| Kosovo in Mindanao
By Antonio C. Abaya Written on Sept. 03, 2008 For the Standard Today, September 04 issue Some senators have been thinking out loud why some foreign countries have been pushing for the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) that had been initialed by representatives of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) on July 27, and was scheduled to be formally signed last August 5. But because of widespread outrage over the terms of this MOA, from local government officials who were not told that part of their jurisdictions were going to be ceded to the MILF, from lawmakers in Manila who saw the MOA as a preliminary step towards the dismemberment of the Republic, from the media and the public at large who interpreted the charade as a prelude to Charter Change to allow President Arroyo to remain in power beyond 2010�..this MOA is now in limbo, pending the decision of the Supreme Court. on its very constitutionality. In particular, the US and Malaysia are being asked why they are so interested in having this MOA signed, sealed and delivered. When she flew to Kuala Lumpur for the (aborted) Aug. 05 signing of the MOA, US Ambassador Kristie Kenney said to media that it was a "good" MOA. But when the controversy broke out over the details of the agreement, Ambassador Kenney, in another interview, said that she hadn't read the document itself. So how could she classify the agreement as "good" when she hadn't read it herself? The probable truth is that she had indeed read the document and found it to be good, in the sense that it was good for American interests. For her part, President Arroyo in her State of the Nation Address (SONA) made reference to this MOA in a glowing, positive light, referring to it as a "breakthrough" in the peace negotiations that had been dragging on for years. But when all hell broke loose over the details, it was the President's legal alter ego, Solicitor General Agnes Devanadera who told everyone who cared to listen that President Arroyo had not yet read the document. So how could President Arroyo refer to it - during the SONA, no less - as a breakthrough when she supposedly hadn't read it at all? The probable truth is that President Arroyo did read the MOA � which was undoubtedly prepared by her own people � and pronounced it a breakthrough in the sense that it explicitly calls for a federal Bangsamoro state, certainly a breakthrough in the maneuver towards Charter Change, which would allow her to remain in power beyond 2010. Do we have here a pair of jesuitical liars who think they can fool us all the time? There is reason to believe that the US played a major role in encouraging this MOA because its national interests, as defined by the neo-conservatives as early as September 2000 � one year before 9/11 � call for increased US military presence in Southeast Asia. This increased US military presence in the region is a response to a) the expressed plan of the Jemaah Islamiyah to create a pan-Islamic state that would encompass the entire territories of Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei, plus the southern and predominantly Muslim provinces of Thailand and the Philippines; And b) increased Chinese activities in the Spratly islands, which are believed to be rich in petroleum and mineral deposits, especially after President Arroyo signed an agreement with Beijing in 2004 for the joint exploration for oil in the disputed islands. Since this increased US military presence cannot be located in Indonesia, Malaysia or Brunei � where it would be resented by the predominantly Muslim populations � and since Singapore is too small to host it, the most logical place for it would be in Mindanao-Sulu-Basilan, But there is the problem of separatist Muslim minority groups who have been waging secessionist wars, off and on, against the stumblebum Manila government. For that matter, even against the US colonial government going back to the 1900s. A policy was apparently adopted by the Americans to treat moderate elements of the Bangsamoro with restraint, even as they went whole hog against the reckless leaders of the Abu Sayyaf, whom the Americans decimated through selective assassination after electronic surveillance and generous bounty rewards to unidentified informants. It is significant that the Americans never listed the MILF (and its rival, the MNLF) as terrorist organizations, thus leaving open the possibility of a modus vivendi to pursue their respective agendas. On the other hand, the communist New People's Army, which is much smaller than the MILF and the MNLF, is listed as a terrorist organization. A federal Bangsamoro state, even if it eventually declares its independence from the Philippine Republic, would serve US national interests as long as it allows US troops to operate on its territory against the JI and/or the Chinese. Take that one step further, as American strategists have undoubtedly done, and think of a Mindanao Republic that declares independence from the rest of the Philippine Republic. Because of the large Muslim population (4.7 million out of a total Mindanao population of 20 million), a Mindanao Republic would logically be a federal union, with both Christian and Muslim states, as well as guaranteed regions for indigenous lumads. Both moderate Bangsamoro elements and even most of the Christian majority would welcome the existing American presence, the Bangsamoro because the Americans have treated them with deference (witness the aborted MOA), and the Christians because the American presence would be their guarantee that the Bangsamoro would not overstep their boundaries. From the American point of view, this theoretical construct would be more hospitable to their national interests than their relationship with the quarrelsome politicians in Manila, who threw them out of their bases in 1991 and are now greedily selling their country to the Chinese. The Mindanao situation is now at an impasse. SocGen Devanadera says the GRP will not sign the MOA "in its present form or in any other form." The MILF says it is not willing to renegotiate the MOA and will wait for the next government in 2010. Meanwhile, supposedly rogue MILF commanders have attacked and occupied some villages, eliciting a swift response from the military. The GRP and the military have demanded the arrest of the rogue commanders for their atrocities against civilians, but the MILF have refused to surrender them. Some Christian communities have revived the Ilagas, self-defense vigilantes who committed atrocities against Muslim civilians in the 1970s, in retaliation for Muslim atrocities against Christian civilians. I agree with former Senator Franklin Drilon: the stage is being set for a Kosovo scenario in Mindanao. ***** SEPT . 04 UPDATE. President Arroyo did the right thing in disbanding the GRP peace panel headed by retried general Rodolfo Garcia and in discontinuing negotiations with the MILF. But why is she keeping Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, retired general Hermogenes Esperon, who has obviously been giving her and the GRP peace panel poor advise? It should be kept in mind that prior to the entry of Gen. Esperon into the picture, the "peace talks" in Kuala Lumpur had been stalled for years, on the issues of ancestral domain and role of the Constitution. But in a matter of a few months after Esperon's entry, the "peace talks" accelerated and gave birth to the MOA-AD, which, among other things, ceded 712 barangays to the MILF on the grounds of ancestral domain, and gave in to the MILF demand that the Constitution should not be mentioned at all. And it was Esperon who triumphantly announced that the MOA needed charter change to federalism for it to be implemented. So if there is one person who is to be credited or blamed for the MOA debacle, it has to be Esperon. President Arroyo should appoint him ambassador to Myanmar where he would probably feel at home, for two reasons: it has been run by military generals since 1962, and it has been a federal union since independence in 1947. And now what? Having scrapped the MOA-AD and having disbanded the GRP piss panel and having now refused to further deal with the MILF "at gunpoint," what would be PGMA's logical next steps? I will discuss these in my Tuesday column next week. ***** Reactions to [email protected]. Other articles in acabaya.blogspot.com. Tony on YouTube in www.tapatt.org. To subscribe, send a blank email with the subject heading Subscribe. To unsubscribe, send a blank email with the subject heading Unsubscribe. . OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Reactions to "Kosovo in Mindanao" Samuel K. Tan on Mindanao On Coups and Federalism Federalism does not guarantee local autonomy. A State could be more pervasive and domineering than Imperial Manila. Fiscal federalism is not just for federal forms of government. It also applies to unitary systems. It is not true that amendments to the 1991 LGC require a cha-cha. The present charter does not set a limit to how far Congress can go with local autonomy. Federalism will not spur economic development. LGU's are the proper venue for it. States will only provide more red tape. Federalism will not solve the Mindanao problem. It will only aggravate it. Ancestral domain is not about politics or religion. It's economic, stupid! Federalism is expensive. The estimate given by the Primer is a handiwork of an engineer who wants his clientele to renovate a house. Wait till the bills come in! It will take years before a State can be operational. Here's what the primer says: "the type of federalism suited for the Philippines can be determined only through discussion, consultation and debate among our people. The Philippines can develop its own unique model of federalism based on the various models that have been adopted by other countries." Federalism complicates a simple solution to our problems: decentralization. Eustaquio Joven, (by email), Sept. 04, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Kuya Tony C. Abaya, Very good article. Thanks a lot. But then would you agree that some irresponsible people would probably be liable under Art. 114 of the Revised Penal Code, as Amended, which states: "Any Filipino who levies war against the Philippines or adheres to her enemies, giving them aid or comfort within the Philippines or elsewhere, shall be punished by reclusion perpetua to death and shall pay a fine not to exceed 100, 000 pesos." Or under Art. 115 on Conspiracy and proposal to commit treason or Art. 116 Misprison of treason. What is happening here is obviously exceeding the bounds of the law, a dangerous adventure. I guess some will later answer for this before the courts of law in the Philippines. Mind you, the next responsible Administration will not let this thing pass lightly. Thanks and more power to you. Leona Guera, (by email), Australia, Sept. 04, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Tony, Mabuhay ka! It seems the nationalism of Filipinos have awaken finally. Sabay sabay na pareho ang expose ng mga Pinoy writers and analysts.God bless Erick San Juan, (by email), Sept. 04, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Sir, If the Americans would have a stronger military presence in Mindanao, i am all for it. I would even venture to say that Negros island will all be for it. I am also for having a US military base in the Philippines. That would create more jobs and more economic activity. Philip Ortiz, (by email), Sept. 05, 2008 Federalist Philippines wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Mr. Abaya, What's next? Well I won't be surprised if a series of bombings all over becomes common place. No explanations needed for that since both sides will blame each other for the atrocities about to be committed. It happened before. I really don't understand why there is a need for the Philippines to be dissected just to satisfy the greed of people on both sides. Hay! While we are at it, can we also establish and include in the talks the putting up of the Separate Federal States of Payatas, Caloocan and Pasig River Housing? And require visas before you step on each new border side. This is what they want for the Philippines. And if they think that creating borders is the way to go for us to have peace, they have another thing coming. Because whoever has the most goons, guns and gold in that scenario will be the superior state ready to invade weaker states to enlarge their territories. Just imagine if the Americans or the Chinese for that matter would be able to harness and mine all that deuterium in Mindanao . What would happen next? I hate to speculate any further until the next act of this stupid play unfolds. Noi Ramirez, (by email), Makati City, Sept. 05, 2008 (Deuterium in Mindanao is a hoax. Read my many references to it. ACA). wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Tony: I am afraid U.S. ambassador to the Philippines Kirstie Kenney has been caught with her panties down! How could she have declared that this was a good MOA when in fact she herself denied that she had not read it? And how could President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo have praised to high heaven the same MOA in her SONA when, later on, after a storm of protests erupted, she felt compelled to deny that she had read it likewise? I smell something foul in the Pandora's box of worms which this MOA-AD now appears to be. Those who negotiated this MOA on behalf of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines appear to me guilty of treason. These despicable characters should be brought before the bar of justice.I am glad to note that the old negotiating panel led by Mr. Esperon has been disbanded. (Esperon is not a member of the GRP peace panel. He is the "presidential adviser on the peace process." ACA) If a renegotiation of the MOA is in order--after the Supreme Court hands down its decision--the new panel should be composed of patriotic Filipinos who are thoroughly grounded on the Philippine constitution, who possess negotiating skills, who refuse to fold under extreme pressure from their opposite numbers, and who have the strength of character not to sell their country down the river. If renegotiation is not in order, so be it. Mariano Patalinjug, (by email), Yonkers, NY, Sept. 05, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Hi Tony, Your reference that Mindanao could be another "Kosovo" is now a reality? Whether GMA intended this to happen when she appointed Experon to the Peace Panel is anyone's guess now. All the insinuations--the on and off again charter change to keep someone safely enthroned beyond 2010, American interests (we are reminded of the Bate's Treaty and the US intentions then?), even the amount of dollars to be realized by those pushing for the MOA (to put it bluntly) are now in the open. Or is it? But let me put it this way--The innocent Christian civilians who are left out, even to the extent of feeling abandoned; that they are on their own and have to protect themselves from the Moros is now a reality. Experon even said so, remember his outburst when Mindanao governors and mayors decided to seek help from the Supreme Court? Our only consolation is that out of this imbrolgio, GMA for once acted as "President" by deciding to be a true leader in the . . . Kosovo. . .er . . I mean Mindanao situation. The pronouncements coming from her corner seems enough for us . . for now! Tomorrow, will be, will be! A Mindanaoan looking for answers . . . . to questions - - - that keep on bugging us !!! Jose Regino, (by email), Zamboanga City, Sept. 05, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Mr. Abaya, Lubhang napakarami na ng istorya tungkol sa Mindanao, kasama na ang mga kuento ng pinsan kong Scout Ranger tulad ng putulin ng MNLF ang dalawang kamay at paa ng kanyang comrade, kuento ni Trillanes sa mga yumamang Generals na nagbebenta ng armas at bala sa mga rebelde, kuento ng Juan dela Cruz band sa Cotabato, etc. Sino naman ang maniniwala na di alam ni Arroyo ang MOA-AD at sabihing mangangahas si Esperon na desisyunan ang lahat gayong alam na alam ng magiting na heneral na firing squad ang aabutin nya kung magka-aso-aso ang lahat. Ang lahat ay isa lang moro-moro dyan sa Bangsamoro. Lokohin nila lelong nila. Bumabati, Edilberto Anit, (by email), Sept. 05, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Hi Tony, This is my unequivocal stand: Yes to giving Muslim Mindanaoans a fair shake in every aspect of their lives, as we Christians expect to be treated by our leaders and by others. No to dismemberment of the Republic. Swift justice for those who attempted to sell our national interests down the river for their selfish or vested interests. Best regards, Raffy Alunan, (by email), Sept. 07, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Tony: I forwarded your excellent article, comparing the unraveling tragedy in Mindanao to "Kosovo' to Dr. Noam Chomsky, Dr. Edward Herman, and Noam's sister-in-law, Attorney Judy Chomsky. Shalom, George Patterson, (by email), Sept. 07, 2008 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Samuel K. Tan on Mindanao Dear Mr. Abaya, I found this interesting article written by Dr. Samuel K. Tan about the Mindanao controversy. Your readers might be interested to per use it. Dr. Tan was a former chairman of the National Historical Institute. He retired already but still the Convenor, Mindanao Studies Program (UP-CIDS). Renato Perdon, (by email), Sydney, Australia, Sept. 06, 2008 Editor, Filipino Section, Bayanihan News (Understanding The Mindanao Conflict: Mindanao at the Crossroad is a paper prepared and presented by Dr. Samuel Tan at the Cotabato City Peace and Development Forum, July 20, 2000) At no time in history had the issue of Mindanao independence been brought to a critical point as it is today. The issue had already been expressed as early as 1910 when the Zamboanga business sector presented a written petition to isolate the island for the development of "plantation interests". The same sentiment was aired in the written petition of Muslim datus, sultans, and leaders in 1930 when the question of Philippine independence from the United States elicited Muslim preference for exclusion from the projected free Philippines under Filipino rule. Then in the late 1970s the independence aspiration of Mindanao was again revived by the Mindanao Independence Movement of Datu Udtog Matalam of Pagalungan Cotabato, Ruben Canoy of Cagayan de Oro, and Nur Misuari of the Moro National Liberation Front. Only the latter succeeded in achieving a compromise agreement known as the Tripoli Agreement on December 23, 1976 through the mediation of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC). Although the OIC explanation was for the Agreement to be a comprehensive representation of the Filipino Muslim Community, this was not acceptable to Hashim Salamat and his MILF. This was where the critical point began from the Muslim perspective creating the problems, ambiguities, and dilemma in the government responses to the Mindanao conflict. The government from Marcos to Estrada operated on the clear premises of the Tripoli Agreement that autonomy not independence was to be the framework of any resolution of issues and conflict and that the Philippine Constitution would be the point of reference for the definition of the meaningful extent of autonomy. But what the government has ignored and belittled were certain fundamental realities and facts that have remained active in Muslim consciousness: 1. That independence was still the underlying essence of autonomy for all Muslim social movements (MNLF, MILF, etc.) regardless of differences 2. That any modus vivendi or compromise agreement related to the implementation of the Tripoli Accord would be temporary and tactical in nature, and 3. That the ultimate hope of the Muslim Community in the Philippines for progress and prosperity lies not in the Christian dominated state but in the dynamic relation and linkage to the Islamic world. In effect, the three foregoing facts are the underlying premises that constitute the general framework of the Muslim struggle, however divided it seems are the various groups in their activities, leadership roles, rhetorics, and approaches. There are no perceivable indications that these premises are weakening. The contrary is what is obviously emerging. There are several corroborative factors that have contributed to the hardening of the independence imperative of the Muslim struggle, peaceful or otherwise: First is the inability of the State through the government and its agencies to adequately or substantially meet the basic and ideal needs of the Muslim Community. While the government has not failed to initiate policies and draw up development plans along constitutional lines, administration after administration since 1946 has somehow ended with the centuries old Moro Problem still unresolved. It is not easy and fair to altogether blame the government on the Bangsamoro armed groups and their supporters for the elusiveness and increasing difficulties of finding the permanent or, at least, a relatively long enduring peace vital to the kind of socioeconomic, political and cultural growth and progress the Philippines desires. Second is the obvious trend on the part of the Muslim Community to seek ultimate satisfaction of their aspirations from within their own societies and the Muslim world given the decades of underdevelopment, the rising level of frustration, resentment, and anger over the extreme difficulty and costliness of recovering their lost historic rights to ancestral lands and equitable social and political benefits therefrom. These are confounded by the increasing socioeconomic problems of life that have haunted their communities for decades without immediate prospects of resolution from State initiatives or programs. Third is the exploitation of the Mindanao conflict for a long time by external vested interests for reasons not necessarily for the good or benefit of the marginalized sectors or government. The suspected involvement of international agencies or groups such as Islamic radical movements including terrorist groups or central intelligence agencies of powers cannot be ignored. Fourth is the failure of civil society, particularly the dominant Christian sector, to really remove the lingering anti-Muslim bias in historical consciousness. The hardening of irreconcilable premises in the rhetorics of government and Muslim positions is not helping enhance a truly meaningful peace process. Apparently, the subtle hands of ugly politics in local and national levels and fora including the inner sanctums of Congress are nurturing the culture of conflict along irreconcilable lines making use of the rhetorics of constitutionalism, legalism, morality, public order, humanism, and democracy to rally the processes of tri-media for their purposes. It is these political riders in the Mindanao conflict from the viewpoints of the armed protagonists that are prolonging the agonies of war and the ecstasies of vested interests not affected directly by the violence of conflict. In reality, the Mindanao conflict is a microcosm of the national and international conflict between the marginalized and exploited social sectors and the State and / or dominant sector. The Bangsamoro and Lumad struggles are not in a sense different from those of the working classes and farmers in other areas of the country and the world represented by different factions of the NDF-NPA network coordinated either by leaders from abroad or within the country or by other similar radical groups. They are similar to the struggles of the Muslim minority in Patani, Thailand, The LTTE (Liberation Tiger of Tamil Eelam minority in Sri Lanka, the Muslim Majority against a Hindu minority leadership in Kashmir, the East Timorese majority against the Indonesian minority leadership, the Fijian majority against an Indian minority leadership, the Chechen majority against the Russian minority, etc. Their common aspiration regardless of racial, ethnic or socio-cultural differences is the enjoyment of freedom and its maximum benefits without outside interferences. Understandably, such aspiration is basic to human nature and is natural to all people having a common origin and sharing a common tradition. Today the Mindanao conflict, while rooted in the same rationale or fundamental causes related to ancestral lands and historic rights versus modern and democratic numbers, has greatly changed in strategies, techniques and extent. This fact is quite apparent in the military confrontation between the government and Bangsamoro rebel forces. The battles in Lanao del Sur, del Norte, Maguindanao, and Basilan involved men on both sides equipped with modern and high destructive weapons of war radically different from the numerous armed encounters and battles in colonial times in which the use of weapons was largely limited to spears, bolos, knives, bows-and-arrows, krises, etc. on the part of the indigenous warriors and arms and artilleries with limited capacity on the part of the colonial powers. The contemporary military power of the government is certainly superior to that of the rebels (backed up as it is by air and naval contingents, which the rebels do not have). Consequently, there is no doubt that the government forces will ultimately neutralize the military capacity of the rebel to defeat government troops, but it is also clear that the rebels' defeat in battles will not ensure permanent victory. It merely changes the rebels' strategy of armed struggle to a variety of choices with emphasis on the guerilla attacks or the Islamic concept of Fil-Sabilillah (Jihad and its unique individual version created by the Bangsamoro struggle in the late 19th century called Parang Sabil by the Sulu Muslims). It was the Muslim intense sense of hopelessness brought about by the loss of military capacity that led to what the Spaniard called juramentados or individuals who took the vows of killing as many of the enemies as their lives would allow. The Spanish introduction of the steamboat in various expeditions to Sulu from 1850 to 1890 led to the devastation of Jolo and other island communities including the stronghold of Maguindanao, Iranun, and Maranaw datuships and sultanates in mainland Mindanao. The state of jihad will emerge as the weapon of the Bangsamoro struggle... And there is no clear response to this possibility given its necessity in view of the gradual loss of fortified state camps of Muslim resistance and the increasing level of prejudice and hostility being seen in the attitude of both the government and the Christian populace as shown in tri-media. The socio-economic conditions certainly continue to worsen as population increase naturally exerts more pressures on the capacity of traditional sources of revenues and livelihood such as the land, rivers, lakes, and seas within reach of the inadequate local technologies and crafts. The centuries-old barter trade which has provided a good alternative source of livelihood has dwindled into a few stalls of smuggled items, and has lost its very rationale for being. It had gradually died from exploitation of the system by capitalists and politicians and smugglers of luxury goods, guns and drugs. In short, Muslim and Lumad Mindanao has lost a lot of their traditional means of survival and has inevitably been drawn to the undergrowth of the economic system that offers lucrative but dangerous and illegal sources of revenues such as smuggling of guns, drug trafficking, piracies, kidnapping for ransom, and, for those who are idealistic, the radical movements of political Islam have become the logical source of help and self-fulfillment to displaced Muslim youths. To a significant extent, the MILF, MNLF and the Abu Sayyaf have derived their base support from the idealist youths and displaced elements of Muslim society called by Janjalani in the "Ummat Akhir Jaman" who have no credentials or opportunities to be absorbed into the Christian or non-Muslim dominated employment field especially in the agencies, institutions, and businesses of government. It is to be expected that deteriorating socioeconomic conditions would seriously affect all aspects of life and society such as physical well-being due to health and sanitation problems compounded by lack or absence of medical facilities and ecological balance, access to education for development of skills and potentials for advancement and progress because of inability to pay for its prohibitive cost, and absence of cultural enjoyment and enhancement due to lack of international interactions with outside cultures (except cultures of violence) on account of persistent armed conflict and its consequences. Lamentably, the social crisis in Muslim Mindanao arising from armed conflict is not eased by the democratic system and process which look religiously at democratic numbers that favor the dominant majority in all decision-making from national to local levels. Political representation contingent on national election will not insure election of Muslim or Lumad to the Senate and certainly not the highest executive positions unless a national political party, which vigorously supports a Muslim or Lumad candidate, carries him. Philippine democracy, unless radically reformed in essence and form, perpetuates the injustice against the national minorities. The political economy of Mindanao demonstrates how the power elite, and the multinational and national entities have remarkably developed the mining and agro-industrial potentials of the region through the years and yet, have reserved to themselves the greater part of the resources and benefits of development leaving a very small portion to the indigenous people to divide among themselves. Altruism has not yet been a developed virtue or even a rhetorical reality in an ironically Christian society very often marked by lavish devotion to the rituals and icons of the Christian faith. The outside exploiters of Mindanao resources do not even pay their taxes in the region but secure them in their national coffers or abroad. They have also established themselves in the region as political and economic power blocks capable of putting the military resources of the State behind their interests and purposes in case of need. But until lately, their own security forces had been able to cow and eliminate permanently the rebellious and loquacious elements in the indigenous communities except in Muslim Mindanao where resistance has been intense. The colonial prejudice they have inherited from the Christian tradition has colored their treatment of the non-Christian minorities still considered by them as remnants of the savage and uncivilized world whose treatment as such had dominated the pages of colonial literature for centuries. Consequently, the cultural portrait, if the dominant majority had the decisive choice, would have altogether excluded the indigenous animistic and Islamic cultures from the cultural transformation of Mindanao. But the way things are moving in the region this portrait may still emerge if the Bangsamoro struggle is effectively neutralized thus making the Muslim sector the only remaining force in the region that has continued to preserve the integrity of its indigenous tradition. Only the indigenous arts and crafts have been acquired for propagation and promotion for their highly socioeconomic value to the dominant majority as the tourist and antique shops of Metro Manila and abroad indicate. They are not preserved to restore the lost historic rights of Lumad and Muslim Mindanao but to assimilate into mainstream society the desirable feature of indigenous culture. It is thus understandable that the Muslims perceive their Islamic heritage as being threatened by the subtle intrusion of Christian and non-Islamic elements into their lifeways. In view of the foregoing realities obtaining in Mindanao, the Muslim community has more and more desired the option of independence. The adamant position of the Estrada government against independence, even as a point of discussion, confronts the Muslim community with a choice between continuous war and real autonomy which is offered by the government. Actually, this offer is not something new. It was the same thing offered to the MNLF and Misuari and led to the Tripoli Agreement, but what is different is the emphasis given by the Estrada negotiation that the offer is for real autonomy, which admits that autonomy from Marcos to Ramos had been less than real, largely rhetorical and palliative in nature. But for real autonomy to be realized, certain things must be accepted and done: 1. The present democratic system is not sufficient for real autonomy the Muslims may accept short of total independence. It must be something where the Christian majority has no more say or influence in Muslim affairs except ceremonial and nominal requirements of symbolic sovereignty. Consequently, the government should seriously consider the earlier proposed Federal status for Muslim Mindanao. This was originally proposed by Mabini and Aguinaldo in 1899 and the reinforced by Judge James Blount following the American model in 1912 in his American Occupation in the Philippines (1912). As conceptualized by Aguinaldo, the Federal system involves the three federated governments or states of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao symbolized according to O.D. Corpuz, by the three stars in the Philippine Flag. Judge Blount preferred about a dozen states based on certain geographic formations like: Ilocos, Cagayan, Pangasinan, Pampanga, Manila, Cavite, etc. In effect, Federalism for Muslim Mindanao liberates the Philippine government and the Christian majority from the psychological and real burden of a people who no longer wants to be called Filipinos but Bangsamoro with a government, territory, and Islamic institutions of their own. 2. Political representation as a consequence of No. 1 includes at least two senators in the Senate to be elected by all registered Muslim voters throughout the country, an undersecretary in the Department of Foreign Affairs and in the Department of National Defense, and a member in the Central Bank since the nominal ties of Muslim Mindanao to the State are: Foreign Affairs, National Defense, and Currency. 3. A national subsidy system for, at least, ten years gradually diminished until only a nominal token remains after the tenth year to allow the Federated state substantial support while developing its internal resources and support system including that from the Islamic world. 4. The status of Muslim communities outside of Muslim Mindanao has to be defined as extension of the Federated Muslim State, which should devise a proper plan of action for them. For instance, the Sama (Bajao) migrants in various parts of Visayas and Luzon must be resettled back to their home in Southern Philippines including the Spratly Islands which can be ideal resettlement sites because the islands are natural habitats of the Sama. The government can undertake this resettlement of the Sama in the Kalayaan Groups of Islands with modern facilities in addition to their traditional institutions to facilitate communication, transport, education, and trade. The Sama settlements can be perfect reinforcement of the Philippine security system in the area to preserve the Philippine sovereignty against external encroachment and threat. Finally, it is necessary to conclude with the fact that in the ongoing military clashes between thousands of government troops and hundreds of Muslim rebels the government may eventually win the war because of sheer military superiority in land, air, sea, but it may lose permanently the enduring peace it seeks. As in the decades of American campaigns against the Moros from 1899 to 1936, military superiority may destroy the capacity of the Bangsamoro to win the war but it will not destroy their will to resist as it was during the entire era of colonial rule and conquest which lasted for more than four hundred years. Contributing to the undying will to resist is the arrogance of the military triumph expressed through the rhetorics of contempt and ridicule for the vanquished "Moros" as bandits, criminals, and savages without consideration and respect for the ideals and aspirations that have propelled their long and costly armed struggle. This is not the time to hide the facts and tell lies. This is the time to tell the truth to make us free indeed. It is not enough to know adequately the Mindanao conflict. It is necessary to understand it. I hope I have contributed to this objective. Thank you. Samuel K. Tan Convenor, Mindanao Studies Program (UP-CIDS), July 11, 2000 wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww On Coups and Federalism Col. Tarrazona, a million thanks for your post. In a web teeming with brilliant diagnoses, a prescription is a rare but welcome find. I am also for preempting a coup; however, I find your idea a bit flawed. Firstly, it covers a very short span of time. It is good only until the elections of 2010. Secondly, I doubt if we can unite the groups you mentioned and even if it moves as one, it might not be potent enough to force Gloria's resignation. Finally, presidential hopefuls whose combined sway in public opinion is a force to reckon with would, most likely, not welcome the idea of giving a potential rival a decisive edge. My idea rose from Sen. Pimentel's drive for federalism. He correctly diagnoses our problem: too much concentration of powers and resources in Imperial Manila. Unless this issue is addressed any change in leadership will not bring any relief, whether it is by coup, people power or elections. My study though shows that his goals, without the prescribed process, could be attained under the present Constitution. Indeed, there is a need to change the system. Fortunately, it can be done through legislation. Yes, it is that simple. It can even be simplified more into a numerical figure: 20/80. This is what Senator Pimentel promises the sharing would be between the Federation and the States under his federalism proposal. The idea is revolutionary, no less. It will effectively limit the movement of the central government to its barest essential, and empower the local government units to cope better with pressing challenges. No longer shall the fate of the country rest on one man or one woman or on Imperial Manila. More hands will be at work because the wealth and responsibility is equitably distributed. But why go through the circuitous and fatal process of amending the Constitution for it? Is a 20/80 sharing not feasible under the present Charter? Our Charter enshrines Local Autonomy. It sets no limit other than those which Congress would allow! What then keeps Congress from taking advantage of this opportunity? I think it's all a question of will.. Is Congress prepared to give that much power to LGU's? If they are, Senator Pimentel wouldn't have to dangle the 20/80 bait in his provincial sorties for LGU support. What makes him think that Congress will have a change of heart as soon as it is convened into a con-ass? The superstars of past people power were the Church, the military, civil societies, students and militant groups. It is time for them to take on mere supporting roles. It is time for new stars to take the center stage. They are the group whom the good Senator is courting right now, the LGU officials. But they will not be endorsing federalism or a cha-cha. Instead, they will go for a real honest to goodness decentralization or local autonomy through legislation. They will preempt a coup, by forcing Congress to enact into law the kind of decentralization that would go for the goals envisioned under the proposed federalism. I oppose federalism not only because it is an exercise in an expensive futility. The mere thought of 75 Senators and 350 makes me puke. How can people vote for it in a plebiscite? I oppose it because it is a formula for the downfall and disintegration of our country. Here's a timely and pertinent quote from former US House Speaker Newt Gingrich, "Big bureaucracies were created at the federal, state, and local levels; and they have been decaying in efficiency and effectiveness ever since." He was of course referring to a first world country. Imagine if it happens to an impoverished country like ours? It is bad enough that Imperial Manila controls the funds for LGU's. Yet Sen. Pimentel wants it controlled by 11 States! Imagine LGU's ganging up on each other for a State's favor! Incidentally, some federalists argue that local autonomy didn't work because Imperial Gloria ties the noses of local officials with it. I agree with this observation, but it is not the fault of the law or the Constitution. The Local Government Code mandates automatic release. She was able to do her thing only because sheepish local officials opt to lick her heels instead of crushing them so she can't continue with the harm she's been doing to our country! Sen. Pimentel says that of the 80% share of the States, only 70% shall go to the LGU's 30% shall go to the operation and maintenance of the State. If there is no State to maintain the amount can be used as additional fund to the OMBUDSMAN so it will be more responsive against erring officials; to DILG to strengthen its supportive and supervisory functions; to the Cooperative Development Authority to energize citizen participation in development affairs; or to an Equalization Fund. Economic pursuits are better addressed at the local rather than the regional level. Oh yes, there is so much we can do with savings which otherwise would go to the proposed redundancy called States. Much is said of federalism as a solution to the Mindanao problem. On the contrary, it would only aggravate it. It is bad enough that we have an ARMM that is built on religion. Let us not aggravate it by having more of the kind. Ancestral domain is tribal and localized, not religious or by region. RA 8371 tells us this is so. It provides for granting ancestral domain titles to Tausogs, Maranaos, Lumads, T'bolis, Dumagats , Mangyans and other indigenous peoples. One criterion is actual possession, not historical. Tribal groups mix well with Christian settlers than with other indigenous people. When LGU's are self reliant and self sustaining, Tony Abaya won't have to push hard for his election-by-region of Senators advocacy. In such a situation, people would be more interested in what their local leaders do than in what's going on in the Senate. By then Senators would be expected to be more busy with national rather than parochial concerns. The good Colonel. is so right about the likelihood of a revolution, so it should be preempted by the most potent force we can ever think of, the leaders who understand most how important the role of local governments in the development of the country. In the end, the actual beneficiary of its lasting effect would be the country itself and the people therein, not just the LGU"s. Let me be emphatic about this point. The person most qualified to lead this movement is Mr. Local Autonomy himself, Senator Nene Pimentel. The sooner he wakes up to this reality, the better for the country. She should not let Gloria Macapagal Arroyo herself beat him to the only peaceful option for her continued stay till 2010... unless the newly found unity among the people takes an unexpected turn. Eustaquio Joven, (by email), wwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww Dear Mr. Abaya, Assalamu Alaykum (Peace be with You) I am Armand N. Nocum, a former reporter of the Inquirer and I recently put up a halal food business in Metro Manila to show that there is more to our Muslim brethren than just the Abu Sayyaf, the MNLF and the MILF. I and my Muslim Tausug wife Annora also believe that the food we introduce could somehow break down the wall of bias and indifference that some of us Christians have put up towards Muslims down South. We figured that if food is the best way to a man's heart, then exotic Muslim food � like the spicy Malaysian satti or satay we offer � could somehow give Filipinos here an appreciation of the unique gastronomic delight the less understood Muslims have to offer. Muslim food appreciation may bring understanding and respect of their religion, culture and norms. And we are happy that through the establishment of our small Satti Grill House outlets in SM Fairview Food Court and at MH del Pilar corner Padre Faura, Christian and Muslims are coming together to break bread daily. However, the recent outbreak of war in Mindanao has shown us that we should do more than offer Muslim food here. This is the reason why we decided to start our Books-4-Guns project. We plan to flood Mindanao with used and new books, magazines, and all kinds of reading materials to open up the eyes of young Christians and Muslims there to the reality that they have a better future picking up a book than a gun. Although I'm a Christian and my wife is a Muslim who grew up in Zamboanga City and Sulu, respectively, we had a common experience of having many guns in our childhood but remembering books to be very rare. Old newspapers can only be read as they are brought home wrapped in dried fish bought from the city. We call our small project A-book-Saya Group (ASG). Of course it is a play on the word Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) because we want to show how the giving of books could help stop one more potential terrorist or rebel from picking up guns or bombs. We'll find fulfillment even if in our lifetime, our books could help stop only one or two potential terrorists from bombing civilians. We hope you could be part of our ``group'' and help us disseminate our ASG project to the public. Initially, we have designated our Satti Grill House outlets in SM Fairview Food Court and at the corner of MH del Pilar and Padre Faura as drop-off points for the books. Later, we hope to tie up with newspapers, private and government firms to help take in the books Donors may contact us through Nos. 7992745/3393732 or 09175208013/ 09195897879 or at www.sattisfaction.blogspot.com and [email protected]. Mucho y mas gracias. Armand Nocum, (by email), Sept. 05, 2008 OOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO Reactions to [email protected]. Tony on YouTube in www.tapatt.org To subscribe, send a blank email with the subject heading Subscribe. To unsubscribe, send a blank email with the subject heading Unsubscribe. |
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