Historically Embarrassing
Thoughts on the polemical
value
of the much maligned traditions
Recently, I was somehow brought into an email debate between a Muslim
(MENJ) and a non-Muslim (Devon Hill), both regulars to the flame wars of
usenet newsgroups dedicated to Islam. The debate centered around the marriage
of Muhammad to six year old 'Aisha (Ayeshah). Devon Hill, as part of his
sophomoric attack on Islam, had the following to say about his counterpart
in the debate:
Menj,
to his credit unlike his lying Islamic brethren, is honest enough to admit
that the Hadiths plainly state that Muhammed consummated his marriage to
Aisha at the age of Nine!
Personally, I found this fascinating, and wanted to give the FTMecca's
stance on 'Aisha's marriage at such an early age. Indeed, as Mr. Hill has
pointed out, akhoona MENJ does not attempt to dispute the claim
that Muhammad married a six year old girl and then consummated the marriage
(i.e. engaged in sexual intercourse) when she was nine. However, what Mr.
Hill (and many other of our less informed brothers in kufr) has
failed to realize is that MENJ is working from within a very specific paradigm.
As has been stated previously by us, MENJ makes
a conscious effort to follow the line taken by the Muslims at the Islamic
Awareness site, such as the esteemed Dr. Muhammad M. Saifullaah.
For those who do not know, the Islamic Awareness team does not dispute
the story about Muhammad's marriage to young 'Aisha. In fact, in the article
The Young
Marriage of cAishah, the team (mainly
Robert Squires) goes out of its way to defend the historical reliability
of this tale! Due to the fact that the Islamic Awareness team openly accepts
this story, the team's supporters (including MENJ) accept it as well. The
Islamic Awareness team holds strongly to this stance mainly for the sake
of being consistent. They are champions of the belief that the so-called
"authentic traditions" of Bukhari and Muslim are, for the most part, historically
reliable. After taking such a position, it would seem odd to then turn
around and arbitrarily discard the stories that do not seem politically
correct. However, as Devon Hill well knows, other Muslims dispute this
claim [examples: (1)
(2)
(3)
(4)].
For those who are interested in precise examples of these traditions,
we have cited a few in our piece on Vulgar Ahadith.
At this point, the question of reliability has to come up. Had the Islamic
Awareness team denied the reliability of these stories, they would have
come off looking like hypocrites, or what Devon Hill referred to as "[Menj's]
lying Islamic brethren." If this is the case, can the same sort of demand
for the purging of duplicity be launched at the kuffaar? In other
words, what can we say about a critic of Islam who is unwilling to accept
the historical reliability of the ahaadeeth (traditions), save for
when they can be used in a polemic?
The stance at the FTMecca is that the ahaadeeth are not reliable.
These are oral traditions that reflect the sentiments, legends and hyperbole
of a religious community, not what "really" happened. Yes, the story about
Muhammad and his young wife do have a great amount of value in terms of
childish polemics. However, where do we draw the line between what is acceptable
and what is not? Do we suddenly pretend that these reports are reliable
simply because they can help us malign the character of the alleged founder
of Islam? In reality, all we can say is that the literature itself would
be illegal were it not part of a religious corpora.
Unflattering Equals True?
Amazingly, many take a stance that an unflattering remark must somehow
be a mark of historical reliability. They cannot imagine why the "biographers"
of this religious hero would include such a tale unless it were true. Such
a mode of thought is wholly fallacious. However, with that in mind, we
would like to look at some unflattering stories about the world's greatest
religious heroes. Mainly this will be a focus on Muhammad, but we would
like to begin with thoughts on a troublesome account from the life of Jesus.
Critics of the New Testament have, at times, pointed to the unflattering
depictions of Jesus and cited them as evidence of a historical fragment
within the layers of tradition. One story that comes up is the one where
Jesus displays some Kahanist tendencies when he calls the gentiles "dogs"
[kunariwn (kunarion) - as per Mark 7:27].
Actually, maybe Jesus was even more right-wing than the Kahanists, as at
least Meir Kahane spewed nonsense about the value of the "righteous gentile"
(i.e. non-Jews who would adhere to his racist ideology). Regardless, the
great scholar S.G.F. Brandon captured the level of hatred present in Jesus'
words quite well, thus we present his description of the story:
The
most illuminating evidence of [the early Jewish Christian's] attitude to
the Gentiles has been preserved in the story of Jesus and the Syro-Phoenician
woman. [...] Jesus is represented as refusing the petition of this Gentile
woman that he should heal her little daughter, giving as the reason for
this cruel decision: 'Let the children first be fed, for it is not right
to take the children's bread and throw it to the dogs.' Long familiarity
with this story, together with the traditional picture of the gentleness
of Jesus, tends to obscure the shocking intolerance of the saying. As the
words are uttered by Jesus, a Jew, the 'children' to whom he refers are
Jews, and their right to be 'fed' precedes all other needs and considerations.
But this brutal assertion of Jewish privilege is not enough: the Gentiles
are 'dogs' (kunaria),
two whom it is unfitting to cast (balein)
the children's food. Jesus is represented as relenting from this attitude
of extreme racial intolerance only when the Gentile woman, humbly accepting
for herself and her little daughter the designation of 'dogs', renews her
request for 'the crumbs' of the children's food fallen under the table.
That her request is finally granted does not reduce the contrast drawn
between Jew and Gentile.
[S.G.F. Brandon, Jesus and the Zealots, (Manchester, 1967),
pp. 171-172]
Now, Brandon does not attempt to cite this story as evidence of a historical
layer of the Jesus narrative, but others indeed have. We would like to
point out that a nearly identical story is found in the fifteenth chapter
of the gospel attributed to Matthew, only the nationality of the woman
is different. In Mark's account the woman is Greek, a Syrophoenician by
birth, while in Matthew's version she is a Canaanite. Some may argue that
the point is that Jesus didn't like the gentiles, and the fact that the
same basic narrative appears in two gospels hints at its historical accuracy.
Our response is that this does not prove that the event really happened.
We are not trying to defend the character of Jesus. In reality, this would
make for a wonderful polemic, as the sort of Jew that the Romans nailed
to the cross was precisely the kind of Jew who would walk around with disciples
who carried swords; the kind of Jew who would turn tables over at the temple;
the kind of Jew who would see non-Jews as "dogs;" the kind of Jew that
was running with the first century Jewish equivalent of Hamas: a
zealot.
Regardless, the fact that it appears in both Matthew and Mark does not
prove that it actually happened (as much as we would've liked it to have
happened). It only proves that the authors of these respective gospels
had access to roughly the same oral tradition that was floating around
among the religious communities. There is nothing that points to the historical
reliability of this oral tradition, in any of its variant forms. Thus,
those who doubt the historical reliability of the "salvation history" (heilgeschichte)
found in the gospels should not turn around and wonder about this odd tale.
Muhammad and Ibn Sayyaad
According to certain traditions, the early Muslims (or those of an apocalyptic
slant) thought the Dajjaal was actually a Jew
named Ibn Sayyaad or Ibn Saa'id (both sayyaad and saa'id
are from the same root: s-y-d). According to many of these traditions,
Ibn Sayyaad was a Jew making an apparently irrefutable claim to being the
apostle of God. As Newby puts it:
Early
Muslim sources tell of a young Jewish boy named Ibn Sayyad about whom prophetic
and messianic claims were made. Ibn Sayyad, who lived at the time of Muhammad,
claimed to be the Apostle of God. In one early tradition, Muhammad said
to him, "Do you bear witness that I am the Apostle of God?" Ibn Sayyad
replied, "Do you bear witness that I am the Apostle of God?" In some versions,
Muhammad does not reply and in others he gives a noncommittal answer. In
one variant, Ibn Sayyad admits that Muhammad is an Apostle of the Gentiles
[rasool al-ummiyyin], while in others his answers to Muhammad's
questions indicate that he possesses the right knowledge to substantiate
his claim to apostleship. Included in that knowledge is information gathered
from the practice of mystical contemplation in which Ibn Sayyad saw the
throne of God in the middle of water, surrounded by the hayyot,
the Living Creatures of the book of Ezekiel who are identified later as
the bearers of God's throne. Ibn Sayyad's vision was induced by wrapping
himself with a cloak and murmuring incantations in Hebrew, all of which
features David Halperin identifies with Jewish merkabah mysticism.
[...] [T]he mystic returned [after going into the trance state] as a messenger
from the heavenly realm. Looked at in this way, Ibn Sayyad's claim to be
an Apostle of God makes sense. From the Arabian Jewish perspective, Muhammad
fitted the pattern of the Jewish mystic. He wrapped himself in a mantle,
recited mantic prose, brought a message from the heavenly realms, and toured
heaven himself. Interestingly, Ibn Sayyad practiced his mystical exercises
in a palm grove where Muhammad spied on him. [...] Later Muslims transformed
Ibn Sayyad into the anti-Messiah, while interpreting Muhammad's role as
quasi-Messianic. These traditions still, however, preserve Muhammad and
Ibn Sayyad as reflexes of one another.
[Gordon Darnell Newby, A History of the Jews of Arabia, (University
of South Carolina, 1988) pp. 62-63]
While we are always very suspicious about the historicity of the ahaadeeth,
it must be conceded that respected scholars do consider the Ibn Sayyaad
traditions reliable (we don't). As David Halperin (mentioned above by Newby)
puts it:
It
is very hard to see how such an identification could have arisen in the
first place, unless we assume that Ibn Sayyad did exist and was infact
suspected during his lifetime of being Dajjal! It is therefore prima
facie likely that the traditions concerning Ibn Sayyad have an historical
basis.
[Halperin, "The Ibn Sayyad Traditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal,"
Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 96, 1976, p. 214]
Essentially, Halperin finds this story to be too good (or bad, or embarrassing)
to be false. He continues with this line of thought as follows:
The
most striking feature of the Muhammad-Ibn Sayyad material taken as whole,
is its inconvenience. Muhammad's behavior is awkward and equivocal;
Ibn Sayyad's prophetic claims are never refuted. When we consider as well
that no political or sectarian tendency can be identified in the units,
it becomes wholly inconceivable that they were fabricated by the Muslim
traditionists. They are best taken as fragmentary but authentic reports
of contacts between Muhammad and a Jewish rival at Medinah.
[ibid., p. 216]
This was a constant theme throughout Halperin's wonderful article. While
we would like to get into the validity of Halperin's stance, we must give
the highly entertaining palm-grove spying story mentioned by Newby. Halperin
refers to it as the "Palm-grove Unit" (i.e. traditions containing this
story) and translates it as follows:
The
Apostle of God and Ubayy b. Ka'b set out for the palm-grove in which was
Ibn Sayyad, until they entered the palm-grove. The Apostle of God began
to hide among the trunks of the palm-trees, deceiving (yakhtilu)
Ibn Sayyad, that he might hear something from Ibn Sayyad before he [Ibn
Sayyad] could see him. Ibn Sayyad was lying on his pallet, in a cloak of
his, in which [or "coming from which"] was a low, inarticulate sound. His
mother saw the Apostle of God hiding among the trunks of the palm-trees,
and said "O Saf - that was his name - this is Muhammad." Then he was roused.
The Apostle of God said "If only she had left him, he would have clarified."
[ibid., p. 219; Halperin got it from, among other places, Ibn Hanbal's
Musnad, Vol II, p. 149]
Halperin again uses his "too good/bad to be false" argument to imply that
this story is historical, writing:
Muhammad
is hiding among the palm-trees, trying (unsuccessfully) to eavesdrop. The
Prophet's undignified behavior was obviously an embarrassment to the transmitters
of the story, some of whom tried to tone it down or explain it away.
[Halperin, "Ibn Sayyad," JAOS, p. 215]
...and...
The
peculiar and embarrassing nature of this story itself argues for its authenticity;
for who would have invented it, and why?
[ibid., p. 219]
So, we have no presented the kuffaar with yet another bit of polemic
fodder if they are interested in using it. However, it is our belief that
Halperin's sentiments, while entertaining, are not sound. A possible syllogistic
reconstruction of his thought process would go as follows:
Premise 1: The biographers of Muhammad would not fabricate
unflattering accounts.
Premise 2: The Ibn Sayyaad traditions are unflattering.
Conclusion: The biographers of Muhammad did not fabricate the Ibn Sayyaad
traditions.
This is the only possible reconstruction I could form that was deductively
valid (I had many others in mind that were invalid). It should be noted
that whether we are talking about the actual biographers or their sources,
the first premise is rather unacceptable. First, it is naive to assume
that traditions can only come about by either reliable accounts or blatant
forgeries (this is the bifurcation implied by Halperin). Should we not
also take into account hyperbole, and the factor that has in a religious
community? Furthermore, it is somewhat problematic to hold ancient story
tellers to our standards of flattering and unflattering.
Final Thoughts
Regarding these sorts of arguments about the historicity of unflattering
traditions, it has to be strongly stated that the belief that this points
to historical accuracy is one that is wholly naive. By such illogic, all
the poor depictions of Hindu and Greek deities (sleeping with everyone,
killing, stealing, et cetera) should be considered evidence that
they really existed! Modern scholars seem to be ignorant of how much ancient
people enjoyed hearing about their hero's foibles (an ancient soap opera
of sorts).
One should never forget the amount of work the imagination plays in
the interpretation ancient "historians" apply to their documentary data.
Ancient historians were not journalists; they did not cover the past in
that fashion, and no appeal to the archaic isnaad-science will ever
change this fact. Many may find such sentiments offensive on the grounds
that it turns all of ancient history into a black box. Indeed, John Wansbrough,
in his Res Ipsa Loquitur: History and Mimesis, a 1986 (pub. 1987)
Einstein Memorial Lecture for the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities,
noted that we may never be able to truly know what "really" happened, and
further added that "to historians the factor of ambiguity is not especially
welcome." An appeal to emotion (i.e. expressing the desire to know what
happened) does not enable one to escape the clutches of this extremely
skeptical view.
Our only point is that if we are honest, and admit that the writers
of the primitive Christian and Islamic communities churned out wholly tendentious
pieces of historiography, then we must avoid setting double standards.
So, if there is no historical information on the life of Jesus (assuming
he existed at all), we cannot say for sure that he saw the gentiles as
dogs. If we do not trust the historical reliability of the ahadeeth,
we cannot put 100% faith in the reliability of those traditions that depict
Muhammad as loving young girls or being amazed by a Jewish rival.
However, with such a skeptical view before us, should we just throw out the ahaadeeth all together? It would seem that there are at least two separate realms of debate that can inform each other, but can still
be taken independently. One may argue that if we take the Islamic salvation
history as a given premise, Islam remains repugnant and contradictory.
One may also argue from history that the salvation history is not all that
it seems, and thus Islam is an accretion of legends and half-truths. Thus we have the double-edged sword of kufr. One can still have these polemics if they are accepting that the ahaadeeth are valid simply for the sake of argument. From this stance, even if you accept our premise that the ahadeeth are ahistorical, and reflect less Muhammad's life than the milleau of early Islam, the ahaadeeth are not totally off limits for polemic.
This works when you are discussing Muhammad the myth and Muhammad the exemplar. That mythic prophet's words can motivate people to taking less
than salubrious actions, or providing them rationalizations (e.g. killing
apostates). For those of you who take this stance, it could be less a question of if Muhammad really did marry Aisha at 6, than the question of the consequences of Muslims believing that the exemplar of humanity did such.
So, despite our deeply skeptical stance, you can still have your cake and eat it too. However, the point of this article was that if one's only argument against Islam was from the wacky and bizarre happenings
in the ahaadeeth, and it's only to repeat ad naseum the bad things that Muhammad is purported to have done, it is fair to say that such an approach is
pretty unsosphisticated (though not totally un-called for, in the sense
that what "Islam" a la Dr. Saifullah asks a person to believe and accept
as holiness might be repugnant in one's view). However, you should make it clear that what you are doing is op-eding with a reactionary slant on who the Muslims claim Muhammad is, and what he has done. Otherwise, to both reject the ahaadeeth and accept them (when it suits your argument) is to commit a fallacy.
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