Over  a  period  of  two  or  three weeks each year,  they dug down as deep as they could,  and  in  so  doing created small,  separate pits.  The more people digging in the same pit at the same  time,  the  faster  the  peat  was  extracted and the bigger the pit  became   -   until they had filled their annual quota,  or until there was too much water in the bottom of the pit to continue.  When that happened, after a few days because of summer storms,  after a few weeks because of lateral seepage,  and certainly  by  the  time  of the next peat 'season' in the following year,  the flooded pits were abandoned behind walls of peat, and they dug new ones.
HOW DID THEY REALLY DO IT?
They  dug the turves from separate, small, deep pits and fairly small compartments and they did it quickly. These diggings extended well below the water table, so they soon  became  flooded.   The  walls  separating  the  flooded  pits  were removed by dredging. The bulk peat thus recovered was processed into more turves.

In  this  way the great flooded basins of the broads were created.  The method used would  have  worked  even  if  conditions had been no more favourable than today. The  techniques  of  any  'engineering'  involved, far from being unlikely,  are those which  we  know from the evidence were actually employed.  It is a method entirely consistent with the residual physical evidence and with all the meagre documentary evidence.  Just  like Martin George's similar proposals,  it is a method which would have left in its wake diggings which were permanently flooded.
Why did they stop?
Contrary  to  earlier  impressions,   the  level of  the sea relative to the east coast of Norfolk was not rising at a rate of about three feet every hundred years throughout the 14th and 15th centuries.

Although  inland  water  levels in the late 14th century must have been higher than they  had  been  in the 13th,  they were still lower than they are today.  So it makes little sense to argue that a method of deep digging would have  become  impossible in  the  15th century due to rising water levels,   when it would still work today with the  water  table  only  a  foot  or  two  below  the  surface.  At  a few locations, the residual  physical  evidence  strongly  suggests  why  they stopped.  They ran out of peat.  This  appears  to  be the case with the Ormesby, Rollesby and Filby group of broads, and at South Walsham, but elsewhere the fens still contain huge reserves.
The  appalling  weather  conditions  in  the  early  14th  century contributed to the economic  problems  of  this  period.  Harvests failed;  diseases afflicted cattle and sheep;  there were great shortages and periods of famine.  Between 1305 and 1310, the  prices  of  grain and  livestock  doubled  and  went  on  to  reach  new  heights between  1315  and  1317.  Landowners enjoyed these inflated revenues until 1337, when  prices  started  to  spiral  downwards.  Uniquely to Broadland, peat fuel was also a commodity,  sold in markets and imported  into Norwich and Yarmouth  in large quantities. The records reflect exactly this same inflation and deflation in the price of turves and in production costs.

In  1349  the  Black  Death  reached East Anglia,  striking down over a third of the population  within  the  space  of a few months.  The remainder of the century was a time  of  economic  uncertainty and social unrest. Recurring outbreaks of plague and a low  birth  rate  meant  that numbers did not recover.  Landowners had lost their  market  for  surplus  commodities  and with it a major source of income,  so they sought  new  markets  to restore their revenues.
Many  converted  to  sheep  in  order  to export the wool, but on the great grazing marshes in Broadland the trend seems to have been away from sheep and towards the fattening of cattle.
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Marshes in the Yare valley.
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