies. Even when they cry."(16)
Stories of torture and sacrifice also gain credibility when you hear the voices of the children tell about their recent experiences Claims that cults mutilate and kill people become more real when one hears a child tell her caseworker, "Dad is fast with the knife.. it was disgusting, when those people were killed. We had to help take those knives and plunge them into the people. It was disgusting. Of course I was scared. We had to do it, or Mom would kill us."(17) And your doubts about details of the sacrificial ritual are dissolved after reading accounts such as the folllowing, reported by the therapist:
"Tell me what is frightening you...
"I don't want to kill the baby. I don't want to kill the baby."
He went on and on like this, clutching my little bear and sobbing...
"I am in a cage.. There are men there, men with horns... the men form a circle. They hold hands and dance. '[hey chant over arid over again. 'Hail Satan. We are servants of Satan. Hail Satan.' Then they take me out of the cage, pick up this silver goblet and empty it over me. it has blood in it. it feels sticky."
There was a look of disgust on Ned's face. And, I am sure, a look of disbelief on mine.
"The leader gets out of the chair and pours more blood on a baby lying on the table. He takes a long knife and puts it in my hand and says, 'We offer this child to Satan as a sacrifice. May Satan's will he done; may Satan accept this sacrifice.. He holds my hands on the knife, raises It up and plunges it into the baby's chest. The blood spurts up.
"Then the leader takes the knife out of my hand, reaches into the chest arid pulls out something. It's the heart lie cuts off a piece of it, eats it, and gives pieces to the other men and me.. He made me eat it...
"Then they place me on my back in the center of the circle. They take my clothes off and rub oil all over my body. The women come over, and they touch me everywhere. I am ashamed, because it felt good. Then I was taken into the next room. My mother and father were there. They washed me, gave me clean clothes and took me home."(18)
After reading over a hundred descriptions of what cults - both con-temporary and historical - do to children, the first conclusion that I came to was that they all do pretty much the same things. They weren't following a worldwide conspiracy; most of them were lust neighborhood sadists torturing kids for sexual pleasure, people who never read a book on Satanism in their lives. Yet they all spontaneously follow a ritual whose elements and even details are the same: they take little children and tie them up; put them In cages and tunnels; beat and torture them; turn them upside down and hold them in water; cut, stab and rape them; force them to eat their feces and drink their urine and blood; and disembowel, dismember and kill them while ejaculating. They seemed to me to be acting out a very specific drama. What could such a bizarre collection of acts mean?
Cult abuse, like all sadistic acts, individual or group, is a sexual per-version whose - purpose is achieving orgasm by means of a defense against severe fears of disintegration and engulfment. According to Socarides, sadistic release is achieved by inflicting upon a scapegoat childhood traumas - particularly preverbal experiences with a fright-ening, cruel or neglectful mother - inflicting rather than passively unduring pain and destruction.(19) Sadists live their daily lives full of terrible anxieties about being independent and active. Any success in their lives Is terribly fearful, producing regression to infancy and a desire to merge with mommy. But merging means losing one's self, being annihilated. To avoid this, it is necessary to inflict on someone else all the traumas one has had plus all the fantasies of revenge against the persecuting parents. Only by reenacting cultic rituals can these deeply regressed individuals avoid castration and engulfment fears and reassure themselves of their potency and separateness.
Groups are particularly effective in achieving this traumatic reenactment. The Individual identifies with the aggressor and the group and its leader become the murderous, engulfing mommy torturing the child. Actual castration is often inflicted on victims by cults. It Is also sometimes inflicted upon cult members, who cut off their own fingers and offer them to Satan to make him more potent. "It was considered an honor among satanists to have one or more fingers missing," says one cult member.(20) Sometimes the phallus or the finger is actually eaten, an act very effective in restoring potency. The same principle lies behind all cannibalistic acts of cults. In fact, all cultic rituals eventually aim at the restoration of lost potency:
When you sacrifice someone, for the instant just before they die, they supposedly emit their life energy. That power, Satanists believe, can be harnessed for their use. They believe babies are best because babies are pure.. When you sacrifice a baby, you get greater power than if you sacrificed an adult.(21)
The psychodynamics of the full cultic ritual is clear It is the same as with all sadist torture and killing of children. First the sadist terrorizes the child to increase his or her fear, his or her "power," watching the child's growing panic and agony in order to see the sadist's own fear "Injected" into another. Then he rapes him or her at the moment he stabs him or her with a knife, so he can "have the sexual climax at the point of death of the child" (22) and absorb all of the "power"
This delusional absorption of children's power has been the central group-fantasy behind all child sacrifice since the days when early civilizations sacrificed children to prevent the world from descending into chaos - i.e., to prevent the individuals in the society from feelings of annihilation.(23) This same fantasy of restoration of potency through sexually abusing, torturing and killing children also underlies the acts of the pedophiles and sadists treated by Socarides.(24) So ubiquitous is the use of this defensive mechanism of "group identification with the aggressor" that I now believe that cultic activity began with early man in the Paleolithic Not only do children's footprints appear in early caves (actually tunnels, exactly like those beneath McMartin that Roland Summit writes about in his articles), but pictures of shamans and other Paleolithic men with erections appear frequently on the walls, showing that the rituals performed there were sexually exciting. The figurines (mistakenly called "Venuses") and "batons" often found in the caves are actually raping instruments, called "devil's wands" by cults today. Even the cut-off fingers of cult members are shown In the hundreds of handprlnts with missing fingers that are outlined in red ochre all around the caves. I will present extensive evidence for my hy-pothesis that cultic activity was more and more prevalent the further back in history one goes in my forthcoming book, A Psychohistory of the West.
The psychodynamics of cultic torture and sacrifice of children are the same whether performed by small contemporary groups or by whole countries in the past. 'I'hey involve the following steps:
(1) Regression due to fears of individuation,
(2) Trance states and dissociative mechanisms such as assumptions of multiple personalities by cult members,
(3) Merging with the leader as a defense against engulfment by internal figures, using projective identification to relieve them of Intolerable feelings,
(4) Deification of the terrifying leader as a defense against personal helplessness,
(5) Organization of cult heirarchy into totalitarian structure, in order to carry out
(6) Torture and sacrificial rebirth rituals that reenact childhood and fetal traumas, recapitulating the drama of absolute power over ahsolute helplessness.
For those unacquainted with my work on fetal memory and the reenactment of fetal trauma,(25) it may seem arbitrary and excessive to claim that cultic ritual involves regression all the way back to birth. Yet I think this is the only way to make sense out of the specific elements of cult rituals. (Cuits relive each traumatic moment of birth in their rituals. They put children in cages, boxes and coffins as symbolic wombs. They hang them upside down, the position of fetuses. They plunge children into water, push their heads into toilets, and otherwise reenact the experience of being in amniotic fluids and the anoxia that all fetuses feel during birth. They drink victim's blood as fetuses "drink" placental blood. They force children to drink urine, as fetuses do in the womb, and eat feces, as some do during birth. They often hold their rituals In actual tunnels, symbolic birth canals, or within magical symbols that represent wombs or birth canals. In fact, every one of the 16 elements that cult researchers such as Jean Goodwin and David Finkelhor have regularly found In cult rituals(26) are symbolic reenactments of birth traumas. Without birth as the Rosetta Stone of cult ritual, these acts make no sense at all. "Why make rape so complicated?" researchers have asked when they discuss the details of costume and sequencing of sadistic acts In cultic ritual. The answer is: "Because the sequence of acts reproduce a very specific fetal drama that must be recapitulated." When did we all ever "drink" blood? Only in the womb.
Cults often even kill actual fetuses in their ritual. In addition, "death-and-rebirth" elements are overtly made part of the ritual. Cults of the past usually proclaimed the group would be reborn through the sacrifice of children and contemporary cults go through death ritually in graveyards with rebirth elements such as members going through the legs of others in order to he reborn. One ritual described In the literature involves the victim going into a trance, naked and bound, being carried into a cave by a group of naked women, then going through their legs "while the women swayed, howled and screamed as though In childbirth," cutting umbilical bonds, and being sprinkled with water.(27) Michelle remembered her rebirth ritual as follows. A "small baby" was first cut and its blood rubbed on hen She was put next to the dead baby, and then the baby was put between her legs and stabbed with a cross, rubbing the mess" all over her, as though the dead baby's blood had "power" In it. Then she was "painted with red stuff" and made to stick her head between a woman's legs, and "with my head stuck between her legs...she made me crawl out.. she breathed into my mouth and my nose... (28) She also told about another ritual that started with her upside down inside a Devil statue made out of plaster and covered with blood. She said she felt like "toothpaste in a tube" as she was squeezed out: "I'm being born. I have something thick wrapped around my neck. [A man is] cutting that cord around my neck so it doesn't choke me to death. He says he is giving life to me. "(29) More graphic reenaaments of birth could not be imagined.
Once the psychodynamics of cultic ritual are understood, one can begin to see how these same cultic psychodynamics explain the acts of other regressed groups, including the ritual of war. Although the torture, dismemberment and death elements of war are generally thought of as mere means to other ends, usually territorial or economic, I have been unable to find any group that decides to go to war for utilitarian reasons. The usual emotional atmosphere involved in the decision to go to war is shown by how the Japanese leadership decided to attack Pearl harbor Tom first asked each minister to tell what would happen if they attacked the U.S. Each one forecast eventual defeat. By the time he went around the table, It was obvious an attack would be suicidal for Japan. So Tojo said, "There are times when we must have the courage to do extraordinary things - like jumping, with eyes closed, off the veranda of the Kiyomlzu Temple! [The place people committed suicide In Tokyo.]"(30) Hitler, too, spoke in suicidal images as he went to war.
Real wars, as I have described earlier,(31) involve nations hallucinating a rebirth fantasy that they are "pregnant with events," like a "heaving volcano," with a "tight, tense, trapped feeling" In the air, "unable to relieve herself of the inexorable pressure" or "gain at least a breathing spell," being "picked up bodily" after diplomatic relations are "ruptured" and beginning "the descent into the abyss" as the nation starts its "final plunge over the brink. Each of the six elements of cult ritual I have given above are enacted in war. Tribes and nations regress during prewar periods and fear individuation, claiming that progress and prosperity "makes the nation soft" and "turns men into women," making them "wimps" and robbing them of their potency. Then they go into a trance and use dissociation to deny any empathy for the "enemies" they are about to slaughter. Then they merge with their leader and put their intolerable feelings into him, sometimes even staging "merging dramas," political meetings like the Nazi mass meetings, where people held up their arms like an umbilicus and imagined they were pouring their polluted feelings into the leader, shouting "Heil! (heal me)" Next they deify the leader, making him into a terrifying figure who can help them avenge their traumas, organize the nation into totalitarian structures and go off to war as a sacrificial rebirth ritual, during which the nation reenacts earlier traumas and rejuvenates Its potency by becoming the powerful one torturing and killing the helpless one.
It is less apparent that war, like cultic ritual, is also a sexual per-version. Cults rape, torture and kill with the aim of orgasm; the sexuality Is manifest. But it Is only our defensive habit of compartmen-talizing the various acts of war that makes us unaware that war, too, involves ritual rape, even If we think of it as only incidental "collateral damage" like all civilian slaughter. Rape occurs because men are turned on by torture and killing. Violence is aphrodisiac. Prostitutes used to hang around the Colosseum in Rome to service the sexually aroused men after they finished watching the slaughter. In the past, according to the world's leading historian of war, "the oppor-tunity to engage in wholesale rape was not just among the rewards of successful war but, from the soldier's point of view, one of the cardinal objectives for which he fought."(32) Men who didn't rape during war were suspected of being homosexual. In earlier wars, lust as with cults, the killing of children was often preceded by raping them. Virgins were the favorite group rape targets for Invading armies until well into the Middle Ages.(33)
I admit it is hard to accept the conclusion of this line of thought and admit that those who watch bodies of people killed in wars pile up on TV are participating in a ritual rejuvenation of their potency. hard to accept, that is, until we recall that before the Gulf War most of the country felt that the American Dream was "withering" arid that our leader was a wimp," while after the war, after killing 300,000 Iraqis, mostly children, these same people felt the country was strong again, the stock market soared and our leader ended up being approved of by 91 percent of the country. It seems to me that during the war we absorbed the vitality of those we slaughtered. Slain warriors in earlier cultures often were eater' in order to internalize their strengths. Early armies used to collect enemy's penises and present them in a big pile to their king. When U.S. soldiers in Vietnam collected penises as souvenirs," we thought the soldiers perverted. Perverted they were, but perverted we all are when we choose to engage In wan Only our rationalizations prevent us from seeing this.
The study of the psychodynamics of cults is, then, an extremely important task for psychohistory, one not limited to just the therapy of cult victims. It is certainty no use to label cults "witch hunts" and reject them out of hand because they are hard to believe. Even medieval witch hunts have to be explained psychohistorically. Although Jews did not sacrifice babies as they were accused of doing, if you read the actual transcripts of the accusations you'll find that someone had severed the heads off of children and buried them with cultic material. Someone used alt those knives and altars the archeologists have found In hundreds of locations along with human remains.(34) And someone has killed 100 million victims In this century in cultic war rituals.
I am afraid that someone Is us.
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1. Leslie Bennetts, Nlghtrnares on Main Street." Vanity
Fair, June 1993, p.46.
2. For more on national estimates, Including the infamous "50,000 children killed ritually during satanic sacrifice rituals" statement that Lotto and others constantly cite as ludicrous but that in tact was never said (the reporter who first cited it not even having attended the conference), see Kevin Garvey and Linda Blood, "Interesting Times." Cultic Studies Journal 8(1991) p.154. m's article plus the fine review by Carl Baschke of James T. Richardson, Joel Best & David Bromley, Vie Satanism Scare. New York, 1991 in Cultic Studies Journal 9(1992): 129 provide excellent evidence of the sloppiness and outright inaccuracies in the anti-cult literature.
3, Donald Barstow, "A Critical Examination of the False Memory Syndrome." Family Violence & Sexual Assault Bulletin 9(1993): 21-22.
4. Stephen Fried, "War of Remembrance." Philadelphia, January 1994, pp. 66ff.; Elirileth M. Matz, "A Review of Portions of an Interview with Ralph Underwager and Hollida Wakefield In Paidika: A Journal of Pedophilia." Family Violence & Sexual Assault Bulletin 9(1993): 23-27
5. J. Geract "Interview: Hollida Wakefield and Ralph Underwager, Paidika: TheJournal of Paedophilia 3(1993): 3.
6. Paul and Shirley Eberle, The Abuse of Innocence: The McMartin Preschool Trial. New York: Prometheus Books, 1993.
7. The Tampa Tribune-Times, July 25, 1993, p.10.
8. Alfred Lubrano, "Deadly Memories." New York Newsday, May 10,1993; Valerie Sinason, Ed. Treating Satanist Abuse Survivors: An Invisible Trauma. Forthcoming, ms. p.14.
9. For similarities see Sally Hill and Jean Goodwin, "Satanism: Similarities Between Patient Accounts and Pre-inquisition Historical Sources," Dissociation 2(1989); for differences, see Thomas J. Schoeneman, The Role of Mental Illness in the European Witch Hunts of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: An Assessment." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 13(1977) 337-351.
10. See Carol F. Karlsen, The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1987; Enders A. Robinson, The Devil Discovered:Salem Witchcraft 1692. New York: Hioppocrene Books, 1991.; Carlo Ginzburg, "The Witches' Sabbat: Popular Cult or Inquisitorial Stereotype?" in Steven L. Kaplan, Ed. Understanding Popular Culture: Eumpe from the Middle Ages to the Nineteenth Century. New York: Mouton Publishers, 1984; Chadwick Hansen, Witchcraft at Salem,. New York: George Braziller, 1969.
11 Magdelene Schultz, "The Blood Libel: A Motif in the History of Childhood. " The Jounral of Psychohisiory 14(1986): 1-24; R. Po-chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.
12. A good start can be made by reading Audrey Harper, Dance With the Devil. East Sussex: Kingsway Publications, 1990; TIm Tate, Children for the Devil: Ritual Abuse and Satanic Crimes. London: Methuen, 1991; Kevin Marron, Ritual Abuse. Toronto: Seal Books, 1988; Robert S. Mayer, Satan's Children: Case Studies in Multiple Personalities. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1991; Judith Spencer, Suffer The Child. New York: Pocket Books, 1991; Torey L. Hayden, Ghost Girl: The True Story of a Child in Peril and the Teacher Who Saved Her Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1991; Pamela S. Hudson, Ritual Child Abuse: Discovery, Diagnosis and Treatnient. Saratoga, Calif.: R and F Publishers, 1991; Valerie Sinason, Ed. Treating Satanist Abuse Survivors: An Invisible Trauma. Forthcoming; and, of course, the articles in this issue.
13. Catherine O'Driscoll, "'Daddy Eats Poo' Work With a Ritually Abused Boy." In Sinason, Ed. Treating Satanist Abuse Survivors, ms. p. 148.
14. Marron, Ritual Abuse, pp.74 and 77
I5. Mary Kelsall, "Fostering a Ritually Abused Child." In Sinason, Ed. Treating Satanist Abuse Survivors, ms. p.171
16. Hayden, Ghost Girl, p.190.
17. Marron, Ritisal Abtac, p.95.
18. Mayer, Satan's Children, pp.38-41.
19. Charles W. Socarides, The Prenedipal Origin and Psychoanalytic Therapy of Sexual Perversions. Madison, Conn.: International Universities Press, 1988, pp. 122-23.
20. Joel French, The Secret Diary of a Satan Worshipper. Green Forest, Ariz.: New Leaf Press, 1991, p.97
21, Larry Kahanes, Cults That Kill: Probing the Underworld of Occult Crime. New York: Warner Books, 1988, p.140.
22. Ibid, p.232.
23. Lloyd deMause, 'The History of Child Assault." The Journal of Psychohistory 18(190): 1-29; Patrick Tierney, The highest Altar: The Story of Human Sacrifice. New York: Viking Press, 1989.
24. Socarides, Preoedipal Origiri, pp. 122-128, 447-470.
25. Lloyd deMause, "The Fetal Origins of History," in Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, 1982, pp.244-332.
26. Jean H. Goodwin, Ed. Rediscovering Childhood Trauma; Historical Casebook and Clinical Applications. Washington, D.C.: Psychiatric Press, 1993, pp. 9S-111; David Finkeihor, et al, Nursery Crimes: Sexual Abuse in Day Care. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage Publications, 1988.
27. Janet and Stewart Fenar, The Witches' Way: Principles, Rituals and Beliefs of Modern Witchcraft. Custer, Wash.: Phoenix Publications, 1984, p.10.
28. Michelle Smith and Lawrence Pazder, Michelle Remembers. New York: Congden & Latte's, 1980, p.91.
29. Ibid, p.160.
30. John Toland, the Rising Sun: The Decline and Fall of the Japanese Empire, 1936-1 94s, New York: Random House, 1970, p.112.
31. DeMause, Foundations, pp- 93-98.
32. Martin van Creveld, The Transformation of War. New York: The Free Press, 1991, p. 179.
33. See DeMause, "History of Child Assault, p. 19.
34. Dennis P. Hughes, Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece. London: Routledge, 1991; Ralph Merrifield, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic. New York: New Amsterdam, 1987, pp. 22-25
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