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ON THE OTHER HAND
Military Demoralization
By Antonio C. Abaya
Written Oct. 04, 2005
For the
Standard Today,
October 06 issue


The most prominent military dissenters since the Marcos era were, of course, the members of the Reform the Armed Forces Movement, or RAM, under high-profile leaders like then Col. Gringo Honasan, Red Kapunan, Tito Legaspi and Rex Robles.

Though there was no doubt that that they were motivated by idealism and the desire to reform, not just the armed forces, but Philippine society as a whole, their nobility of purpose was somewhat compromised by their logistical and financial needs which were met by well-heeled non-military personages whose personal political ambitions injected a mercenary element into their enterprises.

In the August 1987 attempted coup by the RAM against President Aquino, it was then defense secretary Juan Ponce Enrile who was meant to be the main beneficiary and was most likely also the financier. If the coup had succeeded, Enrile would have been installed as head of a military-civilian junta, according to plan, and, later, as duly elected president of the republic.

In the December 1989 attempted coup, again against President Aquino and also led by RAM, the principal backers were suspected to be business tycoon Danding Cojuangco and a gaggle of Makati businessmen and opposition politicians. Cojuangco, who was in exile abroad with the Marcoses, sneaked back into the country through the backdoor, from Sabah to his farm in Davao in a light plane, without going through immigration formalities�..just two or three weeks before the putsch. The Aquino Government, so terrified of the president�s cousin, could not even gather enough nerve to book him for illegal entry, which he clearly was guilty of.
Onli in da Pilipins.

In the July 2003 Oakwood mutiny, apparently inspired by the mutineers�
Kuya, Gringo, after the RAM had splintered into quarreling factions, the tactical goal was to install the deposed president Joseph Estrada to the presidency for at least three days. Enough time for Erap to unilaterally clear himself of the plunder charges pending against him, after which a military-civilian junta would take over, presumably with Kuya as head of state.

It does not take much brains to conclude that Erap was paying for his deliverance, especially after one of his mistresses and one of his cronies were found to have been involved in the logistics. His organizers, Ronald Lumbao and Boy Morales, were also ready with a rent-a-mob equipped with ready-made posters and streamers announcing a People Power happening but were dispersed by police before they could yell �Ibagsak!�

In the present political crisis, there are speculations about how the military will position itself. But like Philippine society at large, the Philippine military are also disunited. It can be assumed that the top brass, all appointees of President Arroyo, will remain loyal to her under almost any circumstances..

It can also be assumed that there are mercenary elements who are for sale to the highest bidders. I understand the bidding starts at P100 million for a strike force of 15,000 officers and men. As far as I can tell, no deal has been struck. Perhaps the trapos are still trying to bring the price down.

In this piece, however, I am more concerned with the idealistic elements of the armed forces who are genuinely alarmed about the future of this country. For the past three months or so, I understand from a retired captain, my articles have been circulated among the officer corps, especially among graduates of the Philippine Military Academy and/or West Point. As a consequence, I have received statements and comments from several majors, lieutenant colonels and full colonels, mostly in active service.

I can personally confirm that there is demoralization among the idealistic elements of the military. But I do not know how they compare in numbers and troop strength with the mercenaries being courted by the trapos or with the top brass co-opted by President Arroyo. I asked one of my correspondents how many other officers thought like him. His reply floored me: 50% of the officer corps, he said. But that could be an exaggeration.

It was the late Capt. (Ret.) Rene Jarque who was one of the most articulate ex-military persons to voice his discontent. Before his untimely death at age 40 from cardiac arrest in Jakarta, where he was working in the corporate world, Rene had sent me copies of his speeches and articles.

In my article �
Military Dilemma� (July 19, 2005), I quoted excerpts from his speech before, of all organizations, the Philippine Constitution Association, in which he advocated that the military play a �constructive role� in a situation where the government is unstable and democratic institutions exist but are not strong. In such a theoretical situation, which looks more and more like the present, he sees the military intervening as a deterrent to bad government, but not taking over the state apparatus.

If I read Jarque�s mind correctly, he wanted the idealistic elements in the military to intervene if and when the civilian government is unable to provide good governance, but not to take over the state completely. Presumably Jarque wanted a civilian revolutionary or transition government to take over, but supported by the idealistic elements of the military. Which is also my view and that of many other concerned Filipinos.

In the Reaction portion of the above article, I included Jarque�s call to the Corps of Cadets of the PMA, from where he had graduated in 1986, to �help awaken the generals who have been oblivious to the calls for honor and honest conduct,� reminding his audience of the Academy�s Honor Code, and the Academy�s motto of �Courage, Integrity, Loyalty.�

But Capt. Jarque was not alone. I have the permission of Army Col. Ricardo C. Morales  to mention his name and to quote excerpts from his paper �Transforming the AFP,� parts of which had been published in the
Philippine Daily Inquirer more than six months ago.

Col. Morales commands an army brigade in Mindanao made up of five battalions or 3,000 men. He is a PMA graduate, class of 1977, and holds a master�s degree in national security from the Naval Postgraduate School (Monterey, California). He is on leave right now preparatory to leaving the military permanently.

While his �Transformation� paper, 12 pages long and drafted in September 2003, deals mainly with internal military matters, his comments about what ails the Philippine military bear repeating:

�Even the most optimistic apologists will have to concede after the July 27 (2003) Oakwood mutiny that the AFP is suffering from a deep-seated and long term affliction. In the previous mutinies (in 1987 and 1989), the leaders of this incident were still schoolboys. Nothing substantial has been done during the interval about reforms despite public pronouncements by the AFP leadership and the government�. � Only the blind and the prejudiced will deny the dismal situation in the defense establishment. The Oakwood incident is only one outward sign of a fundamental and long-running flaw within the AFP. These flaws have been gnawing away at the foundations of the AFP and, if left uncorrected, will certainly result in a sudden and catastrophic collapse.

��The AFP is quickly making itself one of the most resented sectors of Filipino society today. Not only has it been ineffective against the local insurgencies, it is also becoming a burden and a threat to society��

What ails the AFP? �The dismal state of the AFP is due to the debilitating culture within the organization that has emerged because of the absence of a defeat experience. Deprived of this stimulus, the AFP has developed what Festinger identified as �cognitive dissonance.��a discrepancy between perception and reality�

��Defeat in the hands of Napoleon compelled the Prussian reformers � Clausewitz, von Stettin, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau � to re-examine and discard Frederick the Great�s outmoded methods and establish the tradition of military excellence that Germany has since been known for�..Germany�s defeat during two world wars does not diminish the fact of its military excellence that remains to this day�.�

�Incompetence and corruption are the by-products of the AFP�s culture of cognitive dissonance. If the AFP wants to totally eliminate internal restiveness, it must get rid of this flawed culture. Eliminating corruption and incompetence alone is insufficient�..�

In a letter to Defense Secretary Avelino Cruz, dated May 23, 2005, Col. Morales laments that �the men and women of the AFP have lived the nightmare of insurgency for all their active service. Still we see no end to this national agony and face the ironic but real prospect of paying �revolutionary tax� after retirement�.

�Everything being done in today�s counter-insurgency campaign has been done before � SOT, strike operations, all-out offensives, negotiations, political accommodation, economic assistance � still the insurgencies show no signs of abetting and are, in truth, quietly gathering strength�.Under these conditions, foreign investors will continue to shun the Philippines. Our economic take-off will never materialize. Worsening poverty will unravel our society and cause its collapse. The long-suffering Filipino people do not deserve this future. We in the AFP do not deserve this future�.�

In a letter to another official, dated September 08, 2005, Col. Morales gives his reasons for wanting to leave the AFP. �Like the society it is supposed to defend, the AFP is severely decayed; it has lost its ability for self-correction and rejuvenation. Matindi at malalim ang kabulokan ng AFP. I know this from direct experience in the (Gen. Carlos F.) Garcia case. Were it not for the Jarius Bondoc expose, the AFP would not have investigated Caloy Garcia.
Ganyan din mangyyayari sa election fraud case.

�I am leaving the Service because there is nothing more that I can do about it. My children will take up nursing or health care giver something because this will provide them an exit from this cursed society.

�I am leaving because neither the NPA nor the Moro rebels are in danger of winning. These two groups are so stricken by internal rivalry and material weakness (
mga Filipino din!) that victory for them is only a dim possibility. But they can keep our society poor and growing poorer.

�I am leaving because there is no use fighting a war government does not intend to win�This political system has lost the ability for self-preservation and self-correction. It will make itself extinct.

�The AFP leadership must present a simple proposal to its political masters: end the war or sue for peace, but don�t waste our soldiers� lives any longer. Give the soldiers something worth dying for, not this miserable excuse for a nation�.�

                                             
(To be continued)

Reactions to
[email protected] or fax 824-7642. Other articles in www.tapatt.org

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Reactions to �Military Demoralization�


Dear Tony,

This is a very well presented  view of what is really the case existing in Philippine society. You wrote it in a way that is understandable to all and now that those who could not envision  the future will  see where the Philippines is heading unless proper direction and rule is implemented.

Self interest must take a back seat while leadership with sacrifice (by the leaders) must sit upfront.

Guy Rodriguez, [email protected]
Sydney, Australia, October 06, 2005

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Dear Tony - As usual, an excellent article on the military's demoralization,
which I passed on to my Rotary friend Eddie Yap.. He is keenly
interested in being placed on your email list of recipients.

Eddie is a businessman and a concerned citizen who speaks out and writes
about our fiscal, economic and budgetary problems and makes practical
suggestions for reform.  See his latest proposals (attached). He asked
me to forward this article to you and request you for your comments.

Poch Robles, [email protected]
October 06, 2005

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Dear Tony,

There are but a few elements in the military who are driven by the highest ideal to serve the country and institute the much needed political reforms but the many are largely motivated by ambition to personally rise in power and influence. Gringo Honasan, Fidel Ramos, are few examples that I could  cite.Let us face it: when soldiers are not paid well and their future upon retirement is bleak, they could easily be swayed by others who want to lead the country for the wrong reason. Military honor vs. economic gains? I would go for the latter.

Dr. Nestor P. Baylan, [email protected]
New York City, NY, October 06, 2005

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Excellent article. Hurray!

Ramon del Gallego, [email protected]
October 07, 2005

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Sir,

I am a member of the graduating class, and as a cadet, I want to serve my country with honor and distinction. I look forward to the day that I die in service to my country.

Though I am more preoccupied with my academics and training, the recent political turmoil is really quite disturbing. I know as soldiers, we should leave politics to the politicians, and remain neutral and to remain loyal to our people.

What really disturbs me is that, every now and then, I find myself asking, "Is this the country that I am supposed to die for?"

You know how idealistic we are, sir. But if it would seem that some people are trying to play with our idealism in order to feed their own greed, we might as well stay focused on doing our job rather than tinker with politics.

Military duty is twofold, sir. First, it is our duty to fight for our country, next, is that we must have that discipline of self-restraint, to keep ourselves from being a threat to our own national security.

My country demands that I fight for her to the last drop of my blood. But what is my country doing to make such a demand? I think the answer rests on the people who govern our country.

Sir, as you can see, the military is doing its part. Despite the restlessness that we feel among the civilian populace, we remain firm and steadfast to our duty. I hope the people in politics would do the same, they should do their duty and forget about the politicking. Let congress do what they are supposed to do as the legislative branch, and let the executive branch do the same.

In five months, I will graduate, after which, I'll be fighting, and ultimately, to die for my country.

But before I might die for my country, I ask you, in the civilian sector, please, make our country worth dying for.

In Christ,

Cadet (name and email address withheld)
Philippine Military Academy, Class of 2006
Baguio City, October 07, 2005

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Sir,

After reading your essay, I am tempted to forward my comment, an individual one, since I belong also to the military institution.  I also am a regular and active officer of the army.  It is a fact that really a majority of the lower and mid rank officers are in the state of  "static confusion", I should say for now.  We woke up as gung-ho lieutenants many years ago fighting the same "enemy of the state" we still are confronting now.  I really don't know where we are going or where we are all going to sink.. 

The fight has long been occurring that somehow, it became a normal occurrence to the organization.  Many wanted to see the organization grow.  Many officers and enlisted personnel who had the chance to study abroad, were amazed or envied how the armed forces of the neighboring state developed slowly. 

Our AFP stagnated, I should say.  What is ironic is that many personnel have undergone numerous schooling both in military and civilian schools, but it seems like it�s not making a dent in the organizational development. 

Many a bright individual chose to leave the AFP and go somewhere else, changing their career.  It is a sad fact.  Col. Morales is one.  The late Capt Jarque is another, as well as other unknown individuals.  I choose to remain because I still believe that somewhere in time, the AFP might be able to twist its fate...I hope...

If you listen to private chats between active, retired, resigned or ordinary persons concerned with the AFP, you would always encounter issues on the stagnated growth, corruption and political accommodations and political plays. 

I would be a hypocrite if I would say I did not entertain the idea of leaving the institution.  in fact, I wanted to take up nursing.   We do not see a near-end to the conflict the AFP is confronting.  Politics and governance no longer serve as they should .  They have become an instrument that a few individuals or many are taking advantage of for their individual motivations. 

How I wish officers like Sir Dick and the late Sir Rene would be copied hundred-fold or better thousand times more in the organization.  We see people with genuine concern for the AFP's development and the country in general.  But for now, I would have to contend myself with getting along with people who share the same views that I have.  In our own little ways, we might get a head start for a better AFP in the future... again hopefully.

An Army Officer (name and email address withheld)
October 08, 2005

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Dear Mr. Abaya,

Your column on Military Demoralization accurately reflects the sentiments of people I know in the military. Except for the fact that they bear arms and belong to an organized group tasked to defend the nation,  military officers act, think and behave like ordinary citizens and are just as disgusted with the horrid mess that is the Republic of the Philippines.

Col. Morales is not alone in his profound disaffection with the AFP and the Philippine government. There is poignancy in his statement that the military is tired of fighting the same battles over and over, without getting anywhere. It reminds me of the myth of Sisyphus, who was condemned by the gods to push a boulder to the top of a hill and roll it down again, in perpetuity. And the battles aren't only against the NPA or the Muslim insurgents. They are also the battles against corruption, bad governance and policy drift. It's frustrating enough losing these battles. But it becomes even worse when, as Col. Morales puts it, government does not even intend to win.

You also mention something in this column that I find relevant in the light of recent news regarding Cory Aquino's close relatives looting Imelda Marcos' jewelry. You write that:

"In the December 1989 attempted coup, again against President Aquino and also led by RAM, the principal backers were suspected to be business tycoon Danding Cojuangco and a gaggle of Makati businessmen and opposition politicians. Cojuangco, who was in exile abroad with the Marcoses, sneaked back into the country through the backdoor, from Sabah to his farm in Davao in a light plane, without going through immigration formalities�..just two or three weeks before the putsch. The Aquino Government, so terrified of the president�s cousin, could not even gather enough nerve to book him for illegal entry, which he clearly was guilty of.
Onli in da Pilipins."

I have always wondered why the Aquino government always treated Danding with kid gloves, despite the fact that Cory herself once implicated Danding in Ninoy's murder. Furthermore, Danding was allowed to retain his ownership of San Miguel Corp. and vast landholdings in Davao and Negros Occidental, despite the pleas of millions of coconut farmers who were victimized by the infamous coconut levy. This highly irregular accommodation goes beyond the adage of blood being thicker than water. I have long believed that Danding struck a deal with his cousins in order to retain his hold over San Miguel and his farms.

It was the practice of Ferdinand Marcos, in order not to be linked to illicit wealth,  to assign shares, foreign currency accounts and properties, to his various cronies. Because Danding was the favorite and most trusted of cronies, a significant amount of Marcos' loot was in Danding's name. This loot gave Danding a fabulous chip to bargain with Kamaganak, Inc. after EDSA.

That is why Danding's San Miguel holdings were never touched. And that is why Imelda Marcos is so furious at Danding, even going to the extent of running against him in 1992. Imelda's candidacy splintered the Marcos votes and deprived Danding of the Presidency. To this day, Imelda and Danding cannot see eye to eye.

To this day, too, we do not know who killed Ninoy Aquino. Perhaps Cory Aquino and her close relatives know, but have been appeased. Perhaps they decided it was wiser to adapt the Arab practice of accepting "blood money" for the murder of a relative.

I am certain that more evidence will surface in the future regarding behind-the-scenes quid-pro-quos among the robber barons and the political elite. That makes it even more disheartening for the military men who risk their lives in their profession.  In the end, what does it all add up to?

Carl Cid S.M. Inting, [email protected]
Cebu City, October 08, 2005

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Mr. Abaya,

This is the second of your article that I received via email. I do not know
how I got into your email list but your articles are very interesting as I
maintain a keen interest on what is going on in the country in spite of my
residence abroad.

I now live in California and am a member of PMA Class of
1972. I am one of those who left the service unceremoniously during the
Martial Law era, I left the service in 1980 while assigned with the
Presidential Security Command. I have had stints in campaigns against the
NPA and I also spent over a year in Basilan and Jolo as an infantry officer
with the Army between 1972 and 1975. During those times, except for my M16
and ammo, I saw no other support in our operations.

Asking or expecting the AFP to be different from the society and nation it
belongs to, as what Jarque and Morales wished for, is a stretch. There is
no way that the AFP personnel can be shielded from the woes of the nation
as a whole. The prevailing state and culture of the AFP is a reflection of
the society and political environment of the nation.

Sadly, as with the nation's youth activism, idealism among the young officers very much
pervades but such idealism naturally loses steam with age and ascension to positions or ranks. We used to also say in frustration, 'When our time comes..." but reality overrules such idealism and an officer manages the cards dealt. In those times, Sen Joker Arroyo was the most prominent activist in the nation!

Morales is hardly inspiring among active officers. In some quarters, rightly or wrongly, he is despised for a loud mouth with no substance. They know that he did not practice what he preached- not the kind of leader that inspires and rouses soldiers into action.

Another revolution? EDSA I and II looked like historic moments but like everything else, the outrage over graft and corruption and bad governance are ningas kugon - nothing really changed! After EDSA 2 the people turned right around and elected Erap's wife and later Jinggoy. Who are we fooling for another revolution?

It is against this backdrop that the former CS, AFP reasoned for non-political stance in light of yet another political exercise in futility. He said that the politicians will only shout at each other and the media will only frenzy to publish but involved soldiers will
end up shooting each other and everyone else. Obviously not a revolutionary stance.

The people have no discipline and no sense of integrity even to themselves. Economic dictates still prevail - konti na lang ok na. I don't quite see a society poise to stage a genuine revolution.

In the far future, I hope someone with a pure heart will rise, lead and inspire that one last revolution to change the Philippines and its society for good.

(No name given), [email protected]
California, October 11, 2005

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Last week I offered a ride to an Enlisted Personnel while driving towards the city. We started talking about politics which came out of nowhere.  He mentioned about the shoot- to-kill order against destabilizers. He mentioned "bakit hindi nila sampulan para magkaalaman na".  A very strong position from an ordinary soldier.  I jokingly replied that "before we start shooting each other, let�s finish first these politicians".

This goes to show how critical and progressive thinkers our soldiers are.  Gone are the days whent our soldier were taken from the slums whose competence was based on
willingness to follow orders and not on their ability to follow them.

The more they hide the truth the more we hunger for it.  This might be a case of child psychology, but I believe that it is also inherent among us Filipinos to have the propensity to try something that is forbidden.  What makes this situation more dangerous is the fact that if the information is coming only from one source, eventually it will be construed as the truth.

Soldiers today are not Boy Scouts who just follow orders without comprehending the social context.  Our soldiers are now more socially aware.  Just imagine that ordinary soldiers are talking about how the police have manhandled the rallyists in Mendiola.  You
can see from their faces the anger and desperation for they sympathize with their countrymen who are being gravely mistreated.  I might be romanticizing this but I can see an awakening of nationalist sentiment from our soldiers that I have never seen before. 

They should treat them well or else everything will get out of hand. God Bless to us All!

Vonne Villanueva, [email protected]
October 12, 2005

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Dear Tony:

I believe that the estimate of 50% is on the low side since GMA herself conceded on 8 July 2005 that fully 60% of the military were already against her.  But that was before her Saviour FVR (and he must pay for that sin someday) came forward.  Then FVR was joined by JdV and the CBCP, and GMA got bolder and bolder.  And now she believes she can actually effect martial law.

We should let her do this, since this trampling of freedom is to her mind part of her human rights.  But let's not tell her that the AFP may not be with her.

I believe that GMA may have up to 10%, and it may seem much more than that since these AFP members are at the top of the chain of command.  FVR at most can deliver
5% - and again, these are mostly at the top.  I think that the opposition (Erap, Gringo, Abat, de Villa, Cory, etc.) can also muster up to 10% taken together - maybe even match the GMA and FVR forces, with the possibility that the opposition can eclipse the GMA-FVR alliance once the Masa are brought in.

So if the GMA-FVR forces or the opposition groups move, the match up will be such that only civil war can come of it.  The left are certainly waiting in the wings to help ensure that outcome - and believe me, it seems they're very well organized in provinces north
and south of Manila, waiting for the spark.

Then it will be up to the 60-70% of the middle forces in the AFP.  This force will have to move swiftly to head off a civil war which war games in Honolulu by the US military have shown will cost about 300,000 lives.  Let's hope that there are, indeed, enough AFP professionals who can take this path.

Jose Osias, [email protected]
October 13, 2005

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Dear Tony,

If at least half of the military is demoralized, which is perhaps its more idealistic elements, then it's better off than its political counterpart.  As a former politician and member of the 8th Congress, I venture to say that 90% of all politicians from Malacanang to the barangays are corrupt.  We're really in bad shape.  I don't blame Col. Dick Morales for encouraging his children to "exit this poor excuse of a nation".

But not me.  I'm telling my children to stand and fight.  This is their country as well.  No corrupt politician or military official is going to take it away from them without a fight.

The problem of the military is more than "cognitive dissonance".  It's "deliberate cognitive dissonance".  The brass simply refuses to confront the status quo because it's benefiting from it.  It's just passing on the problem to the next generation of officers who until now have only shown great talent for taking their turn in the looting.

The problem of the military is just a mirror of the same situation in our political institutions.  The solution then is competent and sincere leadership that can rally people behind genuine economic, social and political reforms.  Alas, it's not forthcoming, or is it?

Sifting through the cacophony of calls for GMA to resign, I find a ray of hope in the position of the Laban ng Masa coalition.  The coalition is spearheaded by the democratic socialist party Akbayan to which sectoral reps Risa Hontiveros-Baraquiel, Etta Rosales and Mayong Aguja belong.  It follows the line of Fr. Joaquin Bernas, S.J. that GMA must not only resign but that changes in our political structures that cause recurring instability must also take effect.

In contrast, the Black and White movement of Cory, the Makati Business Club, Code-NGO and other allies is simple calling for a constitutional succession which means Noli.  This is hopelessly naive.  Noli is clearly incompetent and insincere and will surely be surrounded by the same cabal of rogues now around GMA.  His succession is only going to extend the prevailing state of instability.

Perhaps we should no longer waste our precious time to discuss the position of UNO, CPP/NDF and the copycat Solidarity.  Should we?  I suppose not.

Laban ng Masa is calling for GMA to resign and is to be replaced by a transition revolutionary government.  The TRG is then going to revamp and modernize the COMELEC.  Then it's going to convene a constitutional commission to change the form of government from unitary to federal with a unicameral parliament.  This unicameral parliament is going to have 50% sectoral representation.  Finally, it's going to conduct a plebiscite for the new constitution and elections for a new government.

The Laban ng Masa position is based on the fact that there's no single personality who can provide inspiring leadership now.  It doesn't promise instant change.  It's merely proposing the creation of a more stable political institution that can be a more conducive venue for reforms.

Our problem is really due to the pernicious influence of vested interests on our political institutions.  They have allocated for themselves almost everything beneficial in this country leaving the rest of us to scrounge for scraps.  No wonder everybody is leaving.

We know of course that this is a consequence of colonial history.  The post-Marcos political scenario, where people have been prepared to rally behind good governance, has created great opportunities for serious change.  But his successors have simply failed to deliver because of incompetence, insincerity and both.

Cory has been sincere but pitifully lacking in competence.  FVR has had sufficient preparation to be a great leader but has turned out to be insincere.  GMA is both incompetent and insincere, unable even to steal, cheat and lie properly, much more, govern.

A federal form of government is going to diffuse political power making it more difficult for vested interests to hold sway though a gullible central government.  They may likewise attempt to influence the state governments but their proximity to their constituency would be an effective counterbalance.  The affected sectors can quickly be at their doors demanding good governance.

A unicameral parliament with 50% sectoral representation would have the same effect.  Sectoral representatives are beholden to their sectors and not to any other patron.  The manner by which sectoral representatives now in the House of Representatives are independently advocating for their cause is encouraging.  If only there where more of them, GMA would've been impeached by now.

Moreover, a unicameral parliament is going to eliminate a Senate that has become a playground for morons from the entertainment industry.  A Muslim municipal councilor has once remarked that the showbiz Estrada family has more representation in the Senate than Mindanao.  I hear that the Viva Hot Babes are fielding a complete slate in the forthcoming election in 2007.  That would be the day.

Moreover, a unicameral parliament is also going to do away with a Senate most vulnerable to vested interests.  The ease by which the Senate has reduced the rate of the VAT on sin products by 1% is a case in point.  The small number of senators, who've to spend so much for a national campaign, simply couldn't say no to a taipan with a reputation for generosity in extending political financing.

By the way, I hope that a TRG doesn't go beyond a one year transition period.  A temporary arrangement such as a TRG is vulnerarble to a clash of interests.  Attempting to change anything more than the minimum is surely going to tear it apart and the nation with it.  Some are suggesting that it should remain for at least 1,000 days and put everything in place.  The task of initating other reforms is better done by a new government with a clear mandate.  Anyway, the newly transformed political structures are designed to be more sensitive to popular advocacy.

Regards,

Gico Dayanghirang, [email protected]
Davao City, October 15, 2005

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Dear Tony,

Col. Dick Morales must understand that even superior military tactics alone can't win a popular insurgency war.  This has been proven decisively in Vietnam and, in a smaller scale, here in our own country.  Military tactics can only work with popular support on the ground.

The communist insurgency movement in our country continues to exist because of widespread poverty and not because of the failure of military tactics.  Widespread poverty in turn is a consequence of failure of governance.  Only good governance can defeat the communist insurgency movement.

Col. Dick Morales need not worry though that the communist insurgency movement can win.  This despite the bleak prospects of good governance in this country.  They may continue to exist but they can't win because their ideology and program are not acceptable to the people.

Communist insurgents can easily infiltrate and influence a community because of discontent with government.  When they start imposing their programs, the community rejects them.  Unlike in the past, there is less emphasis on ideology and programs now.  The insurgents are more concerned with just agitating and influencing a community.  This is so they can have a safe place to stay and gather warm bodies for their guerilla army.

The communist insurgency movement is really in shambles now.  It's only the gross incompetence of government that keeps it from being defeated.  Even the military doesn't seem to know what to do.  Col. Dick Morales confirms this.

But there's a solution to this that an enlightened local executive or military commander can implement on the ground.  Please read the attached document.  The content of this document is based on our own observations and experiences with the communist insurgency movement here in Mindanao.

Gico Dayanghirang, [email protected]
Davao City, October 27, 2005

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