New
Norcia' s Rebirth:
Salvado's
Correspondence - Years 1868-1872
SHORT VERSION
WITHOUT NOTES OF - BORRADOR SIN NOTAS
DE:
Teresa
de Castro, "New Norcia’s Rebirth: Salvado’s Correspondence from 1868-1872”, New Norcia Studies Journal, no. 16 (2008) pp.
47-82. (El Renacimiento de
Nueva Nursia: La Correspondencia de Salvado entre los
años 1868-1872)
Teresa
de Castro © 2009-2013. This paper is
protected by Copyright Laws.
The period that goes
from the year 1868 to
1872 is one of struggle, and turmoil inside and outside New Norcia – a period
of transition. This is the period of the effective separation of the
Mission from the
Diocese after the 1867 papal decree establishing New Norcia as an Abbey Nullius
Diocesis, with a territory of its own, and
erecting a Prefecture Apostolic of the same name, separate from the Diocese of
Perth and just dependant on the Holy See. This is the period of the end of
Garrido’s priory and the beginning of
Santos’ priory.
This is the period when some brothers would definitely separate from the
community, and others would join it. This is the period in which Salvado
received permission to establish a Benedictine noviciate in
Spain, and in
which that permission was revoked. This is the end of
a long period of Protestant governors in
Western
Australia and the beginning of Catholic
Frederick Aloysius Weld’s government. This is a period of transition in
Spain – the
reign of
Queen
Isabel
II ended
and a revolutionary period began. This is a period of evolution in the Catholic
Church, too, with Vatican Council I as a corridor between two eras.
New Norcia
correspondence for the period 1868-1873 contains letters sent to New Norcia
community –mostly to
Rosendo
Salvado, Prior
Venancio Garrido, and Fr Bernardo Martínez– from
Australia and
overseas, documents enclosed with letters addressed to the
Mission, and
some copies of letters sent from New Norcia. We can find documents written
before this period (1852, 1854, 1858, and 1866) and after it (1874, 1875, 1878,
1879, 1887, 1889, 1891, 1938, and 1950), which were mistakenly included with
this correspondence. This series also contains reports, accounts, receipts,
bills of exchange, certificates, notes, proceedings, speeches, lists,
invitations, circular letters, memos, and much more. Half of the letters are in
Spanish, but those in English are still 39% of the total. Most of the
correspondence (about 43%) belongs to year 1868.
I am
examining here the 1,492 documents included in New Norcia Archives, series
Salvado Correspondence, Accession number 2234A as follows: File 23 (1868), 535
letters; file 23a (Certificates of Cleanliness of Sheep, 1868), 12 letters;
file 23b (Papers concerning El Escorial, 1860, 1867-1869, 1887), 101 letters;
file 24 (1869), 190 letters; file 25 (1870), 227 letters; file 25a (Statements
of Salvado’s account with Henry Manning of London, 1870-1873), 1 series of
documents copied all together; file 26 (1871), 217 letters; file 27 (1872), 190
letters; file 27a (Papers on Yarawindo School, 1872-1873), 19 letters. Some
letters are just repeated copies, while a few others are actually missing pages
of letters summarised in another place, or of missing letters. Note:
I will mention just the file number onwards. A document is
described as misplaced when it is out of chronological order within the
microfilm or within the series. I have grouped the notes related to a section
all together, and I have translated myself the quotations that were not in
English. When I mention just Salvado, I refer to
Rosendo
Salvado,
not to his brother Santos Salvado.
Language
|
English
|
Spanish
|
Italian
|
French
|
Latin
|
Sp & Eng
|
Lat &
Ita
|
Totals
|
Number
|
592
|
774
|
75
|
24
|
19
|
6
|
2
|
1492
|
Percentage
|
39.69%
|
51.88%
|
5.03%
|
1.60%
|
1.27%
|
0.40%
|
0.13%
|
100%
|
1.1. Letters from Colonial
Officers
A)
Governor
Frederick
Aloysius
Weld
–directly or through his secretary
Henry
Blundell– wrote
the majority of the letters in this section. Weld arrived in
Western
Australia in September 1869 just when Salvado
was leaving for
Italy to
attend the Vatican Council. They had a brief encounter in
Albany on 17
September, and they chatted about some matters, among others the closing of the
Camfield Native Institution in
Albany and the
possibility of sending the juvenile offenders to New Norcia. Weld offered a
sincere hand to help the Mission, but Salvado mentioned that it was not needed
and that he would return soon – Salvado told Garrido that although Weld was
full of good intentions, it would not be good for Weld to personally support
the Mission just after his arrival, especially because some members of the
Government did not like the Mission.
Weld visited
New Norcia at the beginning of November 1869 and was impressed with the work of the
Mission with the
Aborigines; then, he discussed with Garrido the conditions of the sending of
the juvenile offenders to the
Mission.
The public matters
that worried Weld the most were, firstly, his wish to improve the situation of
the Aborigines, especially the way they were treated by the Judicial and Penal
System, and the state of juvenile offenders in Rottnest Penal Establishment.
Secondly, the discussion of some bills, especially the Bill of Education,
partially inspired in a petition signed by the Catholics of Western Australia
presented to him, and thirdly, colonial and imperial politics and politicians.
At a private level,
Weld would
comment on his family, the situation of
Europe after
the success of the liberal revolutions, his health problems, and his ordering
of a richly decorated frame for the image of Our Lady of Good Counsel at New
Norcia from
England.
Moreover, he wrote some letters related to horse dealings, introductions to
people who were going to New Norcia, and sent some invitations to Salvado to attend dinners or balls.
Weld was a
devout Catholic, but also the Governor of Western Australia, so he wanted to
support Catholic demands and interests while serving the Queen and showing impartiality, at least
publicly. This clearly appears in the letters he exchanged with Rosendo Salvado
regarding the Bill of Education in 1871, when he was accused of partiality by
some journals; for example, he did not attend the welcome given to Bishop
Martin Griver at his return to Western Australia on July 1871 because the
debate in Parliament had to take place a few days later and public opinion
would consider his attendance a proof of favouritism to the Catholics. His
fight for impartiality led to
the approval of the Denominational Education System, which would guarantee
economic support to church schools, but the laicization of education in
Government Schools by using books deprived of any religious content.
Weld appears
in his letters as an astute politician, who trusted Salvado’s opinions and directions
in important political matters.
Weld would
talk openly to Salvado and express his thoughts without taboos about other
politicians or some Catholic clergy, and he would request Salvado to influence
the opinion of certain politicians, the Diocesan authorities, and the Catholic
community.
B) Weld’s arrival also gave impulse to the
experimentation with new industries, especially with coffee and sericulture –
Three letters from the
Colonial Secretary Frederick Barlee, and the letters
from
Eric
Laurence and William Dale
–from the
Horticultural Society– and
Reverend Charles Grenfell Nicolay
dealt with the
forwarding of silkworm eggs and young
mulberry trees, and the exchange of different sorts of coffee beans. Most of
the letters that
Malcolm
Fraser –Surveyor General– sent to
New Norcia in these years dealt with the purchase of a New Norcia horse, but he
issued some pastoral licenses, a tillage lease transfer, and a circular print
dated
16 November 1872 related
to the new regulations applying to the tenants of Crown Lands. On his part,
Joseph
Logue
Junior –Inspector of Sheep– signed
Licenses of Quarantine, Certificates of Cleanliness from Scab, and sent letters
related to the inspection of New Norcia flocks. Prior
Venancio
Garrido received
two summonses from
Edward Wilson Landon on
13 April
1869 related to the way the
Mission had
acted regarding scabby sheep. A letter from
Robert Quin –District Surveyor– two
letters from
William
John Clifton –Resident Magistrate at Newcastle–, and a timetable of
the mail ship arriving at King George’s Sound sent by
Postmaster General Helmich in 1868
complete this section.
1.2. Letters
About Business Affairs
Different merchants
and farmers wrote to New Norcia about the purchase or sale of New Norcia
horses, sheep, seed wheat, lime, and properties (James Oliver offered
Bassendean for sale in 1872, for example); and the use of
Norcia
Mill, and the
exchange of wheat for flour. There are some accounts or requests of payment for
different services and works provided to/by New Norcia, too. The Archive also
keeps the lease of a property of
Thomas
Dickson to
Robert
Simpson, dated
2 June 1869, done through
lawyer
George
Leake.
Noteworthy is the letter that the Sheep Owners Association of Western Australia
sent to Salvado on
2 June
1869 informing of their decision to fix the yearly salary
of any shepherd with good references at £24 due to the fall in the wool market
and low prices of meat.
1.3 Work-Related Letters
Shepherds
George
Henry
Ikin and
William
Fitzgerald, and
sawyer
John
Shannon wrote
most of the letters in this section. The shepherds’ correspondence dealt with
the state of the sheep, the availability of water, and the need of rations,
tools, and clothing. Ikin’s letters are the most colourful and detailed,
offering an insight into the life of this honest, hard-working shepherd who had
some facility to find trouble; during these years, shepherd Stephen Bathford
–working for William Phillips– threatened Ikin several times, a fact that
distressed Ikin, as did the outbreaks of scab in his flocks. Sawyer
John
Shannon wrote to
inform of the time of collection of the timber he was cutting for New Norcia
and to request for rations. Worth mentioning is the upset letter that Patrick
Troy sent to Rosendo Salvado on 28 February 1872, after receiving the last
payment for his work; he considered that Salvado had treated him unjustly and
said, “I admire the nicety with which you have balanced my account. Bells which
your deputy valued at 3/– each have become worth 5/–, and a worthless Bitch,
which I only kept out of compliance to the Mission rules, and which was
poisoned by devouring part of the carcass of a dead sheep is made an excuse to
deduct 30/– from my hard-earned pittance.”
The Archive also keeps letters from people offering their services –
Jessie
More and
Henry
Bolton offered
to make bricks on 1 February and
16 October 1871, respectively, while
Catherine
Barnes offered
herself to work as needlework woman on
10 March 1871.
1.4. Letters
On Personal Matters
The Archive keeps some
introductory letters for people visiting New Norcia, several congratulatory and
greeting notes, and some letters requesting medical or spiritual attention for
the authors or their families – Bridget Connor requested Prior Venancio Garrido
on 28 April 1868 to administer the sacraments to her dying father, while David Bathford requested of Fr Emiliano Coll on 7 May 1872 some
medication to help him with his ear problems, to mention two examples.
A good number of
letters requested news regarding relatives or friends who were living close to
the
Mission or had died there.
George
Byrnes wrote on
10 September 1869 asking
about
James
Burns, a
fellow-Irishman, who was apparently living near New Norcia.
Edward
Green wrote a
“juicy” letter to Garrido on
20 March
1870 regarding his missing wife, who he had heard was at
New Norcia with her lover pretending to be a widow and wanting to marry him.
Patrick
Donnelly wrote on
21 January 1871 asking if it was true that his brother-in-law
Edward
Baldwin had died
at the Clunes’ and if he was buried at New Norcia.
Finally, John Higgins wrote on 13 October 1871 regarding the death of his
friend James Dollard at New Norcia, since he wanted to know if he had mentioned
anything related to a property that the Woods were claiming, which Dollard had
always promised to Higgins’ daughter, his Goddaughter.
Another group of
letters dealt with personal events and biographical details.
Peter
Gugeri, a
newly-arrived colonist, sent a letter in Italian to
Rosendo
Salvado on
2 May 1871 about his business
projects in
Western Australia (related
to viticulture and sericulture) and mentioned, “I was born in
London in 1846.
My father was a Swiss man from the Ticino Canton. My mother was English. I
remained in
London until I
was eleven years old, and then I was sent to a school
in
Como, in
Lombardy; after a
few years there, I returned to
London for a
short time. Since then, and until my departure for these [Australian] colonies,
I was mainly working in
Italy, first
managing a property of my uncle, which then became mine by inheritance.” Young
Kate Jackson wrote a delightful letter to Fr Raffaele Martelli on
26 September 1872 describing in
detail her first Ball, held at Government House, and giving news about her
holidays with the Welds on
Rottnest
Island. Thomas
Little’s letters written from Dardanup between 1869 and 1871 commented on the
sickness and death of his son William, the problems that appeared with his inheritance, the presence of Aborigines in
the area, and his vineyard, among other things. Especially interesting is the
long letter that Pensioner Edward Roach wrote on March 1871 imploring Salvado’s
protection to recover his family home at the Subiaco grounds, after the
Diocesan authorities had expelled them from it adducing breach of contract; Roach mentioned the pitiful and distressed
state of his family, and the circumstances that surrounded his case.
1.5. Letters from the Diocesan
Authorities in
Perth
A) Fr Martin Griver,
who
had been working as Administrator of Perth Diocese since 1859, received two
Papal Bulls dated 1 October 1869 appointing him Bishop of Tlos and confirming
him as Administrator. Griver decided to go to
Rome
for his consecration since he had to attend the Vatican Council and to take the
opportunity to look for priests and
Christian
Brothers
to take to WA. Griver was consecrated Bishop of Tlos on
16 June 1870.
Perth’s
nominal Bishop,
John
Brady,
died on
2 December
1871, but Griver was appointed
Bishop of Perth only on
5 August 1873.
Griver’s correspondence in these years revolved about four main subjects: 1/
The confirmation, prolongation and updating of faculties given to New Norcia
priests to work in different parts of his diocese regarding attention to the
faithful, hearing of confession, and absolution from general and reserved
cases. 2/ The placing and moving of the different priests in the Colony, and
his constant request to use New Norcia priests to attend to certain areas. He
gave many details about the stormy relationship between Fathers Bourke and
Lynch, the tireless work of Fr John O’Reily, and the death of Fr Michael
Kirwan. 3/ His work to get government support for the Catholic Schools. He
promoted a petition of the Catholics to the Colonial Government in June 1869
–signed by more than 2,000 people– asking to support the Catholic schools. The
Legislative Council dismissed it in July, so Griver wrote a memorial to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies exposing the situation of the Catholics;
however, the Acting Governor did not accept to forward it with the Estimates of
that year as Griver wanted. Griver did not give up and he wrote to
Archbishop
Edward
Manning
on
19 July 1869,
enclosing the memorial and copies of his correspondence with the Colonial
Government, requesting him to present them to the Secretary or the
Under-Secretary. After the issue of the Education
Act in 1871, Griver showed his unhappiness at the removal of some hymns to
Our Lady from the
Christian
Brothers’
textbooks, the ones used at the Catholic schools, a decision he had not agreed
upon and considered humiliating. 4/ The creation of
Yarawindo
School;
see section 1.7. Noteworthy are also his comments on the spiritual attention he
gave to Aborigine Harry before his execution in October 1871, his explanation
about why the feast of the Immaculate Conception was
considered a day of devotion or obligation in different parts of the
Colony, and his comments on deceased Br Mauro Rubio. Two letters written in
1866 were mistakenly placed with this period’s.
B)
Matthew
Gibney
wrote to New Norcia especially after he
started to work as Acting Administrator after Griver’s departure for
Rome. On
20 July 1870, Gibney showed his
interest in getting the Catholics involved in Politics and voting a candidate
who would support their claims, and he requested Martínez to inform the
Catholics in the
Victoria
Plains on how
to enlist themselves in the Electoral Roll.
Governor
Weld brought forward the
Bill of Education in June 1871, and the Legislative Council discussed it in
July. Gibney knew what he wanted to do, but not if that was the best thing to
do, especially because the
Bill
established a conscience clause in mixed schools, and he was not sure about
what position to assume
if the Council wanted it applied on all schools. Gibney requested Salvado’s
advice and was grateful about Salvado’s presence during the debate because “I
may possibly have occasional puzzles put me either by the Legislative or by
others and to which I might be refused to give a ready answer.” After the
debate, Griver thanked again Salvado for leading them to battle and showed his
happiness at the approval of the
Bill,
especially because it would serve to raise the education standards in the
Colony. The Central Board of Education had to act on the removal of any
religious book or texts within the books in use. Gibney knew that Reeve’s
History of the Bible, an Anonymous History of England, and some hymns to Our
Lady were going to be removed; however, he attended
the final session and sent a note to one of its members,
William
Marmion,
requesting to leave at least the Protestant Hymns to Our Lady, which was
finally granted. Gibney recognised that he had missed Salvado’s presence and
advice, and asked his opinion on his actuation. Gibney wrote on other subjects
and, among other matters, he mentioned the baptism of
Mr
Lygius, the
publication of
Mrs
Edward
Millett’s book,
and commented on Garrido’s sickness and death, Carolina Louisa Farrelly’s
death, and on the way Egan’s children were going to be
taken to
Perth.
C) Fr
John O’Reily
arrived
in WA on
24 January 1870 and
proved himself indispensable for the work of the Diocese. His letters to
Salvado in 1871 dealt mostly with the writing of the memo to the Government
supporting the Bill of Education;
O’Reily
requested Salvado’s opinion and corrections. His most interesting letter is the
one dated
21 June 1871 in which
he requested Salvado’s advice regarding the fact that he had married a Catholic
minor girl to a Protestant ex-convict without having the father’s written
consent as specified by the Marriage Act,
and the distress that such a negligence could cause him.
1.6 Letters from Other Parish Priests
The correspondence
from the parish priests in this period shows a richness of information that
goes beyond the pastoral, rare to find in other years. All of them commented on
their work with their congregations, the state of the Diocese, personal and
business matters, and their interest in forwarding Aboriginal children to New
Norcia. Moreover, New Norcia priests also commented on their parallel work in serving the
Mission while
away.
A) Fr
Raffaele Martelli
was
working as parish priest at Fremantle before retiring to New Norcia –his
“earthly
Paradise”– on November 1868.
His correspondence while serving outside the Mission revolved about 1/ his wish
to leave Fremantle, especially after the worsening of his relationship with Fr
Thomas Lynch, which he mentioned at length; 2/ his works to complete Fremantle
Catholic Church, which he wanted to finish before leaving for New Norcia; 3/
and the procuring and forwarding of the mahogany seeds that Salvado had
requested from Europe. After his return to New Norcia he became minister of
public instruction at the Victoria Plains and teacher of the Aboriginal children;
however, he gave a hand to the Diocesan Administrator by serving short periods
in Perth (1 week in October 1869, Holy Week 1870), Fremantle (December 1869 to
February 1870), and Toodyay/Newcastle (Easter 1872, October-December 1872), and
he also made some trips outside the Mission, especially his expeditions to the
Northam and Champion Bay areas. Most of the time, Martelli was unhappy at
leaving the Mission, so much so that he rejected Martin Griver’s proposal of
being the Acting Administrator while he was in Rome, and, most importantly, he
only went to Albany to welcome Salvado back to Western Australia after Garrido
ordered him to do so. Noteworthy items of news are those related to the
“indignation meetings” held in
Adelaide and
Perth to show
the revulsion of the Catholics
to the attempt murder on the
Duke of Edinburgh in 1868, the departure of Fr Kilian Coll for
California from
NSW, the death of Aborigine Jack at Fremantle, and the conversion of
Mr
Louison, among others.
Misplaced with this period’s correspondence are some letters from 1854 and
1858.
B) Fr Ildefonso Bertrán
was
working as parish priest at Guildford and serving the Catholics of the Gingin
District before returning to the Mission after the arrival of a new group of
postulants on 3 May 1869, to work as Master of Novices, his former position at
New Subiaco. Bertrán’s correspondence informs of the opening of a school on 4
January 1868, the inauguration of St Mary’s church and the consecration of the
cemetery on 22 March, and the steps taken to procure the money and materials
needed to build the projected house of the priest before leaving. Very
interesting are his comments regarding the division and packing of the goods
belonging to New Subiaco, his details about ex-brothers Magarolas and
De
San Miguel, and his proposal to Salvado on how to convince
Aboriginal parents in Gingin to send their children to New Norcia. Noteworthy
is the letter he sent to Salvado on 20 May 1868 copying the wine recipe used
at Subiaco –a modified version of the recipe of Wine British Champagne– and
commenting on the fermentation method.
C) Fr
Anselm Bourke
made his
profession on
26 July 1858 at
Subiaco, after doing his noviciate there while teaching at the public boy’s
school in
Perth. He surely became a
New Norcia monk after the separation of New Norcia from the Diocese in 1859 and
the incorporation of Subiaco’s monks to the
Mission.
However, Bourke passed most of his life working as teacher and parish priest
for the Diocese –
York and Fremantle in
this period. His correspondence offers details about an obscure episode of his
biography. Bourke asked
Cardinal
Alessandro
Barnabó –prefect
of Propaganda Fide– dispensation from
his monastic vows on
28
February 1870 adducing that 1/ He had no religious vocation and had
never agreed with the conditions of his profession’s oath. 2/ He had not led a
religious life for many years, and had never followed the vow of Poverty. 3/ He
had not come to
Western Australia to work
with Aborigines exclusively. 4/ New Norcia brothers had always showed hostility
to him. 5/ The Mission did not do anything good for the physical or moral
benefit of the adult bush Aborigines, the mortality of New Norcia Aborigines
being so high that the bush Aborigines did not want to go there, and that the
Mission members
kept some facts related to the behaviour of the Aborigines hidden from the
public. His demand for dispensation should not arrive at New Norcia by
surprise. In fact, Garrido had told Salvado on
16 May 1868 that they should
take Bourke back as soon as possible because they were risking losing him
forever. Barnabó replied in 1870 requesting Bourke to send a copy of his letters to Salvado, and
to get Salvado’s assent to go ahead with the procedure, and Bourke did so on 15
February 1871; Bourke was aware of the harshness of his affirmations, and he
mentioned that some passages would be weary reading, and added that Salvado
would certainly be glad to get rid of such a useless and disaffected member of
the community. Salvado surely gave his assent because, on 30 April 1871,
Cardinal Simeoni –secretary of Propaganda–
granted the dispensation by commutation, and ordered Bourke to return any money
and goods belonging to New Norcia. The commutation meant that Bourke’s superior
had to ask Bourke to do something before getting the dispensation. When Bourke
forwarded Simeoni’s document Salvado acted in a un-collaborative way without
explaining to Bourke straight
away how to get effective commutation; Salvado said in his first letter that he
would not take the responsibility of giving him the advice Bourke requested.
However, the tone of the letters progressively softened, they discussed what it meant to get a dispensation and how to solve the
problem posed by the oath formula Bourke used in his profession, and they ended
resolving the matter amicably and exchanging proofs of affection. Salvado
commuted the vows for the celebration of 200 Masses on
30 August 1871. Bourke started to
celebrate them, make the accounts, and send back New Norcia money and belongings
straight away, and he finished the assigned Masses on
18 June 1872. Bourke’s interest
and belief in the importance of the evangelization of adult Aborigines is clear
in two moving and beautifully-written letters that he addressed to Garrido and
Salvado on 15 July and
2 August
1868, respectively, describing the circumstances
surrounding the death of Aborigine Alick Winnal at
York.
However, it is astonishing that he criticised New Norcia so harshly and, at the
same time, kept sending Aboriginal children before and after his dispensation.
If the adults behaved so badly, why would he want to send any child there?
After becoming a diocesan priest, Bourke had some problems dealing with
Father
Matthew
Gibney
regarding the distribution of the arrears of his salary as New Norcia priest,
on which he complained and requested help from Salvado. Extremely interesting
are his comments on the Aborigines at Rottnest.
D) Fr Emiliano Coll
served
as a priest in Fremantle in January-February 1868; noteworthy is his letter dated
14 January mentioning his impressions on the Fenians during a visit to the
Fremantle Prison to replace Fr Bernard Delany. Coll also worked as parish
priest at
York
in August-September 1868, and he wrote gloomy letters that oozed a feeling of
abandonment, lack of material means and help, and showed his passivity with his
congregation because he knew he would leave soon.
E) Most of
Fr
Adolphus Lecaille’s letters
dealt specifically with the search for and forwarding of Aboriginal
children and teenagers to New Norcia, and the request for payments and horses to New Norcia for their conveyance.
Lecaille was serving the
Greenough and
Northampton areas at
the time, but he always wanted to work for the Aborigines. He mentioned that,
while in Bunbury in 1858, he had learnt the language of the Aborigines and
wrote part of a dictionary and other texts in their language; however, he was
sent to the North and gave up his missionary project because he did not want to
learn the language of those Aborigines fearing that he could be removed from
there any time. However, the contact with adult Aborigines and the fact that
many youngsters offered themselves to go to New Norcia, reinforced Lecaille’s
conviction of the need to create a New Norcia’s branch in the North, and on the
convenience of searching and forwarding Aboriginal children to New Norcia.
Lecaille mentioned to Salvado
his projected branch mission on 17 June 1869, adducing the difficulties in evangelising adult Aborigines in Western Australia because no priest knew
any Aboriginal language, most Aborigines did not understand English, and, even
if they knew, white people did not like the Aborigines entering any church;
Lecaille exposed his detailed plan to attend to both Aboriginal adults and
children in their areas of origin. Salvado replied on 30 June, but the
correspondence (nor Salvado’s diary and “letterbooks”)
do not mention what he said.
After Salvado’s
departure for
Rome,
Lecaille convinced Prior Garrido to allow
Fr
Martelli and Br
Agustín Cabané to go to his area and look for Aboriginal children. They, with
Jimmy –an
Aborigine from the Geraldine Mines living at New Norcia– left in June 1870. Garrido mentioned to
Salvado on 17 June 1870 that Lecaille had some Aboriginal children and Martelli
had gone to pick them up – a white lie, perhaps, since they had left to search
for Aborigines and not to pick up any. Before their departure, Lecaille wrote
requesting to postpone the expedition, but they were already en route and they
never got the note. Jimmy did not want to go, but New Norcia superiors sent him
because he was happy at the Mission, was well groomed, and they thought that
his presence would convince Aboriginal parents to send their children to the
Mission; however, soon after arriving, Lecaille had to send Jimmy back because
they met a corroboree of Jimmy’s
tribe and they wanted to take him back using force. Lecaille realised that it
would have been better to send an Aborigine of the South in whom those
Aborigines would have had no interest. Martelli, Cabané, and Lecaille –together
or separately– made trips to the
Geraldine Mines, Port Gregory,
Northampton, and the
Champion
Bay area,
and visited places where the presence of Aborigines was common. However, they
found that the Aborigines were dismantling their camps at the news of the
arrival of the priests for fear that they would kidnap their kids, which was
not their intention. Although the failure was evident, they thought of awaiting
the shearing season to visit sheds and farms to see if they had better luck,
and Martelli requested instructions from Acting Superior Fr Bernardo Martínez.
Martínez did not reply, and since Lecaille shared the same pessimism, they
decided to put an end to the expedition and return to the Mission because
Aborigines, “They do not part with the few children they have both through
natural feeling and prejudice against the Mission, besides the obstacle of the
great distance, and the fear that they will never see again their children.”
Martelli added that since the Aborigines did not want to go to the
Mission, the
Mission should
establish a branch
Mission in the
North; however, Martelli was sceptical about the results of such a project,
too. Martelli and Cabané left for the
Mission at the
beginning of August 1870. Lecaille mentioned his project of branch mission to
Salvado again on
5
November 1870, and requested him to visit the area to understand
better the situation of the Aborigines, and to do something for them. Salvado
replied on 13 November praising Lecaille’s zeal, but stating that it was
practically impossible for New Norcia to start any new project at the time, and
to wait for better times.
Other matters of
interest in Lecaille’s correspondence were the request of donations for the
building of the Northampton and Geraldton churches, the interest of Joseph
Watson –Police Constable at Strawberry– in sending aboriginal children to New
Norcia, his dealings with the Clinches regarding the late James Deary’s
estate, on which he gave many
details, and he provided Bertrán with a recipe for oil coats.
F) Fr
Thomas
Lynch’s
letters to Garrido from Fremantle in
1868, Neapolitan Fr
Valerio
D’Apreda’s letters to Salvado from
Greenough (4 December 1871), and
Fr
Bernard
Delany’s letter from
Albany (23/6/1872) dealt with
personal matters. Another group of letters dealt with Aborigines: D’Apreda’s
letter from Champion Bay (27 February 1872) on Aborigine William Bi Tutabà,
Fr Patrick McCabe’s letter from Bunbury (2 April 1868) on
Diana Wenan, and
Fr
Hugh Brady’s two letters written in 1872 about forwarding two
Aboriginal girls to Perth. Work and business related are the letters that
Fr Patrick Gibney wrote to Garrido from York (20
September 1869 and 30 March 1870), and the letters regarding the arrival and
conveyance of the Arab horse Greenfield to New Norcia that Fr Delany sent to
New Norcia in 1871.
Delany also made an
interesting proposal to
Rosendo
Salvado on
26 June 1871 – sending some old Catholic newspapers to the Catholics living in the bush
since the Post Office did not charge their postage.
Fr
Juan Carreras wrote to Rosendo Salvado on 24 June 1872 informing of
his appointment as manager of the newly-created orphanage of boys at Subiaco,
his plans of work, the state of the place, and requesting seeds of different
plants; his letter of the 16th July thanked Salvado for the seeds
and commented on Salvado’s warning about Subiaco’s poor soil.
1.7. The Opening of
St Joseph’s School at Yarawindo
Some colonists in
the
Victoria
Plains showed
their interest in having a school built in the area in March 1871, and they
informed the Acting Administrator Fr Gibney through
Fr
Martínez. Gibney
replied on 8 March 1871 endorsing their wish and promising –on Martin Griver’s
behalf– £18 a year for the support of the teacher, and requested Martínez to
lead them following Salvado’s advice. The Catholics of the
Victoria
Plains held a
meeting at New Norcia on
31
December 1871 and decided to build a school at about 4 miles from
the
Mission. A
committee formed by Fr Bernardo Martínez as chairman and treasurer, John Martin
Butler as secretary (and future teacher), Mathew Clune, Jeremiah Clune, John
Clune, Andrew Lanigan, Thomas Fitzgerald (who then withdrew) and Thomas Leahy,
authorised Butler to collect funds. They informed Griver about the project,
made a budget, and proceeded to request subscriptions. The Archive keeps
several lists of subscriptions, mentioning the name and sums or work promised
by each person. The main benefactors were Griver (with money), Rosendo Salvado
(with money and sundries), and the Clunes (who donated 3 acres of
river-frontage with a large water pool within).
Gibney wrote on
Griver’s behalf on
21
February 1872 telling Martínez to begin the works, and agreeing
that it would be better to build the school of burned bricks and larger than
initially proposed. However, Griver was not that enthusiastic about the
project. He was thankful to Martínez for his zeal, but he thought that if
parents did not bind themselves to send their children to the school, it would
fail – without a minimum attendance, the Government would not pay any subsidy,
the school would have to close, and the money expended would
be wasted. On 6 March 1872, and before authorising the start of the
works and giving any money, Griver requested Martínez to ask the parents to
sign a document promising to send their children to the school, but they did
not send any. On 13 March, Griver advised Martínez to be cautious on a project
that did not look good, but he promised £35 just because Martínez was convinced
about the success of the project. On 20 March, Griver expressed his
dissatisfaction with the area eventually chosen for the school, since the first one was more convenient to
the Fitzgeralds, Boxhalls and many other Protestant families and not just to
the Clunes and Butlers. Before authorising the start of the works, Griver
demanded the transfer of the land to the Diocese, the donors paying for it, and
requested the parents to sign the memo he was sending on fees payable for each
child.
The block of land
for the school was marked in April 1872 and the Committee proceeded to procure
the materials and start the works: William Butler agreed to make and deliver
the bricks on 26 February, and to build and plaster the school house and the
teacher’s house on 20 April; Thomas Leahy signed an agreement to cart the stone
on 9 April, and John Caygill signed his to do the carpenter work on 12 May. John
Shannon would supply the timber, and John Finney the shingles, and the door and
window lintels. On 22 May, Griver specified that he would pay his contribution
in 3 instalments – one at the completion of the walls of the schoolroom and
teacher’s house, another at the completion of the roof, and the last one when
the doors, windows, and floors were fixed. The school
building was finished at the beginning of June and the teacher’s house was in
course of erection. The Building Committee intended to open on 1 July, but the
heavy rains and floods of that winter prevented them from doing so. The
inauguration of St Joseph’s School took place on 29 September, Sunday, at 3pm
with great attendance of public. The Archive keeps drafts of the speeches
delivered by Martínez and the Building Committee, and the toasts exchanged.
Noteworthy are the long considerations that Martínez made that day on the
necessity of a Catholic School, on the deficiencies of secular education, the
value of religious education for the formation of the individual, and on the
respect of liberty of conscience for the children from other creeds attending
the school. On 23 October, Griver complained on being asked for further
contributions due to the deficit of the works (estimated at £80, but amounting
to £139.9.6), promised to pay half of the deficit, and reminded Martínez on the
necessity of getting the legal transfer of the school ground before paying his
last instalment, which he sent on 30 October.
Before applying to
the Government for assistance, the Committee needed to appoint 3 managers, and
select one of them to contact the Government. Griver wanted Martínez to be the
correspondent. However, after the opening, Martínez decided to withdraw from
the project adducing need to rest, the real reason being that Salvado did not
allow him to be one of the managers; he even tried to convince Fr Raffaele
Martelli to be one of the managers, but Martelli declined on 20 November.
Griver thought that if none of them accepted, the school would close soon after
opening. However, on 7 March 1873 the Managers –Jeremiah & John Clune and
John Martin Butler– applied to the Government to qualify the school as Assisted
School under the provisions of the Elementary
Education Act 1871 and receive government support. At the time, 21 children
were attending the school daily.
1.8. Letters from Nuns
Most of this
correspondence came from the convent of Sisters of Mercy in Perth, and from its
superior Mother Mary Aloysius Kelly. The constant health problems and death of
some sisters, the building and moving of the community to their new convent
(which opened on 18 October 1871), the affection developed between the sisters
and Governor Weld’s family, Garrido’s sickness and death, and Hanna Hunt’s
sickness while she was in Perth Hospital, are the most important subjects
mentioned in her correspondence. Especially interesting is the letter she sent
to Salvado on 22 May 1870 regarding a conversation of hers with Governor Weld, in which he
expressed his horror about how Aborigines were treated when Justice wanted them
to give evidence in Court, chaining them to avoid their escape, mentioned that
New Norcia had accepted to receive Aboriginal juvenile offenders, and that he
wanted to provide the Aborigines in Rottnest with religious education; Kelly
mentioned her happiness that the
Governor had accepted her proposal to transfer to New Norcia the £50 grant that
the nuns received from the Government “as we found by experience that the
native girls did not get their health under our care.” Also noteworthy are her
letters dated 24 April 1871 mentioning the case of Aborigine Mary Jane Wanguegian at length, and the one 12 March 1872 describing
the effects on a hurricane on their new convent.
Sister Mary Ignatia
wrote two letters to Rosendo Salvado on 31 January and 29 February 1872
concerning the material and spiritual state of her 72-year old brother, whom
she wanted to pick up from Ireland and take to Western Australia. Sister Mary
Elizabeth wrote to Salvado on 21 November 1871 on behalf of the Prioress of
Subiaco NSW requesting New Norcia community’s prayers for the soul of the
Benedictine Fr Bede Summer. Sister Mary Francis write two letters, one to
Garrido on 14 February 1869 related to the copying and lending of some musical scores, and another to Fr Martelli on 26 August 1872 on the
progress of the Sodality of
the Children of Mary. Sister Mary Emily wrote to Fr Martínez on 5 May 1869 the
only letter from the convent of Saint Joseph in Fremantle commenting on her
return from New Norcia.
2.1. Letters from Rosendo Salvado
while at New Norcia
Most of the letters
Salvado wrote from New Norcia were addressed to Fr
Bourke regarding his dispensation from monastic vows as discussed in section
1.6.C. This series does not keep the letters he sent to the diocesan authorities
regarding the Education Bill and other important matters, but a mix of letters
sent to New Norcia members, workers and Western Australian colonists on
different subjects, one letter to the Colonial Secretary Barlee (24 January
1872) on mulberries, and two letters to Archbishop Polding (18 April & 26
December 1872) regarding his nomination of a candidate priest for the See of
Adelaide.
2.2. Letters to Rosendo Salvado
while he was Spain and Italy
Fr Venancio Garrido
–Prior of the Mission–, Fr Bernardo Martínez –in charge of the Mission while
Garrido was sick, and Acting Superior since May 1870–, Santos Salvado –Prior
since 1870–, Fr Ildefonso Bertrán –Master of Novices–, Fr Raffaele Martelli
–Salvado’s friend and confidant–,
and Br Agustín Cabané –who was taking care of Garrido in Perth– wrote to
Salvado commenting on the news that Salvado was sending from Europe – anything
related to the project of the college novitiate, the Vatican Council, the
receipt and celebration of Masses, and the progress of the project of coffee
and coconut growing. These letters were also an update of the Mission news
regarding letters received, the agricultural works, the sale of New Norcia wool
and horses, and the purchase or lease of land blocks. The items of news about
the community were abundant, regarding the state of New Norcia monks –with long
comments on Garrido’s sickness, the fact that he was not taking proper care of
himself, and the attentions he was receiving until he died–, the state and
evolution of the newly-arrived novices –the receipt of reference letters from
Spain and the drowning of Br Urbano Celaya on 7 February 1870–, and information
about ex-Brothers Magarolas, Rotaeche, Ferrara and Beleda. There are also many
details on New Norcia Aborigines regarding departures, arrivals, marriages,
deaths, births, and their needs, and on New Norcia neighbours. The relation
with the administrator of the Diocese, the movements of the parish priests
within the Colony, the state of the nuns working in WA, and colonial politics
and politicians –especially the visit of Governor Weld to New Norcia– were
subjects mentioned in this correspondence.
Garrido’s letters
focused on his problems with Griver regarding the use of New Norcia priests
(Frs Bourke and Coll, especially), the problems related to the respect of the
Rule and the feeding of the brothers performing hard physical work, the
purchase of Marah and the difficulties to pay the instalments, the terms and
conditions of reception of Aboriginal juvenile offenders from the Government,
and the worries of the community about the high mortality of New Norcia
Aborigines –mostly pure-blood male– due to chest and lung problems. Garrido
called the community’s chapter in the evening of the feast of the Holy Trinity
in June 1868 to discuss the matter, and they decided to advise them not to smoke, that horse-hunting could be
dangerous for their health, and to give them meat in the mornings to improve
their strength. As Garrido said, “The same is happening in the rest of the
Colony, where the Australian [Aboriginal] youth is dying as if by a spell.”
Also interesting are
Santos Salvado’s comments regarding his differences with Martínez in dealing
with different events, and his feeling of being left aside by the other priests
of New Norcia when dealing with important decisions, especially after
Martínez’s appointment as acting superior, and his interest in photographing
the Aborigines and their resistance to letting him do so. Noteworthy are also Martelli’s comments on the
Aborigines on Rottnest Island, their poor living conditions and high mortality,
and an episode of cruel treatment of them by one of the Prison officers in
1868. Martelli also commented on the behaviour of the Fenians, arrived on 10
January, and the political situation created in WA and between UK and America,
and on the destruction of Subiaco outhouses
by fire in March 1868.
2.3. Letters from New Norcia Monks
to their Superiors within the Colony
I include here the
from Garrido/Martínez/Santos to Rosendo Salvado in Perth, the letters from
Martínez/Santos to Garrido in Perth and other towns, and the letters that
Martínez sent to Santos in Perth. The main reasons that took New Norcia
superiors to Perth were to visit
the Lands and Surveys’ Office to deal with the purchase or lease of land blocks
for the Mission, to visit
Shenton’s store and other suppliers to deal with the supply of staples,
sundries and tools, and to visit
the Court, the hospital, and the Parliament. As mentioned above, these letters
would mention anything going on at the Mission and in the dependent stations,
and the authors would also send cheques, sketches and accounts, would request
some goods and blocks of land, and mention the receipt of products at the
Mission. Garrido’s ailments and anything related to Governor Weld were main
subjects in this correspondence.
Santos Salvado’s
letters were not only work oriented, but also people and community oriented.
They show an image New Norcia less aseptic and diplomatic. Especially
interesting are his comments about the lack of internal discipline among the
monks, the fact that some brothers ignored his orders or did not follow them as he wanted, and his comments about the personal
enmities and arguments among New Norcia Aborigines. I also include here
Brothers Agustín Cabané, Fulgencio Domínguez, Florentino Gasulla, Froilán Miró,
and Fr Emiliano Coll’s letters to Fr Martínez or Rosendo Salvado while they
were in Perth requesting some purchases of products or land, or enclosing some
cheques.
2.4. Letters from Monks working at New Norcia and its Stations
A) Letters on the Novices
The cases of the
newly-arrived
Esteban Tomás and Suitberto De Orbe’s
sufferings, religious doubts and mental troubles, as discussed in section 4,
were not exceptional among the novices.
Br Benito
Romarategui gave early evidences of insanity in 1870, showing an
erratic harmless behaviour; his situation deteriorated because he was kept locked in his cell, guarded by Br Montoya, from
which he escaped in January 1872; Prior Santos had to send men after him to the
bush and the search went on for several days. Despite his mental problems, Fr
Martínez decided to give him the habit on 24 December 1869, a fact that made
Salvado say on 20 February 1870 that Martínez should not have done so unless he
had Garrido’s explicit permission, and that they had acted flippantly by giving
Romarategui the habit.
During Fr
Bonifacio Goicoechea’s postulancy, he did not follow his orders as well as
he should and he did not advance in his virtue and Religion as it would be
desirable, facts that made Fr Bertrán doubt if he could made his profession.
Br Gerardo Gómez –a professional tailor– had a huge argument with the
senior brother tailor in charge of the tailor shop due the fact that Salvado
had not left specific instructions regarding which work should any of them
perform; we know that Gómez showed signs of mental trouble as early as January
1873.
Br Ángel De San Miguel
left the Mission on
6 June 1869 adducing lack of vocation, his wish to get married, and the fact that
he –as other novices– were very sad at learning on their way to WA that some of
them would never profess; despite Fathers Griver and Bertrán’s long reprimands
and advice, and De San Miguel’s shame, he would not return, and would go to
work with ex-brother Juan Bancells.
Br Fructuoso Orio started
to give problems in March 1873, and he would be expelled
in December that year. Finally,
Br Urbano Celaya, drowned
while swimming in one of New Norcia pools, despite being a good swimmer, on 7
February 1870.
B) Letters on Ex-Brothers
Ex-Br
Mauro Beleda –who left the Mission on 27 January 1865– sent several business letters on behalf of his boss
James Clinch. However, he informed Salvado on 21 February 1870 of his decision
to join the community, and requested him to get the necessary references from
the bishops of Beleda’s diocese of residence in Spain; Garrido, Santos Salvado,
and Martínez’s correspondence mentioned Beleda’s strange behaviour, and the
surprise and distrust of the community, which did not want him back. Also
interesting is Beleda’s letter dated 21 October 1871
including his version of New Norcia’s Coat of Arms, to which he had added some
symbols to show more clearly that the Mission had been brought forward by the
work in the fields and by Spaniards. Beleda always showed a great affection and
respect towards Salvado, “I don’t ask Your Lordship to appreciate me, no,
direct your affection to those who deserve it; but, I will always love you (…)
and I will always be your humble servant, whom I will defend.”
Br
Domingo Rotaeche, who had left in 1861, re-entered the
Mission on
2 March 1868, to leave again at
the end of 1869 and go to work for the Clinches. On
23 March 1870, Garrido mentioned
that Rotaeche wanted to return, this time to make his perpetual vows. However,
a letter from Griver to Salvado dated
20 December 1871 mentions that Rotaeche had told him
that he had left again because he wanted to work without taking any vow, as an
oblate, but that Salvado did not want that; Griver
thought that Rotaeche would be very useful in the boys’ orphanage to be opened
in Subiaco. On
28
January 1872, Santos Salvado mentioned that Rotaeche had returned
to New Norcia to stay once again. Rotaeche would not stay, and he got married
in 1873.
Although
Pietro Ferrara left in 1867, there are a few references to his
request for dispensation from his vows, the obtention of it by commutation
–carried out by
Fr
Martínez due to
Salvado and Garrido’s absence–, and Pietro’s activities in WA. Two letters from Garrido dated in 1868 let us
know that he was working for the Clinches “where they treat him like the
prodigal son, but he eats with the servants”, that he had proposed marriage to
Mrs Clinch’s servant –Ellen Bridget Butler– telling her that he had money in
the bank and that he would get dispensation from his vows, but the girl
rejected him with indignation because he was a monk; Mrs Clinch, who had
considered Ferrara almost a saint, changed her opinion on him dramatically. Br Gregorio Sotillos, on the
other hand, started to give
evidences of his mental problems in this period, too.
Domingo
Magarolas left New Norcia on
18 March 1868 without permission
from his superiors. He had unsuccessfully discussed his case with Garrido
before writing to Propaganda Fide
asking for the dispensation from his vows and telling him that he wanted to
join the Benedictines at Lyndhurst NSW, and requested monetary help from the
Mission. Garrido
informed Salvado of the situation while the community was praying for Magarolas
to open his eyes. Salvado wrote a long letter to Magarolas, which arrived in
February 1868, but it did not change Magarolas’ mind. Garrido promised
Magarolas to give him money if he just
waited at New Norcia for the decision of Propaganda,
but Magarolas decided to collect some gum to pay for his trip. Magarolas wrote
to Garrido on his way to
Perth on 21
March, asking him to lift the prohibition to receive the sacraments and to
comply with his Easter duties during his journey, and to send him an exeat (license of absence). His next
stop was
Fr
Bertrán’s
residence in
Guildford, where he arrived
on 23 February. Bertrán let him
stay just that day, and Magarolas went to ask for alms among the Catholics of
Guildford, and talked badly about New Norcia’s way of life and about the unhappiness
of other brothers. Magarolas left for
Perth next
day, and Bertrán wrote to
Martin
Griver
mentioning that they should pay Magarolas’ trip to prevent him from talking
badly about the
Mission.
However, Magarolas did not visit Griver, and he left
King
George’s Sound
a few days later. Magarolas wrote to Salvado from Perth on 30 March requesting
exemption from his vow of Stability so he could enter another religious house,
and mentioned his reasons for leaving the Mission: 1/ that the monastery of his
profession (New Subiaco) had been abandoned, and that he went to New Norcia
just because Salvado had ordered him to do so, not on his own accord. 2/ The brothers did not follow the Holy Rule at the
Mission;
moreover, New Norcia intended to change the Constitutions and system of life
against the instructions of the Cassinese congregation, which was the one
Magarolas had joined. 3/ The many jokes and jibes that
the other brothers were doing on him. 4/ That Garrido had assigned him the
worst jobs, so he could not go to Mass or choir for weeks; however, he was requested to attend Matins while the other working monks
had exemption. 5/ That Br Odón Oltra had closed the harmonium room to prevent
Magarolas from playing during his spare time. The
Victoria
Plains correspondent
of the Gazette noticed the departure
of Magarolas and maliciously stated that, not able to endure the yoke of the
religious life, he had broken at once the vows of Poverty, Obedience, and
Chastity. Magarolas left in such a situation that he found many problems in
Sydney, as
described in section 3.
C) Letters from Brothers Working in Other Stations
I include here the
letters that Fr Bertrán sent to Garrido while dealing with the gathering and
packing of Subiaco belongings for New Norcia, in which he mentioned the
conflict of interests between New Norcia and the Diocese, and the attitude not
always collaborative of Martin Griver. Br Dositeo Más, Br Eustasio Ortiz De
Landaluce, and Fr Emiliano Coll from Marah, and Br Romualdo Sala and Br Mauro
Rubio from Yulgerin wrote while they were working in the lambing, shearing or
washing of the flocks informing about how the works were going in, their needs
regarding men, animals, rations, clothing, and tools, on the work of other
brothers and workers, and their possible date of return to New Norcia.
Especially interesting is the vivid description that
Br
Rubio gave
about the settlement of the camp
in Yulgerin, written on
26 May 1872.
2.5. Miscellanea
The Archive also
keeps letters from New Norcia members dealing with many other subjects. Noteworthy are Fr Bernardo Martínez’s
eulogy of Venancio Garrido dated 12 August 1870, the day of Garrido’s death,
several letters in French exchanged between Martínez and Martelli in 1872 just
to practise the language, and Br
Romualdo Sala’s letter to Salvado –probably dated in 1872– explaining his own
project on how to gather postulants for the Mission in Spain. Also interesting
is a misplaced memorandum by Santos Salvado, dated about 1875, with a proposal
to create and direct a Benedictine noviciate in
Spain.
Catholic clergy from
New South Wales,
Victoria, and
South
Australia sent most of the correspondence from
the Eastern colonies. We have, in first place, the correspondence from some people
who wanted to join New Norcia – Fr Kilian Coll wrote on
20 February 1868 commenting on the
collapse of the Denominational School System in NSW, that many Catholic
teachers were without a job, and expressing his wish –in a very vague indirect
way– to join the
Mission. The
Scottish Fr Duncan MacNab requested his admission on
1 March 1870, and asked for a
copy of the Rule, the regulations of the noviciate, and a sketch of the way of
life if available. MacNab was older than 50, so Salvado sent a negative reply
from
Europe. MacNab replied on
7 October 1870, showing his
bitterness and disappointment at the news, gave many biographical details about
his life before moving to
Australia, and
requested Salvado to let him enter at least as a secular priest.
Duncan would
only move to
Western Australia in 1883,
invited by
Bishop
Mathew
Gibney, to work
as chaplain in Rottnest.
Magarolas’ two
letters to
Venancio
Garrido from
Sydney are a
bitter request to provide him with the documents he desperately needed. In his first
letter (20 May 1868) he affirmed that before reaching Sydney he stayed 9 days
in Adelaide and 8 in Melbourne, that he had enough money left to return to Swan
River if he had wanted, and that “with the strangers that never knew me I find
ten times more kindnes[s] and charity than with my
co[u]ntry people.” Just Bravado.
Garrido did not reply to Magarolas, but he mentioned in his correspondence that
he had replied on 18 July to a letter dated 9 June 1868 from Cistercian Fr
Woolfrey, who was hosting Magarolas in his house out of charity, mentioning
that the Vicar General had refused to receive Magarolas into Lyndhurst, the
Benedictine house; then, Magarolas visited Archdeacon McEnroe, who sent him to
Fr Dillon, and the latter to Woolfrey, who requested Garrido to send the
documents that Magarolas had been claiming. Magarolas wrote again on 15 July in the same terms, and so did Woolfrey
on
17 January 1869.
Magarolas’s situation worsened due to the lack of documents because Fr Benito
Martín, in a letter he wrote to Salvado on
17 April 1871, mentioned that a traveller had told
him that Magarolas was working in the goldfields in
Queensland, always
complaining about how poor he was.
The state of the
Diocese of Adelaide before and after the death of Bishop Laurence Bonaventure
Sheil and the procedure taken to hurry the appointment of his successor without
having to gather all the suffragan bishops is the subject of another group of
letters written by Fr Christopher Augustine Reynolds (24 April 1871) and
Archbishop John Bede Polding (23 & 24 March, and 2 December 1872). Polding
also wrote three other letters related to his going to the Vatican Council in
Rome.
New Norcia Archive
keeps a copy of the Minutes of the General Chapter of the Sisters of St Joseph
of the Sacred Heart held in
Sydney in 16-20
December 1889, a letter from
Sister
La
Frayne
informing of the sending of a gift to New Norcia, and some notes enclosed with
forwarded documents.
We only have one letter from a non-Catholic
–
Reverend
Douglas
Boutflower, MA of
Oxford and
Cambridge Universities, and Anglican chaplain of H. M. S. Cossack. The ship arrived at Fremantle from
Nickol
Bay at the
end of January 1872, and Boutflower decided to visit New Norcia, taking a note
of introduction by
Governor
Weld.
Boutflower intended to go with a doctor, but the difficulty in finding a coach
changed the doctor’s mind. This did not stop Boutflower who left
Perth on foot
on
31 January 1872! Fr
Matthew Gibney informed Salvado of
this, naturally worried. We do not know how Boutflower got to the
Mission, but he
certainly visited New Norcia. Boutflower wrote on
2 April 1872 from
Sydney
informing Salvado of how he has passed Easter, and sending a few extracts of a
letter that
Br
Ignatius of
Llanthony –i.e.
Revd
Joseph
Leycester
Lyne– had
wrote to him.
The only lay person,
the Consul of Spain Eduardo San Just, wrote two letters in 1868, the first
commenting at length on the attempted
murder of the Duke of Edinburgh in
Sydney by the
Catholic
Deacon
James
O’Farrell, and the
reaction of Catholics and non-Catholics to the event.
4.1. Rosendo Salvado’s Letters
from Spain
The long detailed
letters that
Rosendo
Salvado sent to
Prior Venancio Garrido while he was in
Spain dealt
both with the news received from New Norcia and
Western
Australia, and with his work and stay in
Spain. The
matters that worried while in Spain were his work to obtain permission from the
Government to establish a noviciate for Benedictine missionaries for overseas
and the lack of money (the impossibility of getting loans
and the scarcity of donations) to do so. Once he obtained permission, he
mentioned his touring of
Spain in
search of properties and people to settle the college noviciate, his strenuous
work while working in
El Escorial, and the events
that followed the Revolution of September 1868. Salvado would also mention the
sending of Mass stipends and
books to New Norcia, would request seeds of eucalyptus and gum trees for his
Spanish friends, would comment on the progress of
Sister
Carmen
Baliñas’
project, on the death of some acquaintances, and on the call for the Ecumenical
Council in
Rome (Vatican I).
Despite the many difficulties, Salvado requested the community to keep united,
and remarked that he was convinced that God protected New Norcia, “I see that
things that seemed to be a dream turn out to be true (…). God is opening such
unexpected ways that I am myself astonished.” The matters that worried Salvado regarding New Norcia while away
were, the state of the monks
(especially Garrido’s health problems) and the Aborigines, the division of
Subiaco’s goods between the Diocese and the Mission, and Garrido’s lack of
decision to put an end to Griver’s use of New Norcia priests working for the
Diocese (especially Bourke, Bertrán and Coll). Salvado also commented on some
decisions of Garrido regarding the feeding of the brothers, the failure of the
first settlement in
Nickol
Bay, New
Norcia ex-brothers, and the possible removal of the policeman
from New Norcia.
4.2. Letters on the Founding of a
Noviciate for Benedictine Missionaries
New Norcia community
needed fresh recruits because
the work was physically very hard and most missionaries were already quite old.
The departure of
Rosendo
Salvado from
Rome for
Spain in May
1867 had as a main purpose the creation of a noviciate to supply the
Mission and
guarantee its survival in the future and, to do so, Salvado had to get
permission from the Spanish Government. The suppression of the religious Orders
and the expropriation and resale of the clergy’s properties (called Desamortización) took place in 1836.
Although the Concordat between the Spanish Government and the
Vatican put an
end to this policy in 1851, the Government did not authorise the reopening or
reclaiming of the monasteries closed and sold, nor the restoration of the
monastic Orders. The only religious houses that the Government tolerated in
Spain were
those of the Orders working in the process of colonization in Spanish colonies,
mainly in the
Philippines. Since
Salvado was working in an English colony and not in a Spanish one, he had to
present a project that would allow him to give formation to the missionaries
for the
Philippines at the
same time that it provided the
Mission with new
people. Salvado wrote a 19-page-long request to
Queen
Isabella
II on
8 November 1867 explaining why he
wanted to establish the novitiate, mentioning the success of New Norcia in
Australia, the
praise that the
Mission had
received from Protestant people and newspapers, and the kind of support he
wanted to get. Carlos Marfori –Minister for Overseas– informed Salvado on 11
February 1868 that his application had been approved, mentioning the conditions
of the permission, and that the Government would request the opinion of the
religious authorities in the Philippines about the area to confer on the Benedictines.
Since Salvado had no
money or place where to settle the noviciate, he started a tour of
North
Spain in search of donations and of a building where he might do so. Salvado’s
correspondence mentions that he was receiving many offers of sale, which he
could not afford, or donations of places that needed repairs and/or
refurbishment, or did not have the requisites he was seeking. Although many
writers recommended some places, there are
a few letters specifically dealing with this matter. Fr Antonio Valdés
recommended the monastery of Silos, Fr Mauro Simón Busto Irache, Fr Naudó –on
José Buigas’ behalf– the Sanctuary of Coll, and Fr José Serra two big
monasteries in San Juan de la Peña that were surrounded by profitable
woodlands. The most serious proposal arrived from
José
De
Toledo, a rich man from
Granada, who
offered Salvado one of his properties in Alhama –one that suited Salvado’s
needs–; they arranged Salvado’s visit to check the property, but
El
Escorial appeared on
the scene and Salvado never visited
Granada. In
fact, while Rosendo was in
Bilbao, Santos
Salvado had informed him that Mgr Antonio María Claret –Director of El Escorial
and confessor of the Queen– had contacted him in March 1868 because he wanted
to pass
El Escorial onto Salvado, and
needed to discuss the matter personally. Rosendo returned to
Madrid and,
after some discussions, he accepted the offer and informed the Ministry. The
manager of the
Royal
Palace,
ex-minister Marfori, informed Salvado on
22 June 1868 that the Queen had appointed him president of
El
Escorial after Claret’s resignation.
The next step was to
look for the cornerstones of his project, the people who would manage the
noviciate at
El Escorial, and to look for
postulants for the college. Salvado requested the opinion of some clergy about
the best men to help him – his friend
Cardinal
Pitra, Fr
Salvado Rivera, Fr Ildefonso Infante, Fr Hermenegildo del Río, and Fr Alonso De
Atocha, among others. Eventually, Salvado chose the Benedictines Fr Santos
Salvado, Fr Mauro Simón Busto –chaplain of the convent of nuns at Las Huelgas–,
Fr Justo España –Vicar at the convent of Cistercian nuns at Santo Domingo De la Calzada–, Fr
Ildefonso Infante –secretary to the Bishop of Valladolid–, Fr Ángel Sáenz De
Valluerca –theologian working as assistant director in the Badajoz Seminary and
beneficiary of the church–, and Fr Hermenegildo Del Río –professor of Theology
and Morals in Bilbao–. Most of the correspondence in this section relates to
the case of Busto and Infante, who found many difficulties to leave their
positions and join Salvado at El Escorial due to the reluctance of their
prelates to let them go – the first due to difficulty to find a replacement for
the chaplaincy he was serving, and the second because his bishop needed him to
carry out the work in the Valladolid Diocese. Eventually, Busto would join
Salvado after his bishop found a substitute for his chaplaincy, but Infante’s
prelate did not let him go.
Fr
España and Fr
Sáenz De Valluerca did not have problems with their diocesans, but
circumstances forced them to delay their trip to
El
Escorial. Another group of letters contains direct or indirect
references to the postulants who wanted to join the noviciate at El Escorial or
go to New Norcia, directly, through people in charge of gathering postulants
(especially Fr Hermenegildo Del Río, Antonio De Oar, and Rosario Balauzategui),
or through their diocesan bishops.
During Salvado’s
presidency of
El Escorial, he worked almost to the edge of exhaustion. El
Escorial contained an ecclesiastical corporation called of the Royal Chaplains,
with a good number of teachers, some priests, and a few lay men; there was also
a numerous seminary, a big boarding school for children and Salvado had to
attend to the administration of all of this; moreover, he had to create and
organise the College and attend to his correspondence. It is not strange that
Salvado mentioned on
6 September
1868 that he barely had time to eat or sleep. The Archive
keeps a group of letters related to the internal management of El Escorial –
lists of teachers and students in the College and Seminary, lists of chaplains,
lists of lay people working for the monastery, and the rules of the doorkeepers
of the Seminary and College provided by Dom Dionisio González, Dom Felix
González and Dom Remigio García, or the plan of life of the monks provided by
Fr Mercedes Millán on 3 July 1868. There are several letters related to Br
Brugulat, three letters by Claret related to the visit of the Royal Family to
the monastery in August 1868, and a mix of letters dealing with other subjects,
the most interesting being the one written by John George Braun on 28 June 1868,
in which he expressed his sincere opinion about the state of the college and
seminary, and the reforms that he thought necessary.
Two events would put
a stop to the project of the Benedictine noviciate at
El
Escorial. The first was
Nuncio
Alessandro
Franchi’s
complaint to Propaganda Fide about Salvado being
president of
El Escorial while –as Abbot of
New Norcia– he had the obligation to reside in his Abbey. A letter from Santos
Salvado to Rosendo Salvado dated 20 September 1868, written after visiting José
Nacarino Bravo, mentioned that Franchi had visited Bravo and had mentioned that
Salvado could not do anything for New Norcia at El Escorial because the Spanish
Government would not allow him; Bravo replied that the Government had
authorised Salvado to found a college of missionaries for the Philippines
knowing that Salvado would also provide New Norcia, and Franchi replied that he
would like to see the Decree and that Salvado was not keen on visiting the
nunciature. Salvado informed Claret on 13 August of the complaint and
requested the support of the monarchs on
9 September 1868; Claret replied on 17 August and 14
September cheering Salvado up, stating that the monarchs wanted him to continue
as President, and that they would write to the Spanish Ambassador in
Spain to
support the case at the
Vatican.
However, Propaganda wrote via Simeoni
on
30 July 1868 ordering
Salvado to return to New Norcia. Thanks to his friends Fr Francesco Leopoldo
Zelli and
Cardinal
Jean-Baptiste-François
Pitra, Salvado
got confidential information on the reasons adduced by Franchi, and he
addressed long letters to
Cardinal
Alessandro
Barnabó –Prefect
of Propaganda Fide– on 13 August, to
Cardinal
Giacomo
Antonelli
–Secretary of State of the
Vatican– and to
Pitra on 14 August commenting on Propaganda’s
decision. Salvado reminded Propaganda
that the Pope himself had encouraged
him to go to
Spain and make
a foundation to guarantee New Norcia’s continuity; that he did not intend to
stay permanently in
El Escorial but organise the
College, appoint a director, and leave for
Australia; and
that President of El Escorial was a showy title that meant just superior.
Salvado also stated that the main reason behind Franchi’s complaint was to put Salvado out of
El Escorial, that he had
written proofs that other Orders wanted to be there, and that if Salvado was
president of a poor monastery nobody would have bothered. Antonelli’s letter
dated 2 September 1868 mentioned that the Pope considered incompatible his
abbacy with the presidency of El Escorial, ordered him to leave the place, and
to establish the college in a more suitable place in the Peninsula, but did not
mention his obligation to return to Australia.
The second event was
the “Glorious Revolution” started in
Cadiz on
11 September 1868, which forced the
Queen out of the country, and started the Revolutionary Sexenio period (1868-1874). The provisional Government (and the
revolutionaries committees before its formal appointment) confiscated all Royal
properties,
El Escorial included. The
Archive keeps the letters exchanged between Salvado and the heads of the
Revolutionary Committee of El Escorial town (Mora, Álvarez De Alba, Del Campo)
in which they gave some instructions regarding the management of the place. The
newly-appointed Government issued a decree on
18 October 1868 prohibiting any
religious association. That very day,
Enrique
Álvarez
De Alba
–Finances administrator of the El Escorial Committee– accepted Salvado’s
resignation. The Committee provided Rosendo and Santos Salvado with a travel
pass to travel within
Spain without
being disturbed, a fact that did not prevent some people from abusing them on
their way to
Madrid. Salvado
went to
London
immediately afterwards to prepare his departure for New Norcia with a group of
postulants, and they left on
3
February 1869. The permission to establish the noviciate was revoked next month, as the new minister informed Salvado
on
27 March 1869.
4.3. Letters from Benedictine Nuns
in
Spain
Sister
Carmen
Baliñas
De
Castro, from the convent of Benedictines of
Corella, is the main contributor in this section. Her long letters to
Rosendo
Salvado, Santos
Salvado, and
Venancio
Garrido –her
supporters and advisers– dealt mostly with the problems surrounding her project
to found a Benedictine convent in Cuntis. The letters that describe best the
foundation and the problems she found after the Revolution were the ones she
sent to Rosendo Salvado from Cuntis on 26 August 1868 and to Garrido from
Corella on 27 June 1869; the second letter contains a delightful narration of
how the nuns made the image of St Benedict in Cuntis using an image of St
Joseph taken from Corella, and a request for
permission to send Cuntis Constitutions to New Norcia for correction. I
also include in this section the greeting letters that
Claudio
Ormazabal –a lay
friend of
Sister
Baliñas– sent to
Rosendo
Salvado through
her.
Abbess
Pascuala
Llorente, her
novices, and the chaplain
Fr
Alejandro
Plaza wrote
from the Royal Monastery of St Benedict in
Estella. The
ones from the chaplain (4 March
1868) and the novices (13 March 1868) were related to
the visit of Salvado to the convent; Plaza also passed some confidential
information on important clergymen that Salvado had requested, and commented on
Irache monastery. The Abbess’ letters (5 August 1868 &
31 July 1869) were
congratulatory notes, the first on his appointment as President of El Escorial,
and the second on his return to New Norcia. Finally, the Archive keeps a letter
from
Sister
Pilar
de
Santa Teresa dated
24 May 1868, informing that she
had not been authorised to accept Salvado’s invitation, and inviting Salvado to
visit her instead.
4.4. Letters by New Norcia
Brother’s Relatives
A) Letters
from
Santos Salvado before joining New Norcia
Santos was a faithful
diligent secretary to his younger brother Rosendo, and
he took care of the search, purchase and sending of any goods required
and requested. He also forwarded letters and other documents, paid bills, and
replied to some letters on Rosendo’s behalf.
Santos used to
gather information about postulants or people making proposals to Rosendo;
thus,
Santos made
some inquiries about
José
De
Toledo, and he ascertained that he was an important
capitalist and could fulfil his promises.
Santos was
always keen in getting any information regarding
Rosendo
Salvado
–especially relevant after Rosendo became President of El Escorial– because it
could benefit his brother and New Norcia’s cause. For example, Santos heard
from a friend that there were some irregularities in El Escorial regarding the
sale of wine to the public, the existence of some practises of favouritism
among the clergy teachers, the relapse of some religious duties, etc., of which
Rosendo was not aware; Santos offered himself to go there and see what was
really happening, because –according to his friend– the personnel would not
have any problem in telling Santos everything, but it would to Rosendo.
Santos’ letters
are always colourful, with many details about their common friends and family,
appointments of secular or regular clergy, the latest news about the
Royal
Palace and the
monarchs, the Parliament sessions, and any relevant political news.
Santos also
mentioned the visits he made and the ones he received, especially numerous
after the settlement of Rosendo at
Escorial.
Santos
reproduced literally part of his conversations with Mgr Claret about the
transfer of
El Escorial to Salvado.
B) Letters
from Other Relatives
These letters were
an update of the family news in
Spain, a
reaction to the news received from
Australia, and a
description of the troubles in
Spain after
the Revolution. All the writers belonged to very religious and conservative
families, so they shared a similar negative opinion of the situation of the
country, and the effects of the new laws on Religion, the clergy, and religious
buildings. For example, Fr Bernardo Calvo –Venancio Garrido’s uncle– wrote on
10 May 1869 mentioning the expulsion of the Jesuits, the dissolution of the
Order of St Vincent de Paul, the expulsion of nuns from their convents, the
closing or demolition of some churches and chapels, the outrageous facts
happened in Seville with some sacred images, and commenting on the issue of the
Law on Freedom of Cult.
Telmo
Troncoso and
Sebastián
Salgado’s
letters to
Rosendo
Salvado were
requests of recommendations for some friends. The two letters by
José
Domínguez –brother
of Br Fulgencio Domínguez– dealt with the sending of the arrears of some family
money owed to Fulgencio.
The letters that the
relatives of Br Esteban Tomás and Br Suitberto De Orbe’s wrote give us a
glimpse of the struggles that these novices had to endure.
Francisco
Tomás wrote to
his son
Br
Esteban on
6 June 1868 mentioning his
surprise at learning that his scholastic career was not going well because the
monks did not have enough time to study, and that they had to suffer from many
physical and moral hardships. He advised his son to return to Spain if he
considered the climate damaging for his health and the spiritual work and the
monastic life too heavy on his shoulders, but he advised his son to stay if he
felt that his work was inspired by the Holy Spirit, to be a zealous missionary,
and to say the Rosary –as they did at home daily– to get the gift of wisdom.
Miguel De Orbe wrote to his son Br Suitberto on 26 November 1870, worried about
Santos’ comments on his being unwell, having many “scruples” and suffering
much, and that it would not be surprising if the superior had to separate him
from his companions; Miguel was distressed because he did not understand what
Santos meant, but he told his son that the family would receive him with open arms in case he had to
return. Br Suitberto’s uncle, Fr Juan Bautista De Asillona, wrote on 27
November 1870 advising him to follow the directions of his spiritual director,
follow Obedience blindly, mention to his friends Br Basilio Asla and Br
Elguezabal any worry, adding “Entertain
your head, and don’t keep thinking and meditating on spiritual matters all the
time, because there is a time for everything – to entertain yourself and to
pray”.
4.5. Letters by New Norcia’s Lay
Friends in
Spain
The Maceiras, the
Baamondes, and Ramón Gómez Parcero were the main contributors in these years,
but New Norcia Archive keeps letters from many other lay friends who wrote regularly
in this and other periods (Balauzategui, De Oar, Felix Del Río, and the
Marchioness-Widow of Santiago), and from others that did seldom (the Ucedas,
Camilo Rodríguez, Esteban Ruiz, and the Marquis of Monistrol). Beyond the
personal and family news, their correspondence contained 1/ congratulations on
the permission to establish the noviciate in Spain and about Salvado’s
presidency of El Escorial, and expressions of sympathy after the failure; 2/
requests of favours and recommendations, 3/ and complaints
about the political state of the country and expressions of pessimism about its
future. There was also anger at some acts against religious images, temples,
and the clergy, and a common fear at the advance of heresy and Protestantism.
Especially impacting are the words that the Marchioness-Widow of Santiago
devoted to the Protestants, which mirror the opinion that well-off Catholics
who befriended Salvado had after the issue of law on freedom of cults, “Here we
have fighting the Protestants; we put them out of the houses they take [rent],
and we make as much war on them as we can, despite the fact that the Government
protects them and they give gold [in exchange]”. The mention of the gathering
or availability of postulants ready to enter the noviciate college of El
Escorial and/or go to New Norcia, are especially numerous in De Oar and
Balauzategui’s letters.
Most of the letters
written by
Ramón
Gómez
Parcero and
Manuel
García
Maceira from Tuy
dealt with the possibility of Salvado establishing the novitiate in a Galician
place called Chaos dos Duques. Parcero –who took the measurements– and
especially Maceira were enthusiastic about the project because it would help
the spiritual and material development of the area; therefore, they were very
sad when Salvado abandoned the project. Maceira was also very interested in the
cultivation of Australian eucalyptus, so he asked for seeds, mentioned the
cultivation and progress of the trees, and commented on the commercial projects
he wanted to carry out with them.
4.6. Business-Related Letters
Fr Pedro Naudó was
New Norcia’s agent in
Spain, in
charge of gathering and managing the money he got from
private people (inheritances, money to celebrate Masses, and donations) and
from collections for New Norcia. Naudó used this money to pay for fabric and
other goods requested from the
Mission, and
periodically sent it to New Norcia. Naudó’s most interesting letters are the
ones dated 29 July 1869 and 16 August 1870, in which he commented on the
situation of Spain, and the one dated 23 February 1872, in which he mentioned
the problems that Abbot Miguel Muntadas had in Montserrat. The Archive also
keeps four letters related to the purchase of fabric for El Escorial College,
one letter about some casks of wine, and some others relative to the sending of
donations for the
Mission via Fr
Infante and
Fr
Sartorio.
5.1. Letters from Benedictine
Monks and Nuns
A) Monasteries
of
St
Paul Outside the
Walls and
San Callisto in
Rome. The correspondence of Francesco Zelli –Abbot of St
Paul’s– and Fr Angelo Pescetelli
–the Procurator– had in common their deep affection towards their confrere, the
update of the news regarding the members
of the community, the advance of the liberal revolution and its effects on the
community’s daily life. Zelli mentioned the appointment of
Luigi
Vaccari as
Bishop of Sinope in June 1872 (a great loss for the community), and, on
14 June 1872, he gave his
opinion on the newly-appointed Abbot of Montecassino Nicola D’Orgemont. Three
of his six letters were more official, as Zelli acted as liaison between
Salvado and some
Vatican authorities after Franchi’s complaint about Salvado’s presidency of
El
Escorial; Zelli devoted harsh words to Franchi, and advised Salvado
on how to defend his case. Zelli gave details about the erection of the statue
of
St
Benedict by
Giuseppe
Prinzi in
Norcia in 1879, in a misplaced letter. Pescetelli, on the other hand, gave
details about the floods in
Rome in 1871
and the departure of Br Pietro Ferrara from the
Mission, among
other matters. Bennone Mayo –a German Brother– wrote to Salvado on 6 March 1870
regarding the readings allowed in the refectory at St Paul’s, while
Luigi Vaccari wrote on 18 June 1872 thanking Salvado for congratulating him on
his appointment as Bishop of Sinope and Administrator of The Calabrias Diocese (i.e. Diocese of Mileto-Nicotera-Tropea,
in Reggio Calabria). Finally, Br Pedro Pérez, a Spaniard living at
San
Callisto’s, wrote on
7 August 1868 mentioning his decision to return to
Spain to find
quietness.
B) Abbey of the
Holy Trinity at La Cava, near
Salerno.
Old Br Domenico Vuoto sent two letters
to his confrere
Mauro
Rignasco –New
Norcia monk originally from Cava– on
26 March 1868 and
26 January 1872, the second when
Rignasco was already dead. Vuoto’s letters are especially important because
they relate without censorship the
situation of the religious community in Naples after the issue of the law of
suppression of religious orders, probably referred to the one applied in 1866,
and the pitiful and miserable state of some brothers, and the state of
confrontation of choir monks and superiors against lay monks within the Order.
Vuoto described in detail the judicial process of confrontation, and he even
mentioned the prices of the basic staples in
Naples at the
time. Fr Tancredi De Riso –monk of Cava working in his native Catanzaro– wrote
three letters to Salvado in 1870 expressing his opinions on the state of
Europe, his wishes about Politics and Religion, requesting Salvado to discuss
the promotion of the cult to Our Lady in the Vatican Council and call her Mary of the Liberated, Madonna of Freedom or
St Mary Liberator, and making some reflections on the meaning of true Freedom.
C) Monastery
of
San Martino in
Palermo.
Fr Ercole Tedeschi wrote two letters,
dated 2 June and
2
November 1872, both related to the wish of 2 young priests and a
lay man to join New Norcia. After offering themselves, they thought how hard it would be for them to say
goodbye to their families forever, and they changed their mind.
D) Church
and priory of
Montserrat in
Palermo. Fr Ignacio Corrons wrote long affectionate letters
from a period that goes from
18
February 1868 until
28
September 1872. Corrons discussed the state of affairs of the church
under his care after the Italian Government issued its law on convents and
religious communities and proceeded to expropriate the house; Corrons appealed
to the Court and remained inside
alone during these years to avoid the sale of the church, priest’s house and belongings; however, the
Court’s decision favoured the Government, and the place was sold while he was
living inside, which forced Corrons to leave for Naples in March 1872. Corrons
also commented on the triumph of the Liberal Revolution in
Spain and the
new Constitution, which he did not know but he considered morally dubious since
it was born from an illegal act; therefore, when the Spanish Consul called upon
him to demand his oath on it in May 1870, Corrons said no. Corrons also wrote
on Salvado’s permission to establish a missionary college in
Spain, and
foresaw the difficulties that would lie ahead; he was convinced that Salvado
should reach an agreement with
Montserrat and open
the college there, and he sent an draft agreement to
Abbot
Miguel
Muntadas on his
own accord. Finally, Corrons commented on the Vatican Council and his
excitement about the Bull on the infallibility of the Pope.
E) Dom Andrés Álvarez’s letters from an
unknown location in Naples, but probably related to a Spanish priory connected with Montserrat, are usually short and practical
requests of favours to Salvado while he was in Rome – cashing-in of notes,
updating of some altar privileges, and forwarding of different documents.
Álvarez was a middle man between Pietro Ferrara and his family, so he commented
on some items of news about the ex-brother.
F)
Abbess
Geltrude
Desideri, from
the convent of
Sant’Antonio in Norcia, is the
only
Benedictine nun
writing in this period. Her letters –written on 12 February,
9 March, and
10 April 1870– dealt
with the making, delivery, and the payment of two rochets for Salvado; her
community revered him, and they sent him some gifts and requested a copy of the
Memoirs, whose reading they enjoyed very much.
5.2. Letters from
Vatican Authorities
There is a group of
seven letters issued by different members of the
Vatican congregations. The most important for
New Norcia is the one that
Cardinal
Antonelli
addressed to Salvado on
2
September 1868 ordering him to leave the presidency of
El
Escorial. Propaganda
Fide sent four letters through
Cardinal
Simeoni giving
dispensation from simple vows by commutation to Pietro Ferrara – who got his at
the end of 1869– and Fr Anselm Bourke –who got his in April 1871–.
Mgr
Alessandro Barnabó
wrote to
Archbishop
Polding on
11 September 1872 authorising him to
receive by mail the nominations of candidates for Adelaide See due to the
pressing circumstances of the Diocese. A letter from
Pope
Pius
IX (1 February 1872) thanking Salvado
and his subjects for their letter of support, and another from
Mgr
Negroni (20 February 1872) sending a copy of
the Vatican Directory, complete this section.
5.3. Letters from the Regnolis
Widow
Malvina
Regnoli and her
son
Scipione
Lupacchioli, Widower
Pietro Regnoli –brother of Malvina– and his daughter
Emilia
Regnoli were
regular correspondents with
Rosendo
Salvado and Fr
Raffaele Martelli. They sent updates of their personal and family news, the
political situation of
Italy and
Rome, and of
their common friends – the nuns of
Santa Caterina, and
some Benedictine monks and
Vatican officials.
Emilia and
Scipione wrote short greeting notes, commenting on their studies and their
parents. Pietro’s most interesting letter is the one he wrote to Fr Martelli in
1870 detailing the events related to the entry of the revolutionary troops in
Rome, and his opinion about the unification of Italy, the Franco-Prussian War,
and the Germans. Malvina’s letters are a tedious complaint about her troubled
soul and weak faith, and a sempiternal request for prayers and advice from
Salvado, whom she considered one of God’s favourite sons. Her letters are full
of questions about Salvado and the Mission, but her most interesting one,
written in 1872, mentioned her personal opinion on the false news that some
Catholic newspapers had published about the treatment that the revolutionaries
had given to the clergy in Rome, showing a depth of thought rare to see in her
other letters.
5.4. Rosendo Salvado’s Letters
from Italy
The letters that
Salvado wrote to Prior Garrido from
Rome, where
he went to attend the Vatican Council, were written from
21 September 1869 until
17 May 1870. In them, Salvado
gave details about his trip to
Italy, his
activities in
Rome, and
some general information about the sessions of the Council, but no specific
details because the participants had made an oath of secrecy. He mentioned the
sending of some donations to celebrate Masses, the purchase of the Latin and
Greek Patrologies for New Norcia Library, and commented on the news received
from New Norcia. Three main matters worried Salvado while away. The first one
was the health of Father Bertrán and Prior Garrido, and the fact that they were
not taking proper care of themselves; Salvado scolded Garrido for neglecting
his health and not visiting the doctor, and he mentioned some remedies for his
ailments and told Garrido that his health was not a private possession and that
he was not allowed to die without Salvado’s permission. Salvado’s second worry
was
Governor
Weld’s
proposal to send Aboriginal young offenders to New Norcia to be educated;
Salvado gave specific instructions to Garrido on the conditions to receive the
boys, and advised him not to reply to any proposal before consulting with him.
Salvado’s third worry was the state of the coffee beans and coconut sprouts
that he had sent from
Ceylon; he
stated that this was a project of great importance for the future of the
Mission, to take
proper care of the plants, and to give news on the matter. A certificate of authenticity
of signatures requested to get some payments due to
Santos in
Madrid, and a
letter of thanks to Negroni after receiving the Vatican Directory complete this
section.
5.5. Miscellanea
I include in this
section a bunch of letters written by people visiting Italy while Salvado was
still in Rome requesting help with accommodation, some notes on meetings, some
notes left at St Paul’s by
visitors who did not find Salvado there,
a circular letter from Archbishop Henry Edward Manning (1 June 1870) requesting
prayers for deceased bishop Thomas Grant, and Br Antonio Giannuzzi’s request
(1852) for faculties to allow his nephew to hold a confirmation in San Paolo,
complete this section.
Most of the
correspondence from the
United Kingdom in this
period was business related.
Henry
Manning and,
after his death in January 1872,
Charles
J.
Wainwright were
Salvado’s agents in
London. Most of
their letters deal with the sending of goods or/and accounts since they were
selling New Norcia’s wool, and providing it with sundries, tools, machinery,
fabric, books, and anything requested. New Norcia also had another agent in the
UK, Fr Thomas Heptonstall OSB, who managed Rosendo Salvado and Martin Griver’s
bank accounts in London, and who acted as liaison between Salvado/Griver and
Manning & Co., and between Salvado and other English clergy and lay men
when Salvado was in England. I include in this section the tickets issued by Felgate & Co. for Salvado and the
new group of novices to travel to Albany on board the
ship Robert Morrison.
Some Benedictine
monks from
Stanbrook
Abbey,
Ampleforth
Abbey,
Hereford (Belmont) Abbey, and Downside Abbey wrote to Salvado while he
was in
England, in
November and December 1868, regarding his visit to their communities. Among
these letters, I would like to highlight the one that
Joseph
Benedict
Tidmarsh wrote on
homeopathy from Little Malvern Priory on
3 December 1868, and the sweet note that the children
of Stanbrook’s school wrote on
27
November 1868 thanking Salvado for attending their performance, and
sending him a scarf and cuffs they had made themselves. Some other Englishmen
wrote from
England to
Salvado or Garrido mentioning the death of
Fr
Heptonstall (7 June 1869), the Prussian siege of
Paris, and the
situation of the Pope after the entry of the revolutionaries in
Rome.
Extremely interesting is Fr Timothy Donovan’s letter dated 14 July 1869
proposing to Salvado to buy a
piece of land and open a missionary college in England.
Salvado wrote six
letters from
England to
Garrido mentioning the failure of
El Escorial project,
his movements in
England, and the
need to get funds to pay for the trip of the group of novices; Salvado also
commented on the improvements of Downside monastery since 1845. Salvado advised
Garrido to call back some of New Norcia priests working for the Diocese,
especially Fr Anselm Bourke. To these letters, we have to add the ones that
Salvado wrote on 9 & 19 February 1869 on board the
Robert Morrison mentioning the number
of postulants, the delay in leaving the English coast due to a big storm, the
possible date of arrival, and the preparations
to receive them, among other subjects. I also include in this section a
declaration made on board by the group of postulants on 23 April 1869,
somewhere between Europe and Australia, stating that they had voluntarily given
the money each could to help themselves with the expenses of their journey to
New Norcia, without expecting to ever recover it.
The President and
Treasurer of Propagation de la Foi
produced most of the letters sent from
France in these
years. These letters were formal communications of the allocation of sums and
ways of payment. Propagation was
especially generous with Salvado in these years, despite the dramatic reduction
of their income in these years, aware of the pressing circumstances that he had
to face after the failure of El Escorial project and the payment of the
transport of the novices to Australia and,
then, the payment of his return trip to Rome to attend the Vatican Council.
Fr Théophile
Bérengier and
Fr
Viaud wrote
several letters from the Benedictine monastery of Sainte-Marie-Magdeleine in
Marseilles. Viaud’s
letters mostly dealt with the procuring of a copy of the Latin and Greek
Patrologies, and the ways of payment. Bérengier’s letters show the worry of the
French monastic communities about the advance of the revolution, and the
possibility of the French Government declaring illegal any religious association.
Bérengier also sent Salvado a brochure he had written on his pilgrimage to
Subiaco and Roiate, and mentioned that he had written an article about the
Spanish Benedictines in
Australia in the Revue du Monde Catholique correcting another by the Marquis of Rays
that contained some mistakes. Both Viaud and Bérengier invited Salvado to visit
their monastery. New Norcia archive also keeps a circular from
Bishop
Jacques
Boudinet (10 February 1871) describing the
dramatic situation of the Amiens Diocese after the Franco-Prussian War and
requesting donations. Some letters sent by Spaniards passing or staying
temporarily in
France complete
this section.
8.1. Letters from
Burma,
India and
Egypt
León
Hernández, a
Spanish merchant living in
Rangoon, wrote
most of these letters, dealing with the purchase and sale of horses from/to New
Norcia, the most relevant being the ones related to the sending of an Arab
stallion horse to New Norcia, which also generated the letters from the
Calcutta dealers
who sent it – Gillanders, Arbuthnot &
Co. The Archive also keeps the visa issued in
Alexandria (Egypt) on
12 November 1869 by V. Laporte &
D. Hoyani, on behalf of the Consul General of France, in favour of Salvado
while he was on his way to
Rome.
8.2. Letters from
Ceylon
Two ex-members of
New Norcia community –Fr Benito Martín and Fr Francisco Salvadó– wrote most of
these letters. In these years,
Sri
Lanka was divided in two
vicariates: the Vicariate of Colombo, which was in charge of the Sylvestrines (a branch of the Benedictine
Order), and the Vicariate of Jaffna, which was in charge of the Oblates of Mary
Immaculate. Except for
Fr
García’s
letter, all the authors wrote from the first.
A)
Benito
Martín wrote six letters
to
Rosendo
Salvado and one
to Santos Salvado for a period that goes from
8 March 1870 until
26 October 1872. His letters are always brutally honest and full of
detail. Benito was a zealous religious and missionary, always more interested
in the religious welfare of the natives than in any clergy faction; he could be
a man of rash judgment sometimes and an extra-patriotic Spaniard always. Due to
his past problems with Catalan confreres while in Western Australia (25 May
until 7 September 1855), he disliked them – he talked about Bishop Serra as
being a sort of jinx and an envious person, the newly-appointed Bishop Martin
Griver was a liar; and Fr Ildefonso Bertrán “a hypocrite loafer, an intriguer
and malicious person who was more interested in business than in the soul.” Benito
sincerely loved
Bishop
Ilarione
Sillani, but
criticised him for leaving the Sylvestrines to rule the missionary affairs of
his vicariate without stopping them, and that he was neglecting his Episcopal
duties. The case of the stigmatic-ecstatic
woman,
Helen, disciple of
Fr
García –a
Spanish missionary working in the Jaffna Vicariate– moved Benito immensely, and
he meticulously described her weekly ecstasies,
which he witnessed.
Fr
García’s only
letter, dated
22
October 1872, also dealt with
Helen. Other subjects
that appear in Benito’s letters are Spanish politics, news about ex-brothers of
New Norcia and some clergy acquaintances in Spain, the refurbishment of his
church, his two servant boys, some of the governors of the island, the Law of
Education applying in the island, the Vatican Council, and the visits of clergy
on their way to/from Rome via Galle.
B)
Father
Francisco
Salvadó’s two letters to Prior Venancio Garrido offer a sad
description of the fights, hatred, and conflict existing within the missionary
community in the Vicariate of Colombo, and the repercussions that this
confrontation had on the Catholic community. Francisco mentions at length the
situation of the vicariate and the events that occurred in the years
1864-1867 – the continuous departure of missionaries from the island and the
lack of replacements, the consequent difficulties in attending to the needs of
the faithful, especially relevant in the case of the education of children, and
the fierce confrontation of the Sylvestrines with the rest of the
non-Sylvestrine monks to try to get full control of the Vicariate and its
missionaries. The panorama that
Francisco drew was
disheartening. The six pages of his letter dated
8 August 1866 are essential to
understand the causes of the conflict, and can serve to
explain why
Colombo passed
under the control of the Oblates after the reorganization of the vicariates in
1883.
C) Missionary Fr
Ramiro Maria Fornelli wrote to Garrido in 1867, just after arriving in
Sri-Lanka, forwarding a letter for Martelli and greeting Garrido. Fornelli
wrote to Salvado in 1872 about his intention to go to
Melbourne because
the Sri-Lanka weather was
damaging for his health, and asked Salvado details about the Australian weather
and way of life of the monks. An
unknown person wrote on
the remittance of coffee seeds to Martín for New Norcia, while
Bishop Ilarione Sillani and Fr Disillse wrote on
the remittance of some vestments in 1870.
8.3. Letters from and About the
Philippines
Benito
Martín spent
nine months in the
Philippines between
1871 and 1872 trying to collect money for the works of refurbishment of his
church. At his return, he wrote a long letter to Salvado narrating his visit
and describing his impressions on the country, the natives, and the process of
evangelization. Benito was surprised at the success of the Religious Orders at
Christianising the natives and said, “It is difficult to find a native that
doesn’t know how to read and write in the
Philippines, and
among the women surely none, and, moreover, these know how to weave some
fabrics of unbeatable fineness. A characteristic of the
Philippines, a thing
that surprised me and made me very happy, is the almost exaggerated fondness
and ability that they have for Music. Pianos, harmoniums, harps (these mostly
for women) and any class of instrument can be found in
the house of any simple man. There is no church or village, not even the
smallest one, without a brass band, and most of them have a complete orchestra,
and they don’t get tired of playing all day long.” However, the degree of
degeneration reached by the religious priests, except for the Dominicans,
shocked Benito,
[QUOTATION SUPPRESED]
The Governor General
of the Philippines, José De La Gándara, wrote a letter to the bishops and
provincials of the Orders operating in the Philippines on 28 April 1868
enclosing a copy of the decree of the Government authorising Rosendo Salvado to
establish a Benedictine noviciate for missionaries in Spain, and requesting
them to follow clause no. 8 and send a report on the most suitable territories
to give to the Benedictines. Fr Jaime Micalet from Cebu, Fr José Miralles
(Provincial Canon of the Franciscans), Fermín Morente (on behalf of the Bishop
of New Cáceres), Vicar Juan Osset (on behalf of the bishop of New Segovia), and
Melitón Martínez Santa Cruz (Archbishop of Manila) sent their reply. The most
interesting letter is the long one by Melitón, who thought that
Mindoro
Island was the
best place to carry out the project because the meek tribe of the Manguianes lived there, and because it would be a
way to populate the 3rd largest island in the archipelago and one of
the less populated and cultivated. The whole letter is beautiful, but I want to
highlight a reference to the Manguianes,
[QUOTATION SUPPRESSED]
Francisco Martínez,
a public officer in the Manila Post Office, wrote to Salvado enclosing a
project that he and other Catholics from Manila, from different classes and
conditions, had presented to the Archbishop of Manila in May 1867 regarding the
spread of the Association of the Holy Childhood in the Philippines; he
mentioned that the Archbishop had some doubts, and had sent it confidentially
to the central committee of the association in Madrid. Martínez wanted Salvado
to read it, and carry it out if he considered it valid. Martínez’s project
focused on the creation of orphanages and poor houses, and intended to rescue
children not only from the
Philippines, but
also from
China,
Vietnam,
Japan, and
Malaysia. In
these cases, there would be an import of orphans or poor children, who would be removed in their early infancy from their areas of
origin, settled in purpose-created towns to be Christianised, “civilised” and
their souls saved. After reading the 16 pages of the detailed report, it is
easy to understand the Archbishop’s hesitation to carry out such a project,
since
Francisco seemed to mix the
principles of the Association with his own vision of what Evangelization meant.
Salvado replied to this offer on
24 October 1868, most probably in a negative way.
Fr Simón Garrido, a
priest working in Aringay and Venancio Garrido’s cousin, and Fr Agapito Roldán,
a childhood friend of Garrido who was working with the Franciscans in Manila,
sent some letters to Garrido and Santos Salvado dealing with personal and
family matters, the state of Spain, and the sending of donations and photos.
The richness of New
Norcia Archive in this period casts lights on a transition period in New
Norcia,
Western Australia, and
Spain, and lays bare the souls of
fascinating lay and clergy individuals. The letters from workers and people
writing on private matters offer historians working on Genealogy, Daily Life,
and History of Mentalities a precious source of information – a short
“video-clip” of the life of their authors and of who they were as persons.
Especially abundant
are the references to the Aborigines in general, and to specific individuals in
particular. This fact can be explained because of
Governor
Weld’s interest in the
material and spiritual improvement of the Aborigines, and because most Catholic
priests in
Western Australia showed
an active interest in evangelizing adults and sending children to the
Mission to get
educated. Their attitudes reflect the paternalistic policies of the time,
despite being well-intentioned and beyond the negativeness characteristic of
most politicians and colonists at the time. This period’s correspondence shows
different attitudes in the way that Aborigines themselves dealt with the
remittance of Aboriginal children to New Norcia – some families, especially
those living in urban or semiurban areas were more willing to give their
children in exchange for food or money because they could not take care of them
or just because they wanted them educated. However, bush Aborigines, especially
in the
Champion
Bay area,
showed strong tribal links and unity, they were totally opposed to parting with
their children, and they identified the presence of any priest with their
children being stolen. The well-intentioned
evangelization practises showed many cracks and a lack of understanding of the
cultural reality they were dealing with – the preaching and catechization of
young teenagers induced many to want to go to the Mission, but many gave up
before reaching there, or just after a few days at the Mission, unable and
unwilling to leave behind their ways of life. All the references serve to draw
a multifaceted Aboriginal reality that reacted differently from regions within
the Colony, but also within families and individuals – a proof that they were
suffering from a rapid process of acculturation.
Romarategui, De
Orbe, Tomás and Gómez’ cases show that the newly-arrived novices had to endure
many spiritual and mental troubles – the result of the daily exhausting
physical work, the adaptation to a new climatic and social environment, the
separation from their social network of support, and the facing of what being a
New Norcia missionary demanded at the time. The departure of some novices shows
that, sometimes, the postulants left
Spain without
knowing what it meant to be a
religious or a missionary. Others were clearly seeking new opportunities more
than serving God, so their lack of vocation appeared immediately, as was the
case of
De San Miguel. The life at the
Mission was also
tough for those monks who had lived and worked at New Norcia for years, as we
have seen in the cases of those who left (Beleda,
Ferrara,
Magarolas, or Rotaeche) or those who did not (Sotillos).
The letters received
from Europe show the huge social network, lay and ecclesiastical, on which
Salvado’s work thrived – he had an army of friends who loved and venerated him,
who were always ready to help, anytime, anywhere, anyhow. The correspondence
from these bourgeois shows a rejection to the advance of liberal ideas and
laicism that the revolutions were establishing. They complained about the
materialism of society, the lack of reason and morals of the rulers, and they felt that they were living in an era
that preceded the end of the world. Most of those people shared the idea that
the Aboriginal savages were more civilised that over-civilised Europeans, while
New Norcia was a peaceful oasis and revolutionary
Europe a path
to hell. In
Spain, these
feelings mixed with the opposition to the freedom of cults and with a lack of
empathy for non-Catholics, as the acrid comments on Protestants and Jews show.
The references to the Vatican Council show the many expectations and hopes that
both clergy and lay Catholics had of it,
the many rumours in circulation, and the joy –generalised among Spanish clergy–
regarding the issue of the decree on the infallibility of the Pope.
The information
about the failure of El Escorial project in Spain and the Catholic missions in
the Philippines and Sri-Lanka show a disheartening view of the ecclesiastical
hierarchies (secular and regular) and of the internal fights and interests of
the different religious Orders, who had become political parties fighting for
power and control over certain areas and places. The letters from Sri-Lanka are
a treasure for any historian researching the Vicariate of Colombo in such a
troublesome period of its history. Finally, the letters from the
Philippines, allow
us to understand how some Europeans saw the process of colonization and
evangelization in
Asia, moved by a wish to save souls jumping
over any other human or cultural consideration – reflection of thoughts and
feelings widespread in
Europe at the
time.
Revisado - Updated:
05/08/2009