WEB'S INDEX
_
WESTAUSTRALIANA
New
Norcia Golden Age:
Salvado's
Correspondence - Years 1891-1900
DRAFT
VERSION, WITHOUT NOTES OF - BORRADOR SIN NOTAS DE:
Teresa de Castro, "New Norcia's Golden
Decade:
Rosendo
Salvado's Correspondence in the
last years of the 19th Century (1891-1900)", New Norcia's Studies
Journal (Perth,
Western Australia), 14 (2006),
pp.
64-107.
(La década
dorada de Nueva Nursia según la correspondencia de
los últimos años del siglo XIX (1891-1900)
Teresa de Castro © 2009-2013. This paper is protected
by Copyright Laws.
The 1890s are the golden
years of New Norcia both as monastic institution and as agricultural
settlement. In previous years New Norcia had struggled to survive economically
while attending to its Apostolic work, had fought to resolve jurisdictional and
canonical problems affecting the life of New Norcia as institution, and had
worked to provide enough missionaries to carry on the missionary work. Most of
those problems disappeared or were mitigated
in the 1890s, and New Norcia flourished economically while its prestige rose
within
Australia and overseas – from
Europe to the
Americas, from
Asia to the
Middle East. New Norcia started a new
life and a new era after the death of
Abbot
Coadjutor
Fulgencio
Domínguez (4 April 1900) who was meant to continue Salvado’s work, and the death of
Rosendo
Salvado (29 December 1900), with the abandonment of the missionary project in favour of an
educational one. In the following pages I give some details about the
information and subjects that populate the pages of those documents kept in the
chronological series known as “Salvado’s Correspondence.”
New Norcia correspondence
for the period 1891-1900 contains letters sent to New Norcia community (mostly
to
Rosendo
Salvado,
Abbot
Coadjutor
Fulgencio
Domínguez, and Br Ramiro Landaluce) from
Australia and overseas. It also includes original documents
enclosed with letters addressed to the
Mission and to ex-Prior
Santos Salvado in
Spain, and some copies of letters written at New Norcia. We
can find documents written before this period (from 1867 to 1890) and after it
(1901, 1902, and 1956). They were misplaced here for
different reasons: the date was mistakenly read, or was only available on the
missing envelope or in the correspondence with which certain documents were
originally enclosed, while other letters were grouped together in thematic
folders, as is the case with files 45a and 55a.
Year
|
1867-1890
|
1891
|
1892
|
1893
|
1894
|
1895
|
1896
|
1897
|
1898
|
1899
|
1900-1901
|
1900
|
File
|
45a
|
46
|
47
|
48
|
49
|
50
|
51
|
52
|
53
|
54
|
55
|
55a
|
Letters
|
29
|
161
|
226
|
218
|
269
|
217
|
251
|
260
|
268
|
161
|
4
|
25
|
A notable difference with
the pre-1891’s correspondence is the increase of letters written in English
(see table below) to the detriment of those in Spanish, French and Italian;
there is also a slight increase of documents in other languages. We have to
bear in mind that most of the letters written in Spanish by Rosendo Salvado
from the date of his arrival in Naples (25 December 1899) to the date of his
death in Rome (29 December 1900) as the ones addressed to him by Spanish,
French and Italian friends and institutions are kept in folders separated from
the chronological ones I am examining here, while others got lost after
Salvado’s death. The correspondence that Salvado sent to
Domínguez and to Fr [Ildefonso] Bertran from
Rome are kept in a separate folders.
Language
|
English
|
Spanish
|
Italian
|
French
|
Latin
|
Catalan
|
Galician
|
Portuguese
|
Greek
|
Hebrew
|
Bisaya
|
None
|
No.
Letters
|
1,347
|
622
|
68
|
31
|
9
|
6
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
1
|
Percentage
|
64.4
|
29.8
|
3.2
|
1.5
|
0.5
|
0.3
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
0.05
|
2. Letters from
Western
Australia
2.1. Letters Received at New
Norcia from the Colony
2.1.1. Letters from Lay Western Australians
New Norcia Archive keeps a notable amount of
correspondence addressed to the Mission from Western Australian Government
officers and clerks, business firms and agents, professionals, skilled and
unskilled workers, farmers and graziers… in short – from men and women with
different social status and backgrounds living within the colony and writing
about professional and personal matters.
2.1.1.1.
Letters from the Colonial Officers.
The correspondence
generated by colonial and municipal institutions and officers is considerable
and increased in this period. All the Colonial Government offices are represented in New Norcia correspondence. Some letters
by members of the Legislative Assembly provide first-hand information about the
discussion of some Bills in Parliament. Thomas Francis Quinlan made some
comments on the Land and Mining Bills in 1898, while Henry Bruce Lefroy
commented extra-officially on a Loan Bill in 1894, and the Education Bill and
the Fencing Bill in 1895; Lefroy, as Salvado, was especially interested in the
Fencing bill because it would affect farmers and leaseholders, so he forwarded
a copy to Salvado and asked him for his opinion
The Resident Magistrates (Newcastle and
York) and their clerks wrote about matters related to the
processing and payment of rewards for destruction of wild dogs and eagles, and
the application or granting of economical support to Aboriginal invalids living
at New Norcia. A good number of letters arrived from the Victoria Plains Roads
Board (Lefroy,
Davidson, W.
F.
Lanigan) – short missives informing of the date of the
meetings of the Board. The correspondence generated by some inspectors and
sub-inspectors of sheep (Craig, Gregory, Gibbons) are all related to an
outbreak of scab that affected New Norcia flocks in Wyening and Blackboy Hill
in 1894.
The Department of
Lands and Surveys’ correspondence dealt mostly with matters related to
the alteration of properties’ boundaries, transfers of lands, and payment of
leases. The letters arriving from the Government Railways are scarce, since the
line serving New Norcia belonged to the privately-owned Midland Railway
Company; the correspondence sent by different railway station masters from the
Company dealt with the reception, forwarding and sending of goods by train from
New Norcia to Perth or vice versa, while the letters by William Frederick
Sayers –attorney of the Company– dealt with the lease, transfer and payment of
land blocks belonging to the Midland. The scarce letters generated by Perth
Council officers dealt mostly with the erection of New Norcia’s houses in
Perth and the payment of local taxes on them.
2.1.1.2.
Letters About Business Affairs.Most of the correspondence arriving at New Norcia
between 1891 and 1900 was sent by Western Australian firms, merchant houses, professionals and individuals writing about business affairs
mainly from
Perth area, the Goldfields (Eastern Goldfields, Murchison
and
Kimberley) and
Victoria
Plains.
A first group of letters
was devoted to strictly-business matters, generally written by a firm or
merchant representative about affairs directly related to the specialty of the
firm. They dealt mostly with New Norcia’s houses in
Perth, the horse business, blocks of land, and Norcia produce. The most
numerous set of letters in this section came from
James
H.
Hubbard, about the fencing of a New Norcia’s property near
Guildford.
James
Morrison’s business, first, and then the ones who took it over
–Connor & Doherty and Connor, Doherty & Durack– wrote about
the sale of New Norcia horses at the Guildford Show.
John
Doscas, from the WA Free Stores, sent a good number
of letters about the purchase of New Norcia produce, and also
the Browns, dealing with the purchase of wine for Moora Hotel and fat sheep for
the family butchering and storekeeping business. Some agricultural warehouses
wrote about the supply of certain machines or recommending some products, while
other manufacturers wrote about their products.
Lawyers, architects,
doctors, veterinary surgeons, photographers, clock makers, tank makers,
fencers, bricklayers and carpenters wrote a second
group of letters when New Norcia required their services.
Daniel
Connor was the main contributor in this section.
A third group of letters
was written by farmers, pastoralists and stockowners, and dealt mostly with the
offer or request of land blocks (lease and sale), the purchase of New Norcia
horses and the use of New Norcia’s stallions, the sale of wheat to New Norcia,
the request for New Norcia produce (wine, olive oil, fruit, bricks, timber),
arrangements regarding the grinding of cereals in New Norcia mill, requests to
use New Norcia paddocks to keep some animals, and requests to cut sandalwood
around Marah station. The main contributors were
Matthew
T.
Padbury,
John
Brookes
Webley,
William
Rock,
Stephen
Sheridan, the Clinches, and the Clunes. From a linguistic
point of view,
Stephen
Sheridan’s correspondence is the most interesting, while the
two letters written by
Widow
Mary
Atkins in 1898 and 1899 asking Salvado to give permission to
her sons to cut sandalwood around Marah because of her family’s poverty deserve
a special mention too.
The correspondence
generated by some people writing about New Norcia’s houses in
Perth forms the final group. Its interest resides in the fact that it gives
an insight –a little exaggerated, no doubt– of the domestic problems and
difficulties that some middle class people and small businesses (as Bryan’s)
faced in Perth to make ends meet. We have several requests to rent a house,
complaints of the tenants about the state of the premises, a request for a
proper lease contract, a complaint about the collector of the rents, most of
the letters in this section were related to the payment of the rent: requests
for delays in the payment, or for a decrease of the rent, and complaints about
the raising of it.
2.1.1.3 Letters about Personal
Matters.
A considerable number of
the letters that arrived at New Norcia –no matter who wrote them– were
completely or partially devoted to personal matters. Depending on the cases,
they offered relaxed or anguished shots of particular moments of the writers’
lives and provided some details about their personal situation, their family,
their worries and struggles. Doubtless, this is the
most noteworthy set of letters.
Part of this correspondence
is formed by requests for hospitality at New Norcia
and introductory letters written in favour of people going to the
Mission. The forwarding, exchange and request of photos,
newspaper cuttings, books and information about the Mission was a frequent
subject; especially interesting are the notes by Francis Alnione and Clement
Madrona, two Filipinos working in the Gascoyne, about sending them Catholic
books in Spanish. Most of the correspondence from New Norcia’s neighbouring
settlers dealt with the finding of New Norcia’s horses and sheep strayed in
other farmers’ paddocks and asking what to do with them. The forwarding or the
request for some seeds (Singapore Acacia, Tobacco, and
Lucerne), cuttings (vines), and plants (coffee) is the main
purpose of other letters.
Several people wrote to ask
for Salvado’s recommendation or support to get a better job position, while
other requested Salvado’s vote in different elections (Quinlan, Lefroy, Molloy,
Brown,
Sinclair). We also find requests for news about persons
supposedly known to
Rosendo
Salvado, cries of help of persons who had family members of
whom they could not take care, and people who wanted to join New Norcia on the
grounds of being old and poor Catholics. Some individuals, after being in a
professional relationship with Salvado or Domínguez, developed sincere feelings
towards them and wrote mentioning personal matters. This is
the case of
Mary
Ann
Troy –former New Norcia’s Post Mistress– who wrote
three letters with news about herself and her family from Jarrahdale.
A little group of letters
were devoted to Aborigines – the forwarding of Aboriginal children to New
Norcia, comments on some deceased (Mary
Topsy, Toby, and
Edward
Farrell) and requests for Aboriginal workers. Several
documents deserve a special mention. The first one is the eight-page letter
that Alfred J. Clinch sent to Salvado from Jibberding in 1892 about his servant
Aborigine Fanny –whom he was sending to the Mission to prevent her from being killed
by her violent husband or by the “bush Aborigines”– in which Clinch gave
details about the young woman’s life since her childhood, her personal
situation, and her qualities. The second one is George Woodley’s letter dated
1892, in which he requested Salvado to accept his half-caste son in New Norcia
to get an education, and to let him stay to learn a trade if he wanted.
Aborigine
Charles
Mortimer’s only letter from this period, as on previous
occasions, described his physical and spiritual isolation, “I am a very long
distance from the
Homestead and I heare [hear] very little news and see
very few men. It his [is] not a wild place, but a little loasnsom
[sic] to any person that his [is] not used to it. I keep to my religion duties
has [as] well has [as] I can, that’s to say my prayers every night and morning,
but has [as] to make a confession and to receive the Holy Commiunion
[Communion] I have had no chance of seeing my Revd Fathers. But I think of
Almighty –God– the Creator, the Soveron [Sovereign]
Lord of He[a]ven and e[a]rth
and of all things (…) It is so far in the upper country that it his [is] not
much use of our preists [priests] to come up has they
[as there] are very few Catholics in this district, but if God will spair [spare] my health and strength, I will see if I can
go [to] see a preists [priest]. My Lord, they aught
[there ought] to be a Catholic preist [priest] travel[ling] once every year in the Upper Gascoyne District.
Peapot [People] will be very glad to see our Reverend
fathers to come up”. A miscellany of subjects appears
throughout New Norcia correspondence in this period.
2.1.1.4.
Letters from New Norcia Ex-Brothers.
New Norcia Archive keeps some letters from ex-members
of the community who, after leaving the habit, settled in
Western Australia. We have two letters of old ex-members:
Juan (John) Perejuan from Allenooka and
Francisco (Francis)
Ventura, and from some of the Spanish brothers who arrived in 1869 and 1885.
Ex-brother José (Joseph) Roselló (joined New Norcia in 1885 and left in 1891)
sent three letters to Br Xirgu and two to Salvado in 1892, 1893 and 1897, in
which he mentioned his different jobs and aspirations, the reaction of his
family after learning that the had abandoned the monastery and had decided to
stay in WA; Roselló also described the movements of ex-Br José Torruella
(1885-1887) and ex-brother Roberto Zalduegui (1869-1887). The only letter by
Zalduegui is a dry note sent to Salvado in 1892 requesting him to give him a
dispensation from the vow of chastity to get married. Finally, ex-brother
Juan Sans (John Sands) (1885-?) wrote a wordy
letter in 1892 requesting Salvado to readmit him in the
Mission. The dictionaries of Western Australians only mention
the first two as Western Australian settlers; Roselló is only mentioned as New
Norcia Brother, while Zalduegui, Sans, and Torruella are ignored altogether.
2.1.1.5.
New Norcia's Workers and People Wanting to Work for New Norcia.
A small number of letters
from shepherds, cowmen, shearers and sawyers doing
seasonal work for New Norcia have survived. Most of them were short missives
requesting different goods, mentioning the loss of livestock, the impossibility
of resuming work, asking to be moved from a place to
another, and commenting on monetary matters. The Archive only keeps one letter
from
George
Ikin, dated 1888 and misplaced
with this period’s correspondence.
I also include under this heading a set of letters from people offering
their services to work at New Norcia, mostly shearers and shepherds. The most
interesting group or job seekers were those who arrived from the Eastern
Colonies or overseas during the Gold Rush and were not interested in mining but
in agriculture, like
W.
P.
Huddlestone,
Louis
Parisot, and
James
Davies in 1898. Other foreigners also wrote, like Manuel
Castro Salgado in 1897, who was unhappy with his job in the kitchen of the Duke
of York Restaurant in Perth and wanted to work at the Mission, or J. A.
Macken, who wrote from Mt Eliza Depot in 1899 offering himself to do any work,
especially gardening or teaching children, and gave details of his work life in
Ireland, New South Wales and Western Australia.
2.1.2. Letters from Ecclesiastical People
The majority of the letters
received from clergy at New Norcia in these years arrived from the Bishop’s
Palace in
Perth. Although the correspondence from Diocesan priests, nuns and other clergymen is small in number, it offers a
rich portrait of the life of the Catholics in
Western Australia, and of their thoughts and feelings about spiritual,
ecclesiastical, political, and personal matters.
2.1.2.1.
Letters from the Bishop’s Palace in
Perth
I include here not only the letters sent by Bishop
Mathew Gibney or people on his behalf, and Vicar General Fr Anselm Bourke
(honorary Monsignor from 1898), but also by clergymen working for Perth
Diocese: Fr Luigi Maria Martelli, and people in charge of The Western
Australian Record, the Catholic newspaper (Desmond, Duff, and Fr W. B.
Kelly). We can expect the usual comments on diocesan matters: visitations and
journeys, opening of new churches, behaviour of some Diocesan priests, fasting
periods, ecclesiastical finances, and colonial politics affecting Catholics.
Most of these letters provided information about lay and ecclesiastical people
arriving in WA wanting to visit or stay at New Norcia, and the procuring and
forwarding of Aboriginal children to the
Mission.
A)
Bishop
Gibney’s correspondence
deals with a small number of subjects. The first one
was the renting and improvement of the premises of “The Record” which
belonged to New Norcia. The second one was the need to solve the
shortage of priests and religious brothers and sisters
to attend to the spiritual needs of an increasing Catholic population,
which led
him to procure the settlement in Western Australia of
the Christian Brothers, the Oblates of Mary and the Redemptorists in 1894, the
Sisters of St John of God in 1895, the nuns of Loreto in 1897, and the visit in
1899 of a group of nuns of the Good Shepherd to consider their settlement in
the Colony. The third and most important subject was Colonial Politics and how
they affected Western Australian Catholics. Gibney was convinced that the
Catholics had to create a united body to oppose Protestants in Politics and get
better treatment from the Colonial Government in polices regarding the support
of Catholic Schools (1895 was the year of the Assisted Schools debate in
Parliament) and the protection of Aboriginal children. This explains why Gibney
promoted the creation of the Catholic Association of WA of which he
informed Salvado on 24 August 1894, and on 29 August and 14 September J. M
Barry forwarded –on Gibney’s behalf– the rules of the Association to Salvado
and the books to use in the meetings, and asked him to create a branch in the
Victoria Plains as soon as possible. Gibney considered very positive the steps
taken by Salvado to include New Norcia fathers in the electoral roll in 1895
because “it will have the effect of proving to our opponents that Catholics are
true at the cause the Church advocates, and it will make Catholics more
determined to support just Catholic claims.” The lack of Catholic
representatives in the organs of Government and institutions was especially
important regarding the Aborigines Protection Board, whose members were
all Protestants and, therefore, favoured Protestant institutions and Missions
to the detriment of Catholic Missions (New Norcia and Beagle Bay were carrying
out most of the missionary work in the Colony), both concerning the
distribution of grants for the keeping of the Aborigines, and the custody of
Aboriginal orphans. The confrontation between the Bishop and the Board occupies
much of his letters, especially after the Board granted a higher sum of money
to the Protestant Missions than to the Catholic ones in 1893; he appealed to
the Board, and when the Board did not give satisfaction, Gibney presented the
case to
the Secretary of the Colonies in England in January 1894. Gibney’s
correspondence includes some miscellaneous documents: a sermon pronounced on
Easter Sunday 1900 denouncing the irregularities observed in the marriage of
mixed couples held in Fremantle and Kalgoorlie, news about oil produced at
Subiaco, a test on gold coloured quartz, a proposal of business relating the
debt of the Diocese to Salvado, some mentions about Beagle Bay and many other
things.
B)
Monsignor
Bourke’s letters in these years were mostly devoted to his work as New Norcia’s agent in
Perth, a work that he confessed he did just for the
pleasure of helping a good cause. Bourke gave Salvado details about the
meetings with the Aboriginal Protection Board regarding the case of two
Catholic Aboriginal children (Agnes and
Henry
Warren) whose custody was given to
the Protestant Mission in the Vasse in 1892 despite their parents having
surrendered them to the
Mission. Bourke kept checking and informing Salvado of the erection of New
Norcia’s houses in
Perth and gave
constant particulars about them. Bourke mentioned at length the different
operations performed on Br Odón Oltra, and gave details about the repair
and purchase of some goods. Bourke made interesting comments on the state of
some Aborigines living in the outskirts of
Perth, and informed Salvado about the gathering of Aboriginal children for
New Norcia by Fr James Duff. Bourke also commented about the best candidates
for the Catholics in the elections held in 1894, and about the ecclesiastical
problems generated by ex-brother
Roberto
Zalduegui’s wish to get married despite having made his vow of
chastity. Bourke did not usually show his personal feelings or thoughts about
his work, but he did not hold his tongue when Gibney was the subject. For
example, on
4 February 1898 Bourke mentioned that Gibney expected him to keep
everything in order while Gibney was extremely tolerant of any disorder that
had not to do with him directly, and that the financial and spiritual state of
the Diocese showed the result of such a policy. Bourke was unhappy in the
Bishop’s Palace, so he resigned as Vicar General on 31 August 1894 and
expressed his wish to retire to New Norcia; however, a month later he changed
his mind and resumed his vicarship on the grounds that “There are so many
Catholics coming into the colony that the mass of work that has
to be faced is not battle-appealing, and along with this there is going
on at the present moment a silent war against the Assisted Schools to meet,
which the Bishop will want every help he can have, and it would hardy be quite
right for me to leave him just at a critical time. Your Lordship however sees
that we have out troubles here just as you have at New Norcia. No place is
exempt from them.”.
2.1.2.2.
Letters from Parish Priests in
Western Australia.
New Norcia Archive keeps correspondence sent by
several parish priests working in
Western Australia: Fr Facundo Mateu from
Albany, Fr Adolphus Lecaille from Vasse and
Greenough,
Fr
Hampson from Southern Cross, Fr Patrick Gibney from
York, Fr M. J. Callery from
Greenough, Fr Edward Brereton from Geraldton,
Fr
W.
Prendergast from Cossack, and Fr Frederick Chmelíček
from Kojonup. Pastoral work is not the preferred subject except for
Fr
Hampson’s letters related to the consecration of a chalice.
Recurrent is, instead, the work of these priests as social connectors by
sending introductory letters for people going to visit the
Mission or writing to Salvado on behalf of other settlers to
ask for some favours. The main contributors were
Frs
Lecaille, Mateu and Chmelíček.
All of them had one thing in common – they complained or gave hints of their
unhappiness with
Bishop
Gibney’s management of the Diocese.
A)
Father
Lecaille’s correspondence in these years reflects the peace of spirit of an
ageing person who recalled episodes of the past (his arrival in WA, memorable dates,
and regrets), reflected on the passage of time, showed his admiration towards
Salvado and a deep attachment to New Norcia. Lecaille, who always considered
himself an apostolic missionary, continued with his apostolate in these years
by spending part of his personal money on buying copies of Catholic books to
distribute among Protestants with the scope of converting them to Catholicism.
A good number of letters was devoted to Lecaille’s work trying to find a tenant
for New Norcia property at Urianna.
B)
Father
Mateu’s correspondence dealt mainly with the forwarding of parcels
containing New Norcia silkworm cocoons from
Albany to
Marseilles, and the forwarding of some seeds to New Norcia. The most interesting
letter is the one dated
29 February 1896, where he commented that he was at variance with the Bishop because
Mateu had not agreed with Gibney’s scheme –proposed ignoring parochial rights–
to invest the money of the Compensation Grant in their schools. The Government
had already paid Mateu half of the grant (£786.15.9), and Gibney asked him for
a cheque for the amount, but Mateu replied negatively and Gibney
desisted. However, the Oblate Fathers at Fremantle had not been so lucky and
were forced to hand the money over to Gibney, a fact that made them appeal to
Rome and present a formal complain to Gibney for having invited them to settle
in Western Australia and then interfering in the management of their
“business”.
C)
Father
Frederick
Chmelíček was accused in 1894 of making a female servant
pregnant, a charge that made Gibney suspend him
from the parish, not because he thought that the priest was guilty, but because
of his unwillingness to cooperate with the Bishop in the investigation and his
refusal to sack the woman. In the three letters that Chmelíček
wrote to Salvado –each one more aggressive– he rejected the accusation and
stated that he wanted to prove his innocence, but at the same time, he
threatened to ventilate the case through the Press. Chmelíček
also wanted Gibney to reimburse him £412 for sums unpaid to the Parish, and
called Gibney patron of slander, a merciless and partial tyrant, a hyper-Irish
bishop, and accused him of leaving him in Kojonup to attend a vast and poor
district for eight years without support, while Gibney was speculating in
tin-mining, making advances to congregations for schools and chapels, to board
in hotels etc. Chmelíček wrote two letters to
Salvado in 1897, and in his second one, dated 20 October, he requested Salvado
to ask the Bishop to refund him for the time he had been servicing the
district, and added that Gibney’s brother –Fr Patrick Gibney– and favourites
received their shares while Chmelíček was left
in the greatest misery. This correspondence has to be
completed with the information contained in the replies sent to him by
Salvado and the one that Gibney sent to Salvado on the matter.
The most
accurate work about Chmelíček is an article by
M.
Newbold published in The Western Australian Catholic
Record, but it is somewhat eulogistic and, although it
uses New Norcia correspondence, forgets to mention the insults that Chmelíček devoted to Gibney and the irate letter sent
to Salvado.
2.1.2.3. Letters
from Nuns in Western Australia.
Members of the convents of Mercy in
Guildford (St
Mary’s) and
Perth (St
Brigid’s),
Saint Joseph in
Albany, and the convent of the Presentation in Geraldton
addressed a small group of letters to New Norcia.
Sister
Mary
Francis and
Sister
Mary
Paul, both from the first mentioned convent, were the main
contributors. This correspondence offers information regarding illnesses, deaths or trips made by some members of the community, and
the sending of Aboriginal children to New Norcia. Among Sister Mary
Evangelista’s letters, I would like to highlight one dated 21 July 1896 in
which she
commented on the results obtained from the trial given
to Salvado’s recipe to improve their wine, and another dated 5 September 1898
mentioning
her
Golden Jubilee, which made of her the oldest nun in Australia, and the
blessing sent to her by the Pope through Bishop Matthew Gibney.
Sister
Mary
Paul’s letters are devoted to two mail subjects: her
attempt to rear silkworms –an attempt quickly abandoned by lack of patience–
and her more successful attempt to introduce and spread the Archconfraternity
for the Release of the Abandoned Souls in Purgatory in
Western Australia.
2.1.2.4.
Letters from Other Catholic Clergy and Religious.
This section contains a small miscellany of letters by
people from other Orders working in Western Australia who wrote to request
Salvado’s hospitality at New Norcia (Fr John, Fr Hennessy), to forward
prospects (O’Brien) or seeds (T. Ryan), to ask for a lost horse (Phelan), to
request the returning of a canonical private document (Fr O’Hanlon), and about
the renting and use of New Norcia’s properties at Subiaco (J. L. Ryan). The
most interesting letters are the two written by Fr P. J. McCormack, an Irish
priest who had shown an erratic behaviour since his arrival in Australia in
1896, and ex-father M. John O’Driscoll, an Irish priest who had worked in NSW
and Tasmania before moving into Western Australia in 1896, and was forced to
work in the mines and take the clerical attire off.
2.2. Letters sent from New Norcia
Members to
Australia and Overseas
2.2.1. Letters from
Abbot
Rosendo
Salvado
Most of Salvado’s
correspondence was addressed to
Abbot
Coadjutor
Domínguez, and it contained a detailed account of Salvado’s
frantic work in
Perth dealing with Government officials, lawyers, businessmen and banks. His correspondence is also a
chronicle of the activities of the ecclesiastical authorities, the city, and of
people met there, heard of there, or going to New Norcia from there. Salvado
commented on anything that could be of interest for New Norcia, and gave
precise instructions to Domínguez (or to some New Norcia brothers through him)
about matters of importance. Salvado’s correspondence deals mostly with the
searching for and sending of goods, materials and machinery to the Mission, and
the building, renting and repairing of New Norcia’s houses in Perth. Salvado
also commented on several business projects proposed to him regarding the use
of some New Norcia’s properties in Subiaco and Guildford, on the paperwork done
in favour of Aboriginal widows and invalids to get Government pensions, and the
paperwork to get funds from the Chief Protector of Aborigines Office for the
Aboriginal children kept at New Norcia.
Some affairs appeared and
were resolved in specific years. In 1896 Salvado’s
main worry was the process in Court with
Thomas
Bryan regarding the lease of the premises of his printing
business, belonging to New Norcia. Salvado was trying to sell the property and
Bryan stated that Salvado had verbally promised him to
extend his lease for another five years at the end of the lease period (31 January 1897), in spite of the fact that
Bryan had signed an agreement that did not mention it.
These letters are noteworthy because Salvado not only mentioned the details
about the case, but also those about the functioning of the judicial system,
and the policies and approaches that some lawyers had regarding the case. Year
1897 was marked by the several operations performed on
Br Odón Oltra and the stay of Br Agustín Cabané at the
Perth
Hospital.
Year 1898 was especially
busy for Salvado and New Norcia’s lawyers. The most important case was the work
done to prepare New Norcia’s application to be recognised
as a charitable incorporated association, the only way to secure that the
Government would not reclaim the properties of the
Mission –under Salvado’s name– or would ask for onerous
payments after his death. Besides,
George
McPherson of Carnamah was apparently retaining child
Albert
Cuper –son of
Benedict
Cuper and nephew of
David
Biggs, both New Norcia Aborigines– after the death of his
mother, so New Norcia’s lawyers acted on behalf of the Aborigines and prepared
the claim before the Court. Some original certificates and purpose-made
documents were needed, so Salvado gave precise instructions on how to prepare, sign and send them back to
Perth, but also on the problems that
appeared after the
misspelling of Cuper and Biggs’ surnames in the documentation. Another case
arose against George Moffat when, after signing an agreement to cut sandalwood
in Marah lands, he cheated on New Norcia by using third parties to avoid paying
the full fees for the cutting and marketing of the whole wood cut. If this was
not enough,
E. McGillicuddy, New Norcia’s Real Estate agent, used the rents
received from New
Norcia houses’ rent for private matters, and Salvado
had to put the case in his lawyer’s hands. Also in this year, the Government
informed Salvado that the Police Station at New Norcia would
be closed on
31 March 1899, after thirty eight years functioning.
The main event of year 1899
was the visit of Salvado with some representatives of the Victoria Plains to
the Premier to beg him to keep New Norcia Police Station open, and a claim made
by William Davidson, a water tank maker, for the full payment for the work done
according to contract. Salvado left for
Europe at the end of this year.
We have a considerable
number of copies of letters sent by Salvado to Western Australian Government
officers, settlers and businessmen, and people from
other colonies. Most of them were short acknowledgements of sums or letters
about the sale/lease of New Norcia’s properties, produce, horses
and livestock. There are also some replies to people applying for jobs and
offering themselves as postulants. The most numerous sets are those sent to
merchant John Doscas on the sale of oranges and other New Norcia produce, and
to James M. Hubbard in Guildford regarding the fencing of New Norcia’s property
in that locality. A miscellany is formed by copies of job agreements, documents
of transfer or sale of blocks of land, sketches, notes, and even the annual
settlement of wages of New Norcia Aboriginal shearers, a voting paper for
members of District Board of Education dated 24 November 1892, and a list of
rents belonging to the Midland Railway Lands leased by New Norcia in 1894.
A small group of Salvado’s
letters addressed to Fr Ildefonso Bertran in Marah station, and two that
Salvado sent while in
Sydney attending the Second Australian Plenary Synod in 1895
complete this section.
2.2.2. Letters from
Abbot
Coadjutor
Domínguez
Fulgencio
Domínguez’s correspondence gives the impression that he was
Salvado’s agent and not his Abbot Coadjutor, because his work was mostly of a
connector and transmitter of news and orders between Salvado and other members of
the
Mission, while his decisions were reduced
to a minimum unless Salvado was overseas or interstate. Domínguez’s meticulous
acknowledgement of the letters and news received and of anything of importance
related to the
Mission’s activities, people, and industries had a clear
scope – to help Salvado to take decisions. Except for the details given about
the illnesses of some brothers and the behaviour of some New Norcia Aborigines
and workers, there is not much insight into the life of the community.
Nevertheless, a case
provides information about both matters – a moment in which Domínguez took a
decision by himself and described what the brothers were doing and talking
about at New Norcia. The Court in Chambers regarding
Thomas
Bryan’s case had distressed Salvado, and he wrote to
Domínguez on
21 September 1896 asking him
to tell the community that the case was so entangled
that it would be impossible to guess the result, and to start a non-public
rogation for their success. After consulting with Fr Bernardo Martínez,
Domínguez decided not to do so, and wrote Salvado on 23 September explaining
that this would have created a commotion among the community because there were
some individuals in the community whose hearts did not belong to the Mission,
so they would deform Salvado’s words; on the other hand, if they made
rogations, even in secrecy, the Doctor, the Clunes –and with them the rest of
the Colony– would know the news within twenty four hours. On the 2nd
October Domínguez added, “This week has run here the news (started at the
stables) that Y. L. has to pay £50 for each day that a Court in Chambers is
held, and that at the end Y. L. will have to pay all the costs because Thomas
Bryan is a poor man and has nothing with which to pay. Every week new items of
news appear about the case, and all of these come always from the Doctor, who
certainly is in correspondence with somebody there [Perth]. The truth is that the huddles in the stables and the kitchen talk a
lot about this case (…) but nobody really knows what the truth is.” The
sentence was pronounced against
Bryan, so Domínguez wrote Salvado on 16 October saying that
he had not said a word to anybody except to
Fr
Martínez because he wanted to see if the Doctor would spread
the good news at the stable as quick as he had spread the ones against Salvado
and in
Bryan’s support.
Domínguez’s letters
contained complementary information to that
provided by Salvado. For
example, Domínguez gave the details about
Benedict
Cuper’s son, who was not with the
Macphersons, but living with the
“non-civilised” Aborigines of the area.
Benedict,
Charles
Cope, accompanied by
Donald
Macpherson on a horse, had to walk more than eight miles to pick
the child up;
Benedict had told Domínguez that the Carnamah Aborigines had
insinuated to him that when the Aborigine claiming to be the father of the
child left prison he would take revenge on him. Extra details about the removal
of the Police Station, the sale of horses to the Police Department, and the
sale of oranges and pigs to some
Perth merchants are also provided. Relevant are the items of news regarding
Dr
Howard, an unlicensed doctor working at New Norcia as doctor
and teacher, and the good results obtained by two New Norcia Aborigines in a
Ploughing Match held on
27 August 1896. Domínguez also wrote a very small number of business letters to
Western Australian settlers.
2.2.3. Letters Written by
Other
Mission Brothers
Brothers
Veremundo
Cerverò,
Florentino
Gasulla and
Froilán
Miró wrote to Salvado, via Domínguez, requesting the
purchase of some goods, while Br Ramiro Landaluce’s letters addressed to
settlers and merchants dealt mostly with the horse business. I include here a
form with questions for the voter in the Moore District signed by Br Lorenzo
Pallejá possibly in October 1898, and a letter sent by Br Romualdo Sala to his
nephew-in-law
Juan
Alou. The letters that
Father
Ildefonso
Bertran sent to Salvado from New Norcia are very similar to
Domínguez’s; they were written in 1899 while Domínguez
was in
Perth to visit Salvado before his departure for
Europe.
2.2.4. Letters from New Norcia Brothers Working in
Other Stations
Brother
Agatón
Elguezabal and
Father
Bertran from Marah, and Br Anastasio Ochoa and Br Beda
Rodríguez from Wyening generated some correspondence describing the state of
the flocks, the water reserves, and the movement of some workers in their
stations. Noteworthy are the comments by
Br
Rodriguez about the personal confrontation between
George
Simcox, New Norcia’s shepherd at Wyening, and settler
John
Philips at the end of April 1895, after Simcox killed some of
Philip’s pigs that were giving trouble to the station’s
troughs and well. Three out of four letters by
Fr
Bertran had to do with
George
Moffat’s breach of contract.
The so called Eastern
Colonies provided a reduced number of letters in these years, mostly arriving
from clergy, although there are letters written by Salvado’s acquaintances,
business people, and Government officials.
New South Wales was the main contributor, followed by
Victoria,
South Australia and
Queensland. Despite their number, the information is noteworthy.
The most interesting
letters written by ecclesiastical authorities are those by the Bishop of Port
Augusta,
John
O’Reily; among other matters, he mentioned the financial
state of the Diocese and gave some details about the progressive physical
sinking of the Archbishop of Adelaide,
Christopher
Augustine
Reynolds. Fr Frederick Byrne commented on the state of
Adelaide Diocese, of which he had become the Diocesan Administrator after the
death of
Archbishop
Reynolds. Fr Denis O’Haran from
Sydney forwarded several documents, the most important being
the one written by a Spanish judge about the case against impostor Salvador
Casella.
More than twenty-three per cent of the letters deal –directly or
indirectly– with individuals who wanted to join New Norcia: Arthur Shaw from
Queensland, Hugh Alfred Coleman and John Tremayne from Victoria, Thomas
Kinahan, Martin Walsh and Fr M. J. Callery (as mentioned by Bishop Byrne and
Archdeacon Higgins) from New South Wales. These letters detail the background
of the postulants regarding origin, education, skills, age, personal
characteristics, and the reasons why they wanted to join the
Mission.
The correspondence arriving
from Australian colonial Governments’ departments is also worth mentioning. We
have a report on a Western Australian plant, the Isotropis Juncea Turcz, on its supposedly poisonous qualities for
sheep and cattle. Even more interesting are the two letters that D. C.
McLachlan –Under Secretary of the Department of Mines and Agriculture of NSW–
wrote to Salvado; in the first one, dated 13 May 1899, he requested Salvado to
furnish them with samples of macaroni and wheats from which they were made because:
“This Department is desirous of testing the suitability of macaroni wheats in
this colony, and (…) Mr John W. James of “Tanasari”, Blakehurst, N.S.W., has brought under our notice the success you have
attained in the cultivation of these wheats and the manufacture of macaroni.”
Salvado sent a box through the WA Bureau of Agriculture and McLachlan wrote
again thanking Salvado on
4 August 1899.
Three letters of
recommendation were written to Salvado in favour of people willing to immigrate
and work in Western Australia – D. Todd (Trawalla Station, Victoria, 1892) and
A. E. Officer (Karnak, Victoria, 1894) wrote in favour of James Davies, while
Sister Mary Elizabeth, a Poor Clare from Sydney, wrote in 1895 describing the
difficult situation of 18-year-old Mr Thomas and asked Salvado if Western
Australia was a colony where
he would get on. On the other hand, Prioress Mary
Walburge wrote in 1894 an introductory letter for
Henry
Richards, a “native” historian (possibly
Indian) interested in Aborigines. Finally,
R.
V.
Bland, one of the first people to settle in
Western Australia (York District), who had left for
Victoria in
the 1850s, wrote to Salvado in 1891 mentioning his
regret at leaving
Western Australia and the interest he had always had about the welfare of the Aborigines.
Finally, this correspondence also contains a miscellany of letters and
subjects.
In the period under examination,
Spain was
still the country from where most of the overseas letters arrived, followed by
Italy,
France and the
United
Kingdom, although New
Norcia Archive keeps letters from many other countries.
4.1. Letters from
Spain
4.1.1. Letters from the Convent of
San Plácido (Madrid)
This section is formed by
the correspondence generated by some members of this Benedictine community (two
Abbesses and four sisters), and one of its confessors. The different voices of
these people draw a multifaceted picture of the internal life of the convent,
of the material and spiritual problems that the community faced daily, but also
of the personal worries and thoughts of some of its members. All of them have
one thing in common – they asked
Rosendo
Salvado for advice about how to carry out their duties.
Abbess
Asunción
De San Vicente was in the Abbacy before and after
Abbess
Oller (from January 1893 until March 1897), but her letters are scarce and
not especially interesting. On the contrary,
Abbess María Montserrat De Santa Ida Oller
wrote long letters to Salvado asking for advice, support and mentorship to resolve some problems of the
convent. Four main subjects worried the Abbess. Her first worry was her lack of
temperament and the difficulty she had in dealing with the factions within the
community, especially with some whimsical and aggressive nuns. Oller’s second
worry was the effects that the establishment of a suburban parish in the
convent’s church had on the communal life, forcing them to re-schedule the
choir prayers –around which the life of any enclosed convent revolves– and
bringing many parishioners inside the church with the consequent noise and lack
of peace. The Abbess’s third main worry was the pitiful and ruinous state of
the building in which the nuns were living, the inconvenience of its location
in the city centre, and the need to sell it and build a new one in a quieter
area where they should move to; Oller commented widely on the steps
taken to do so and the problems she faced. A fourth worry was related to the
relaxation of the Discipline among the community, partially explained by the
intrusion of the parish in the convent, by the layout and deficiencies of the
conventual space which did not allow the nuns to keep isolated and silent, and
by the Abbess’s belief that the extremely long fasting periods should be
relaxed because they weakened the nuns and frightened any possible postulant.
Sister María Isidra De San Mauro and Sister María Gertrudis De San Luis Gonzaga’s letters were very intimate, a mix of confession and
request for advice about how to comply with their religious duties, improve
their behaviour within the community, and learn the manner to reach Perfection
and Sanctity. The reader sneaks a close look at
the nuns’ personal
suffering and anxieties, their most intimate faults, sins and temptations, but
also at
the community’s life, with their tensions, internal conflicts,
alliances, enmities, and their social differences.
Sister
Filomena
Francisca
De La Virgen De
Montserrat used to write to Santos
Salvado once a year, usually to congratulate him on Christmas or his Patron
Day.
Filomena, Gertrudis and
especially Isidra had a main source of complaint in these years – the spiritual
isolation of San Plácido’s community –which explains why the last two asked
Salvado for his spiritual direction–, the lack of a permanent confessor and
that most of the confessors assigned to the convent were not regulars but
secular priests, a fact that upset them because they were convinced that they
did not understand what monastic life was and did not give them proper advice.
These letters are full of vivid and colourful stories about the life in
community.
The few but
long letters by the confessor of the community, Fr Isidoro García, contain an outsider’s diagnosis of
San Plácido’s internal problems, especially about the relaxation of the monastic
Discipline. His comments were especially harsh with old
Abbess
Asunción during her second term in the Abbacy, whom he accused of ruling the
convent on the wrong principles (age and not wisdom) and of setting the wrong
example, which inevitably led to the overturn of the natural order of things
between superiors and nuns, novices and professed sisters.
San Plácido’s
correspondence shows the specific long-term effects that the exclaustration,
first, and the liberal policies against religious associations, then, had on
the disintegration of the Benedictine network of monasteries in Spain, and the
difficulties that this situation had on the surviving female communities –
without the support of their Benedictine congregations and other monastic
brothers and nuns, they depended on the ecclesiastical authorities, who did not
always understand their problems or support their projects. Salvado, despite
being so far away, became their point of reference for practical guidance.
4.1.2. Correspondence from the Abbey of
Montserrat (Catalonia)
Abbot
José
Deás is the main contributor in this section. Beyond the
usual and detailed news he gave about the community (its members, buildings,
and the children’s choir), Deás commented on matters directly related to
Salvado – the arrival and forwarding of some donations made for New Norcia, and
the help in procuring some goods (fabric mostly) for the Mission. The arrival
of the zip train at the monastery in 1894 and the consequences it had in the tourist development of the monastic complex are also
mentioned. However, Deás’ most appealing letters are those related to
the settlement of the Benedictines in the
Philippines, which detail the internal pressures against the
project, but also the process of preparation and final expedition. The rest of the documents
are compositions in prose and verse in different languages written by several
Montserrat brothers and presented during a literary and musical function held in honour
of Salvado at
Montserrat on
21 October 1900.
4.1.3. Letters by New Norcia Brothers’ Relatives
4.1.3.1.
Letters from
Santos Salvado.
Santos Salvado only wrote
87 letters in this period, a much small number than in previous years, due to
his death on
17 April 1894.
Santos’ correspondence is a meticulous portrait of a retired
priest in his 80s whose life revolved around New Norcia news and whose work as
New Norcia’s agent was still fruitful for the
Mission.
Santos’
direct-style open-hearted letters are a pleasure to read and extremely detailed
about everything. During these years four main subjects populated
Santos’ correspondence. The main worry of Salvado was his
health. Year 1891 was especially bad, but these years were those of
Santos’s physical deterioration – besides blindness and
severe gastric problems, he suffered from many ailments related to age and the
weather, whose symptoms, medication and diet he described.
Santos was an apprehensive and nervous person, so when he
was sick his letters reflected his prostration, stress
and low spirits; the isolation from his family and the decrease of his social
life made him write to Salvado as a therapy to forget his miseries. A second
matter occupied his correspondence – the lease and then sale of the family
house in Tuy, and the sale of
Santos’ rural
properties. In the third place,
Santos updated
periodically the information about the state of his accounts regarding savings,
money owed to him, properties shared by the Salvados, and New Norcia’s account,
especially after the redaction of his new will in 1892. Finally,
Santos made periodic comments regarding the exchange rates
between
Spain,
England and
France due to his wish to send New Norcia’s money to Salvado
before passing away; the rates were so high that
Santos died without doing so. Regarding New Norcia matters,
Santos finally gave thumbs up to the sericulture project in
the
Mission and was happy to know that Salvado was trying to
promote the wine industry, which, due to his brother’s opposition, he had
unsuccessfully tried to advance while at New Norcia.
4.1.3.2.
Letters from Relatives from other New Norcia Brothers.
The bulk of this section is
formed by the correspondence sent by Salvado’s nephews and nieces (the Roteas, Comesañas, Salgados, Troncosos and Viliatos);
Ignacio
Comesaña and
Pegerto
Martínez
Milán –a distant relative– were the mos devoted writers. A
small amount of letters from relatives of Br Romualdo Sala, Br Anselmo Palou,
Br Gerardo Gómez and Br Florentino Gasulla is also
available.
4.1.4. Letters by New
Norcia’s Friends in
Spain
The number of letters
arriving from friends and acquaintances of
Rosendo
Salvado and Santos Salvado in
Spain are scarcer than in previous periods. Among the
clergy, Fr Espinosa Junquito and Fr Isidoro De Lope were the most prolific
writers, although we have letters from members of the convent of
San Daniel in
Gerona, Las Huelgas in
Burgos, and
Santo Domingo de Silos near
Burgos. Old lay
Galician and Catalan friends were still writing in these years, joined by
people who had helped Salvado with the search for postulants in the past or
who, despite not having a direct friendship, loved New Norcia history and Salvado’s work. Most of these letters were written just to say hello, to congratulate Salvado on
Christmas, New Year or on the 1st of March, and to ask for news or
give theirs. I also include here some letters addressed to Santos Salvado (García
Rivera,
Rodríguez
Benavides) on personal and business matters. I would like to
put into the spotlight
De Lope,
De Oar, and
Abbess
Albert’s letters, all of them particularly attractive.
Father
Isidoro
De Lope’s correspondence focused on three main aspects of his
life. Firstly, the precariousness of his situation, because despite his age he
did not get a permanent position until 1899, when he became Las Huelgas’
chaplain; his comments are of interest because he mentioned the policies of
Burgos diocesan authorities to grant or support some positions. Secondly,
De Lope commented on his work recruiting postulants, mainly for the newly born
Hispano-American
Republics and for new Orders recently settled in
Spain. Thirdly,
De Lope mentioned his intellectual
work as a translator of religious books, which he then sent to New Norcia.
Regarding New Norcia,
De Lope passed Salvado some important news gathered after
Fr
Rueda –a
Montserrat member– made a visit to
his place in 1892:
[QUOTATION REMOVED]
The two letters written by
José Antonio De Oar help to understand the process of gathering postulants for
New Norcia in the Basque Country. On 1 January 1872, in a letter misplaced with
these years’, De Oar told Salvado that, after being informed that the
postulants waiting to join New Norcia had not been accepted, he had not told
them so, but that the date of departure was unknown, so they lost hope and changed
their minds, the result being that thirty young Biscayans left for the
Philippines, Peru, and other countries to join the Franciscans.
De Oar wrote again on
3 April 1891 asking for news about the postulants he had recruited in 1868 and 1869,
and requested Salvado to tell the brothers to write to their families so that
they would not keep asking
De Oar, because many of the brothers had not sent any news
in years. Then, De Oar requested Salvado to send him a donation: “For the
sending of those youngsters in year 1868 and 1869 both in the many trips I did
and for clothing them and giving them what they needed for the journey: To [Br
Basilio] Asla 600 Reales, to José [Br Adeodato] Zavala only in money 900
Reales, to Orve [Br Suizberto Orbe] 600; plus I gave
them lodging for many days and I spent about 2,000 Reales, (…) in making 25
mattresses for the 25 who went (…) I confess I received 50 Duros in 1881 for
[the payment of] the steamer [fare] for Cardiff; at that time I was a skilled
mason and I had money, and never thought that I would reach this age and that I
would be an
invalid as I am, so I spent without hesitation, only
on
that Mission, more than 8,000 Reales”.
Abbess
Albert wrote in 1895 from
San Daniel requesting Salvado’s
opinion about a series of miraculous events involving Br Leandro Tomás that she
did not want to believe without checking first with Salvado.
Br
Leandro had written to his niece
Carmen –a sister of the convent– telling her that he knew that Prioress
Francisca Geremen had died because her soul had visited him after her death.
Br
Leandro had told his brother –Br Esteban Tomás– what happened
and requested him not to say anything until they would receive the letter with
the news; however,
Br
Leandro wrote down the date of the apparition to check later
if she had died on the same day that she had visited him.
Br
Leandro told his niece that the Prioress was not going to
heaven because her soul was in a dark place, so he had tried to soften her
suffering by praying day and night for her. Fifteen days later, Br Leandro had
had a dream in which he was walking across a forest and the Prioress had called
him, he had turned his head and had seen her very happy, and then she
disappeared; Br Leandro understood that she was going to heaven and stopped
praying for her. Salvado answered by stating that these were only dreams and
that they should continue the prayers for the soul of the deceased. However,
Salvado did not confirm or deny if the date of the apparition and the date of
the death of the Prioress were the same…
4.1.5. Letters about Finances
Two main sets of letters
form this section. The first set is formed by the
letters sent from
José
Pino to Santos Salvado about the sale of some of his rural
properties and perpetual revenues, and the management of the house that the
Salvados had in Tuy. The second set is mostly devoted to the management of
Santos’ last will.
Nicolás
Salgado and
Bernardo
Alonso
Martínez were
Santos’ executors
and their letters to
Rosendo
Salvado gave an account of the money received and the
expenses generated by
Santos’ death,
burial, legal paperwork, payment of taxes, repairs to the house in Tuy,
certificates, etc. After the death of
Nicolás
Salgado on
18 May 1895,
Bernardo
Alonso became the depositary of New Norcia’s money and New
Norcia’s agent in
Spain.
Alonso’s periodical letters detailed the state of New
Norcia’s account with the mention of deposits and withdrawals, and commented on
different orders from Spanish manufacturers made through him. I include here
some letters acknowledging the receipt of some objects that
Santos had bequeathed them with (Bastos,
González
Sobrino, D. Pérez).
4.1.6. Miscellanea
The most noteworthy letters
in this miscellany are those related to the trial held in Ávila in 1894 against
Salvador Casella, an Italian impostor who had been travelling in Europe
collecting donations supposedly for the Mission; additional information can be
gathered about this case from some letters from Bérengier in Marseilles and
O’Haran in Sydney and the one written by the Secretary of the Queen Regent of
Spain (Duke of Tetuán) on 27 November 1896 acknowledging a letter from Salvado
proposing the appointment of Timothy Francis Quinlan as Honorary Consul or
Vice-Consul of Spain in Perth.
4.2. Letters from
Italy
Most of the Italian
correspondence arriving in these years came from lay people and not from clergy
as happened in the previous period. The writers were Salvado’s old friends –
The Regnolis, and the Benedictines from
San Paolo and La Cava.
4.2.1. Letters from the Regnoli’s
The Regnolis’
correspondence is a reflection of the veneration they felt towards Salvado, but
also of the spiritual and mundane problems that troubled them in the last years
of the 19th century. The main family events in this period were
Malvina’s heath problems –especially severe in 1893 and 1894–, the death of
Oreste
Regnoli in 1896, and the progressive weakening and death of
Pietro (Pierino) Regnoli on
31 March 1899.
Malvina’s long, chatty, and
sometime cheeky letters were an update of the state of her family and common
friends (especially the nuns of
Santa Caterina and
Santa Cecilia). Malvina’s letters portray her blind faith in the success of New
Norcia and Salvado in any enterprise against any trouble, and her obsession with
Death.
Emilia
Regnoli’s concision –her letters were just an addition to
what Malvina or Pietro had written– was compensated by
a deep affection for Salvado, whom she considered her second father, her
guardian angel, and the person who knew her best.
Emilia’s letters in these years show a progressive detachment from the
material world and the deepening of her religious feelings. A letter, misplaced
with this period’s correspondence, was written in the
1860s, while
Emilia was still a child, on the 2nd anniversary
of her First Communion.
Pietro
Regnoli’s short letters deal mostly with his family and the
latest news from
Italy and
Spain (the War of Cuba especially).
Child
Carolina Lupacchioli –Malvina’s
granddaughter– wrote a note
in 1895 requesting Salvado’s blessing and mentioning her wish to meet him
personally.
4.2.2. Letters from Clergy
Abbot
Zelli (1892) and his successor
Abbot
Oslaënder (1896) wrote from the monastery of
San Paolo in
Rome informing of the forwarding of a donation for New Norcia made by the Missionary
Society of St Ludwig in
Bavaria. Br Gianfrancesco Bracco’s letter dated 1892 is much more personal,
with memories of the stay of Salvado at San Paolo, the mementos Bracco kept,
and details about the community.
Abbot
Morcaldi from La Trinità di Cava dei
Tirreni commented in 1893 on the celebrations held
at the Abbey for the centenary of the consecration of their Basilica by Blessed
Urbano II, and about the inauguration of the new
College of
S. Anselmo in
Rome. Prior
De Stefano, in the same year, mentioned the flourishing of La Cava under
Morcaldi’s direction and gave details about each member of the community known
to Salvado. Br Gaetano Foressio delighted at remembering the time shared with
Salvado and talked at length about his book on the coins from the Salerno Mints
that he sent to New Norcia; Foressio, a monk of La Cava, had been forced to
leave the Abbey because of a decision of the Italian Revolutionary Government,
and
since then he had been in charge of the convent of S. Domenico Di
Dragonea (Vietri) and keeping a free evening school for the district peasants,
but he was trying to reincorporate into La Cava in 1894.
Prioress María Luigia
Santucci wrote on 25 January 1895 from the monastery of Santa Caterina in Rome
via the Regnolis greeting Salvado and requesting his practical advice about how
to direct the community in a period marked by their extreme poverty and the
lack of vocations; she also requested Salvado’s prayers for her guiding the
nuns well and setting an example.
Other ecclesiastical
people, not directly known to Salvado, also wrote in these years. Fr Bede Camm,
from the monastery of St
Thomas the Martyr at Erdington (England), wrote an interesting letter from the
College of
San Anselmo in 1895 about Venerable martyr
John
Roberts, whose biography he was writing. Camm’s request was related to a relic of the saint that had been sent from
England to the monastery of
San Martín in Santiago de Compostela
–the saint’s monastic house– after his martyrdom; Camm thought that Salvado,
being the last professed monk of
San Martín, would have the relic and
requested him to donate it to
St Thomas.
Abbess
María
Teresa
Laureti, from the convent of
S.
Agata in Spoleto (Italy), wrote in 1896 to ask for charity and described the
extreme poverty of the community.
4.2.3. Miscellanea
I include here a long
letter from Giusepppe Cupidi dated 1895 requesting Salvado to recommend him to
Salvado’s acquaintances in the Vatican to get some position at the Holy See,
and an extract of the Civiltà Cattolica’s book catalogue for sale in 1898.
4.3. Letters from the
UK
Although we have an
important number of letters from the
United Kingdom, the majority of them were business related. The
biggest set contains Manning & Co.’s accounts of New Norcia wool sold
in
London between years 1867 and 1890.
James
Z.
Meaglen wrote in 1893 to request Salvado’s support of his newly established
publishing house, which would print ecclesiastical works to help the diffusion
of Catholicism, by writing some lines in its favour.
E.
Shorthouse, a collector of Australian books, wrote in 1897
requesting Salvado to send him a copy of his Memoirs, and recalled
nostalgically some anecdotes and people met on the Northam during their
trip to
England in August 1864.
Only two letters
arrived from clergy. The Benedictine Fr Marius Férotin, wrote in 1897 about the
foundation of
St
Michael of Farnborough (Solesmes Congregation), described the
site, and offered hospitality to Salvado in his next visit
to
Europe. Fr José Domingo De Jesús Crucificado, Provincial of
the convent of Discalced Carmelites in
London, wrote in 1894 an introductory letter for
Charles
A.
O’Leary, a man who wanted to settle in
Western Australia and wished to have Salvado’s advice.
4.4. Letters from
France
A)
The majority of French correspondence is formed by
letters sent from
the Abbey of
Sainte Marie Magdeleine in
Marseilles
(current monastery of Ganagobie), especially from Fr Théophile
Bérengier. Bérengier continued with his work as New Norcia’s agent in
France, so his letters were mainly devoted to the management
of New Norcia’s account. In these years Bérengier was enthusiastic about New
Norcia’s new industry, sericulture, and hoped that it would became another
source of revenue for the
Mission, so he happily acted as a courier between
Rosendo
Salvado and Merchant Giry exchanging information on the
matter. Bérengier always mentioned how the community of La Magdeleine was
doing, and although the monastery was slowly re-flourishing, Bérengier never
lost his fear that the Government would force them to flee the monastery once
more. Bérengier commented on important visits paid to the monastery and wrote
about the Solesmes Congregation.
These years were the ones
of the progressive mental deterioration of Bérengier, a fact that explains the
decrease in number of his correspondence. A letter by Abbot Gauthey dated 24
March 1897 mentioned that Bérengier had lost his memory and easily confounded
dates and other things, so the Abbot was forced to keep a watch on his letters.
The two letters that
Fr Ch.
Rigault wrote on 1 August and
29 September 1897 also mentioned that Bérengier had aged in a short
time and seemed another person altogether, and he gave examples of
some of his mistakes.
The four letters that
arrived from the
Abbey of Cluny
are all related to the case of Fr Placide
Démoulin, a Benedictine from the Cluny Congregation who wanted to join New
Norcia, belonging to the Cassinese Congregation) in 1897. Prior Major Mayeul
Lamey –Superior of the Cluny Congregation– sent Démoulin his
testimonial letter and a letter with instructions on how to proceed before
receiving full authorisation to leave for New Norcia. Démoulin’s letter to
Salvado from the Monastery of Pont-Colbert (Versailles) only mentioned that he wanted to join New Norcia to
fulfil his apostolic vocation; however, letters from other people gave hints of
what was his real situation and why he wanted to leave
Cluny. Gauthey, in the above mentioned letter, commented on Démoulin’s case
and the trouble created within the Cluny Congregation by the modifications that
Prior Lamey had introduced in the Liturgy and in the habit. Further details can
be found in the letters sent from
Hildebrand
De Hemptinne (Abbot Primate of the Benedictine Order and Abbot of
Maredsous,
Belgium), with off-the-record comments about the restoration
of
Cluny.
B) Two
lay people wrote from
France in this period. The first one was
Hippolyte
Giry, a Marseilles Catholic merchant who helped Salvado,
out of goodwill, with two of the industries that New Norcia was trying to
develop – sericulture and wine making. The second lay person writing from
France was actually an English Catholic lady holidaying in that country, Fanny Langdale, who in 1896 requested Salvado’s advice regarding
whether to send her brother to Australia to work in agriculture, and if it
would be possible for him to work at New Norcia.
4.5. Letters from Other Countries
Beyond the countries
already mentioned, New Norcia received correspondence from the
United States,
Canada,
New Zealand,
Sri Lanka,
Belgium,
Ireland,
Portugal, The Vatican, and
Palestine, and from the ports of
Aden and
Suez.
The majority of the letters
that arrived from the USA were related to the request for help launched by the
Benedictines of Mt
Angel (Marion, Co. Oregon) after a fire destroyed most
of their monastic complex on 3 May 1892.
Fr William J. Keul, a
priest of the Diocese of St Paul in Minnesota (USA), wrote from
Canada on
1 January 1893 expressing his wish to join New Norcia; the testimonial letter written
by the Diocesan bishop
John
Ireland, dated
4 August 1892, mentioned the reasons why Keul was in
Canada.
Noteworthy is the letter
that William L. Downing from Charleston (South Carolina) addressed to Salvado
in June 1891 asking for information about his aunt, Mrs Nora Lee Dwyer, who had
immigrated into the USA and then to Australia and had not sent any news since
1863, after moving to Victoria.
Four of the five letters
from
Sri Lanka are related to a proposal of
export of New Norcia horses to that country, and the remaining one informed
about the sending of tea seeds to New Norcia. The five letters from
New Zealand dealt with a mix of subjects, while I have already
mentioned the letters that
arrived from
Belgium (from
Abbot
De Hemptinne).
Only two letters arrived
from
Ireland in these years: One from
Sister
Malone,
Superior of the
Mater
Infirmorum
Hospital in
Belfast, dated
16 May 1891, asking Salvado to collect money for this institution, and another from
ex-Reverend
John Pidcock dated
12 July 1892 telling Fr Bernardo Martínez about his noviciate as a Jesuit and his
studies of Theology.
I include here three
letters that Salvado wrote on board the Prinz
Regent Luitpold on his journey to Europe in 1899
in which he gave details about his trip from Albany to Naples, and single
letters on different subjects sent from Portugal (De Carvallos), from the
Institute Ratisbonne in Jerusalem, and a letter from Pius IX addressed to the
Marist Fathers in France.
New Norcia correspondence
for the 1890s provides the researcher with an astonishing volume of
documentation related to the Benedictine community, but also with an alluring
insight into
life in the Gold Rush period in
Western Australia. In the first place, it offers precious biographical
data from or about some individuals arriving, settling and/or leaving the
colony whose lives have left no traces (or have
left biased ones) in other
historical archives. Many of them are absent from our written historical memory
as if they had never existed, felt or worked, as if they had never contributed
to the construction of Western Australia. Salvado and Domínguez seemed to be
the kind of people easy to talk to and some people opened their hearts and told
them their stories in a natural and simple style, showing their joy,
resignation, distress or grief; Salvado also attracted the ire of some other
people who, eager to show their annoyance, left their self to be captured in an
almost-photographic portrait. On the other hand, New Norcia attracted proposals
of work, settlement, retirement, and postulancy both as monastic settlement and
agricultural station. Women and men, Irish, Filipinos, Malays, Chinese,
Chileans, Irish, English, French, Italians, Czechs, Spaniards, Aborigines,
ex-brothers and ex-fathers, literate and illiterate, low and middle class, mad
and sound, drunkards and many others left written testimonial of their
existence in New Norcia Archive.
The letters generated by
workers and semi-illiterate people, although small in number and providing
fragmented and isolated information, are a gem for genealogists and
lexicographers and for those interested in Rural History.
New Norcia’s documentation
offers invaluable resources for those interested in Religious History, but not
in the obvious way. There are, clearly, mountains of data regarding the life
and work of New Norcia community, but also a
considerable amount of
information about the work of ecclesiastical institutions (Diocesan
authorities, parish priests, Catholic Orders working in Western Australia) and
about the way in which Catholics related to their Church and Religion. If we
focus on the institutional part, I would like to highlight Gibney’s comments on
the involvement of the Catholic Church in colonial Politics, interesting
because they voice his passions and beliefs in a private way. More precious are
the voices of disagreement and critique that some parish priests showed towards
Gibney in their letters to Salvado. The off-the-record insight given by
Frs
Mateu, Chmelíček, Lecaille
and Bourke’s letters about Gibney’s rule cannot be ignored when re-writing some
episodes of the history of the Catholic Church in
Western Australia since they draw a different image of Gibney’s
approach to his diocesan problems. These voices might be the exception or might
not
be, but they are a testimonial of people who were agents of the Church
and not their rulers.
If we focus on the way in
which Catholics related to the Church and their Religion, letters like
Mortimer’s serve to endorse the importance that keeping one’s spirituality
alive had for Catholics living alone and/or in isolated parts of the State. On
the other hand, the many letters from people asking Salvado for help or
confiding to him their personal problems –beyond their value for Social
History– show that Church was also an integral part of the life or many working-
class people who saw Salvado and the Church as providers of charity and as
possibly able
to psychologically relieve their anguishes and daily
worries.
The steady flow
of postulancy proposals and “wandering priests” towards New Norcia
–especially relevant in the 1890s– has to be explained.
The questions of who they were and why they were willing to come are as
important for the history of New Norcia as for the history of spirituality and
Catholicism in Colonial Australia. They are important for New Norcia History
because they serve to draw the world map where New Norcia was known and to re-compose
the image of New Norcia prevailing in those areas: Was that knowledge a
reflection of New Norcia reality? Did the postulants
have specific preconceptions about what New Norcia Mission was? How had they
learnt about New Norcia? These documents are also important for the
history of spirituality in
Australia because they show the relation existing between
economic growth, migration and a monastic revival at the end of the 19th
century: Why were so many people interested in joining New Norcia just in these
years? What was the spiritual and religious background of those people? From
which areas were they coming? From which social backgrounds?
What was the personal situation of the applicants? Did they have anything in
common? Were they accepted? All of these questions, and many more, can be answered just by taking
a tiny step –
leaving
behind your preconceptions about New Norcia’s documentation.
Revisado - Updated:
05/08/2009