University of Venda Discourses on Difference and Oppression

INTRODUCTION

The history of farm workers in the Northern Province, is a history written in sweat, tears and blood. Farm workers nationwide constitute a key component in the production of food for the nation and its people. The struggle of farm workers is often parochial because of the remoteness of their location, lack of national structures, dominance of paternalistic ideology and because it is often out of the public eye. The category of farm workers is a complex theoretical issue in the sense that it can include peasants or those whose relation to the land has been terminated as a result of expropriation and now depend on wages for their labour- power. The former can be attached to the land as independent small farmers who have to meet other obligations such as the paying of taxes to the state or producing for the market to have access to certain commodities but do not employ labourers who receive wages per se. Generally, the majority of these small farmers depend on family labour or organise matsema (work parties). The following 4 illustrations are reported incidences and expose the isolated and brutal farming communities to the literate public that depends on newspapers as a source of information. Secondly, as Marks has suggested that through the illustrations, 'something of the differentiated meaning of the complex South African social order can be seen, a tapestry in which race, gender, and class are densely interwoven'.

1 A white farmer shot and killed a 12- year-old black boy [Klaas Mashishi] at a plot in Naboomspruit in Northern Province. According to Johannes Kekana (12), Klaas's friend, they were playing on Saturday afternoon when the 59- year-old farmer's grandson asked to join them. The second illustration stated that,

2 A 41- year old father of three was beaten up this week by a white farmer who objected to the fact that his cart was being pulled by a white and a black donkey Farm worker Thomas Lebepe was punched and kicked by the farmer, who shouted: 'Why do you have a white donkey and a kaffir one at the same time?'.

The third category reported thus,

3 Police are investigating an apparent case of collusion between a top policeman and a cattle farmer in the cover-up of the death of a farm labourer in Northern Province two years ago. It is alleged that the cover-up was done to prevent the white farmer from going to jail for allegedly killing the black man. Farm worker Elias Malepane was run over by a car driven by the farmer in January 1995 near Draaihoek in Alldays@.

4 A serious problem has developed in the platteland. Brutal attacks against the farming community have reached such alarming proportions that, even though farmers are creating security structures to ensure their own safety and that of their labourers, the number of farmers in certain districts on the Highveld has decreased substantially over the past four years@.

Farmers and farm workers are tied together by a dialectical relationship which means the survival of the two. It is always difficult to deal with the one or ignore the other. Even if the major objective of this work is to look at the history of farm workers in the Northern province there will be times when it will be imperative to talk about both. The aim of the paper is to analyse some of the recent incidences in a post-apartheid society and compare that to past practices in the farming communities. This will attempt to locate continuities and discontinuities. Dealing with the recent past pose a big problem for such a study as some of the cases dealt with are still under investigations by the police or courts and therefore means that only tentative conclusions will be arrived at. The paper will also look at cases where farm workers were able to win certain victories as product of the changed political situation in South Africa.

Geographically the Northern province refers to the formerly Northern Transvaal. On the Northern side the Beitbridge/ limpopo river remain the boundary with Zimbabwe. On the North West shares a boundary with Botswana. Towards the South the boundary is Pienars river near Pretoria. On the Eastern side the province includes parts of the old Eastern Transvaal.
 
   The farming communities of the Northern province face enormous structural and political pressures. The major challenges facing farmers is the vulnerability of the farming community itself as it could be struck by natural factors such as drought, hail storms, locusts , debts or political pressures such as the unionisation of the labour force or boycotts. Bradford made the observation that, Asocial as well as natural tribulations afflicted farmers situated as they were in a peripheral country where the uneven development of capitalism heavily weighted the terms of exchange against them@. These natural factors could within a very short period of time force farmers into serious financial crisis in which some could even abandon their trade. To a certain extent the Apoor@ white problem emerged as a result of proletarianisation and the tight competition that took place during this process. But for some farmers who were able to receive assistance from financial institutions could survive such calamities though deeply indebted to these institutions. The farming community was also affected by the, Atwin trends of African proletarianization and white capitalization. The proletarianisation of the Africans was a long process put in motion by the Dutch (Afrikaans speaking), German missionaries and English land speculators and farmers. That process was further accelerated by the colonial state through its various laws such as the creation of reserves, taxation, migrant labour system, master and servant act and the 1913 and 1936 Land Acts.

The location of the Northern province in the regional political economy of Southern Africa means that most farmers are able to tap into 'cheap' African labour from the neighbouring states of Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Even in the earlier decades this practice was followed. Murray has noted that, 'While the larger highveld farmers coveted the 'tropical natives' of Rhodesia, Transvaal lowveld farmers looked longingly at Portuguese East Africa'. Most farmers in the far Northern province still rely upon the services of African immigrants who often cross borders illegally in their struggle to survive their domestic socio-economic situations. They often have to be brave in crossing crocodile infested rivers, electric fences, hunger and wild animals such as lions in the Kruger National Park if they take that direction. These immigrants are often exploited by most farmers in the province as they are regarded as 'cheap' and can be treated according to the wishes of the farmers. In 1996 a group of six youths were assaulted badly around Vivo, near Louis Trichardt. They were assaulted by a group of 5 white farmers. Albert Ngwenya (17) from Masvingo, Zimbabwe said that, Atwo of the farmers grabbed him, one by the head and the other by the legs, and swung him several times in the air and threw him from the moving bakkie'.

This also raises an important aspect about child labour on South African farms. Most of the assaulted youth with the exception of Lucas Ndou could be classified as not suitable for the backbreaking farm work. Lucas Ndou (21), Freddy Chipu (17), Vhengani Chauke (16), Meshack Mapapa (18), Thomas Maphosa (16), Albert Ngwenya (17). Most of them are of a school going age and therefore under normal circumstances should be at school preparing for their future. From the above evidence, this can be regarded as a microcosm of the larger farming community whereby the utilisation of child labour is common. A complex dynamic emerges when the family itself is not in a position to send the children to school because of poverty and the children are often recruited to work on farms and by so doing help to make ends meet. For many household tenants who were born and bred on some farms, it became automatic for the farm owner or landlord to claim the labour of the wife / wives and children.

In some farms schooling facilities are provided for the children of farm workers. This is meant to give some form of elementary education with the hope that their education will improve productivity on the farms unlike Araw natives@ who damage implements on the farms . Farmers are very keen that those with education should remain on the farms as part of an educated sector. The exposure which the school going youth receive often lead to develop aspirations which encourage them to see life beyond farm life and this often lead to conflict between heads of households and landowners when his children desert the farm.

Children of farm workers and those of farmers often break away from the barriers imposed by their parents and society as a whole by playing together. In this regard, Van Onselen has argued that,@ This inter-racial play, which could occur in the home of the white master, but was more frequently to be found in and around the huts of the black tenants, not only involved a considerable amount of peer-group bonding but also allowed for the development of a good deal of bilingualism@.

The first illustration has relevance to this to idea of 'inter-racial play'. Johannes Kekana, (12) a friend of Klaas Mashishi who was shot said that, 'the 59-year -old farmer's grandson asked to join them [when they were playing]'. The white boy who was of the same age as the two, 'fell as they were playing , sustaining minor bruises in the process'. This led to the white boy reporting the incident to his grandfather. 'Oubaas came to us armed with a rifle and a sjambok. He called us to him', said Johannes. As the panic-stricken two black boys walked to the farmer, Klaas was shot with a rifle at a close range. Klaas Mashisi was a grade 2 pupil at Dikubu Primary School, near Mokgopong township, Northern Province. A journalist captured the mood of the situation when he reported that,

Schooling was brought to a virtual standstill this week in Mokgopong township near Naboomspruit, Northern Province, when thousands of people- including politicians- marched on the Magistrate's Court where a 52-year -old white farmer appeared for the murder of 12- year-old Klaas Mashishi. This follows a decision by the tripartite alliance (Sanco, ANC,SACP) at the emotion-charged funeral of young Mashishi two weeks ago that was attended by thousands including Northern Province Premier Ngoako Ramatlhodi.

The murder of Klaas Mashishi was condemned by a number of individuals and organisations. Amongst the others were Lawyers for Human Rights, Justice minister, Dullar Omar, ANC, SACP, Northern Province Premier who said that, 'there are still some rotten potatoes among farmers such as the ones who would kill a 12-year-old innocent boy'. The court gave Mr Van Royen bail of R1000.00 . Many people felt that the court was very soft by giving Frederick van Royen a bail of R1000, 00. Bradford made the point that, 'thus in an economy in which black labour- power came cheap, black bodies were the site on which farmers exercised their bloodstained power'.

The question of dealing with living and working conditions for most farm workers is to challenge what Van Onselen refers to as the, 'structured inequality'. Black workers are associated with the menial backbreaking jobs on most farms which are White owned. Nefale argues that,'farm workers are almost the forgotten workers of South Africa'. Wages are confidential and private affairs but what has been reported in the papers shows that wages of farm workers throughout the Northern Province are extremely low. The wages offered vary according to age, gender and experience. Novele and others, 'worked for R15 a day'. Some youths were given, AR6 a week@. Another youth, Albert Ngwenya received, AR110 a month'. Many adults on most farms in the Northern Province earn an average of R300, 00 per month. Those who are said to be earning higher wages would range from R400, 00 to R700,00 per month and this would be determined by the financial status of a particular estate. Nefale makes the point that workers usually get Abenefits@, Asuch as food rations and housing but sometimes their wages [are] supplemented by vegetables like tomatoes, cabbages, bananas and oranges when they are ripe'. It appears that with the lack of democratic structures on most farms, individuals end up confronting their Abaasboys@ to take their concerns to the farmer. The demand for wage increases is often not addressed by the 'baasboy' who would report particular individuals to the farmer. This often lead to confrontation between the farmer and certain labourers. Sometimes the confrontation would centre around farm workers=s right to exist on the land such as an eviction threat. The following report is relevant for our concern here;

Kimberley mining provided a lasting mechanism of social and political control not only to South Africa's townships but to the farming communities by the introduction of the compound system. Farm workers are accommodated in compounds or barracks while farm owners live in better constructed buildings/ homestead. Keegan notes that the `total institutions' as the mining compounds were relied upon for the control of labour. Though the compounds contributed a great deal to worker control, other factors need to be taken into account seriously especially with the collapse of the influx control measures, pass laws and labour bureau offices. The construction and reproduction of the ideology of paternalism on farms is an important aspect to consider. Many farmers have a view that the farmer is the 'father' and the labourers are his 'children' whose needs are known. This leads to a situation in which the farmer acts in his own way because he knows the needs of his children. The 'father' also believes that the child can not work without any supervision. This results in the father appointing a baasboy who is the eyes and ears of the farmer. According to Van Onselen, the practice is calculated to , Acreate or perpetuate the child-like status of the African male regardless of his age or changing socio- economic status. This represents a choice by the landlord or farmer over who can act as a go between him and the labourers than the collective decision of the workers by electing their own representative. The term baasboy exhibits the inherent ambiguity associated with this particular position in the technical division of labour. The term also suggests a higher rank in relation to the other labourers but the 'baasboy' remains a 'boy' in the eyes of the master.

For many farmers in the Northern Province, the provision of houses appear not to be the priority. The fact that most farms are in the vicinity of some villages means that farmers can afford daily transportation of their labour-force. A fundamental feature of capitalist operation is to maximise production and reduce cost. These daily travels means that in some ways, costs are reduced but the labourers are always reaping the bitter harvest of travelling in open trucks in winter and summer. In a different context it was noted that, 'during frosty highveld winters, some workers were clad only in thin cotton blankets and loin cloths; others had no clothes because these had been confiscated to prevent desertion. The cold took the ill, the weak caught pneumonia, and the old died while employers claimed they were shamming and that a `shumbuck' would send them back to work'. This state of affairs expose farm workers to a number of diseases. On the one hand, farmers face the twin dilemma of cost and politicisation. Farmers would wish that their labourer stay on the farms as the level of political influence is less compared to staying in the villages or townships.

The linguistic aspects of farm life also reveal the power relations between a farmer and labourers. Farm workers are indoctrinated to recognise and publicly acknowledge the status quo by accepting these categories such as 'oubaas', 'baas', 'oom', 'kleinbaas' , etc and accept an underclass position. These categories also reveal the patriarchal nature of an Afrikaner society, the 'oubaas', 'baas', 'kleinbaas', 'oom'.

Lekota reflecting on his childhood memories remembers that,

Also indelible in my mind are incidents of battered workers being brought by wailing

relatives to the clinic. The story most invariably being that the Farm worker was either

attacked by his baas or the son (kleinbaas), for whatever trivial reason.

These power relations further manifested themselves in a different way. To cut a long story short, Ido=s father owned an air rifle. One day when a farmer brought a sick labourer to the clinic, saw Ido carrying that rifle on his shoulder but nothing was said during the day. At night when they were fast asleep, they were visited by a group of rude white policemen who violently demanded entry into the house. Every one was ordered to stand against the wall while they ransacked the wardrobe and under the bed. After sometime a police asked, 'waar is die f......geweer? (Where is the f....gun?)' AI do not have a rifle in the house, morena (baas), A answered my father.

'Do not talk nonsense, the other baas said you had a gun'.

What is clear from the above evidence is that the language spoken is that of command. The use of baas, kleinbaas continuously comes through the conversation. The farmer or his son maybe younger than the labourer but because of 'structured inequality' they must be addressed as baas. Morena (baas) as used in the Pedi version implies huge respect which is often used to refer to respectable seniors. For example, a kgosi (chief) could be addressed as morena to symbolise rank. With the coming of missionaries, a missionary would prefer addressed as morena to be on the same rank as the chief.

Apart from the power relations between the farmers and labourers, there is also a thread of racism in the farmer's reference to the labourers. The word 'kaffir' is part of the vocabulary used by some racist farmers. In their usage, there is a distinction amongst the Africans according to their 'civilisation' as there is a, 'white kaffir or Boerkaffir'. This refers to a 'kaffir of good character'. This category would be different from a 'kaffir' which is an `uncivilised, uneducated, ill-mannered, rough person'. For many who have swelled the ranks of the unemployed when they go to some farmers asking for work, they are told from time to time that, 'gaan se vir Mandela om julle werk te gee', ('Go and ask Mandela for work'. Others have been told, Hey, this is not a kaffir land. Die is nie Mandela se land nie. Dis nie jou land nie. You don't belong here'.

In the past I would not have laid a charge against a white farmer.

The advent of democracy in South Africa is making some impact on some farms even though it is at a snail's pace. Though the power and brute force of farmers continue writing farm workers's history in blood, there is a relative success stories waged by farm workers against their masters. The story of Mbulaheni (Kill me ) Maswazi, a labor tenant on a Waterpoort farm in the Northern Province raises a number of interesting issues.

Mbulaheni Maswazi was born on September 1 1946 from a tenant parentage. His childhood memories were shaped and influenced by life on the farm. His schooling was terminated in grade 2 when the farm school closed its doors and never returned to school again. With nine children to feed on a monthly wage of R300, 00 survival hinged on hand to mouth existence. The farm on which he was born changed hands to four white farmers. The first three farmers came and left him on the farm as it was his 'home'. The last farmer, Mr Robert Hilary experienced some problems after his takeover. Maswazi bought a goat which then multiplied until he had 14. The goats appear to have been a burden on the farm until April 12 [when] the farmer shot and killed Maswazi's goats. After the killing of his goats, he was given an eviction order to leave the farm and this state of affairs brought intensified conflict between the two. In his point of desperation, Maswazi pointed out that,
 

But I could not understand why he was evicting me from the farm. All my life I have been staying on that farm. I could not go anywhere. It is not that I was defying him but I had no place to go. He threatened to shoot me if I stayed on the farm.

The decision of the court gave Maswazi a victorious feeling and was on a higher moral ground against injustice. He refused to be intimidated, was not evicted according to the wishes of the landowner and returned to work on the same farm. This is one of the few cases in the history of farm workers whereby a tenant was willing to take a white farmer, his boss to court against wrong doing. Though the outcome of the case was meant to be an example to other brutal farmers, rights of farm workers continue to be trampled upon by a number of farmers who have been strongly influenced by the master-servant relations of the past.

South Africa has been and continues to be a violent society. The colonial state with its ruthless wars of dispossession, the resistance movements of Makana, Sekhukhune, Makhado, Bambatha and the post- Second World War military anti-colonial struggle have all left an indelible scar on South African society and its people. The violence which most white farmers have been inflicting on black labourers has now been turned against them. Before the 1994 elections, slogans such as , Akill the boer, kill the farmer@ flourished within mass popular struggles to overthrow racist tyranny. People who coined the above slogan have distanced themselves from the contemporary killings of farmers. A report by the South African Agricultural Union revealed that earlier this year (1998), Athat 2 730 attacks were carried out on farms between 1992 and 1997". The report further stated that, A 464 farmers had been murdered between 1994 and February 1998. The number of farmers murdered [has] since risen to more than 500. Provinces that have strong agricultural sector seem to have been highly affected by the killings. A provincial breakdown of the killings puts the Free State in the forefront, Eastern Cape, Northern Province, North-West, Mpumalanga. A number of factors have been highlighted as the causes of these farm killings. Some have suggested that, evicted / dismissed farm workers work with crime syndicates to carry out these attacks. The second explanation given is that disillusioned former Mk and APLA soldiers who still have access to guns are the ones responsible and the third explanation given it that government=s land reform programme is very slow and many communities show their anger on farmers who are occupying Atheir@ lands. These views have been rejected by the Northern Province safety and security minister, Advocate, Seth Nthai that attacks on farmers in the province were not politically motivated. In the light of the above point of views, crime is given the first priority in explaining the causes of these killings. The gangs who carry out the killings are said to be well organised. When they have done their job they often leave with properties of their victims such as cars, necklace, rings, but in other cases no theft is made but to kill.

In the Northern Province, two self defence units have come into operation, with their own dynamics, a commando which admits mainly white recruits and Mapogo a Mathamaga business and community shield open to all the Apropertied'. The history of the commando system can not be adequately dealt with here but few ideas can be shared. Nasson describes commando as, 'Boer army' while Delius and Trapido refer to it as ,'Boer militia'. What is clear from the above views is that commandos are military formations within Boer society. The military formation has deep roots in 18th and 19th century South African history and became utilised extensively during Boer struggles to establish independent Republics in their relations to African chiefdoms. After the establishment of the Boer settlement of Ohrigstad in 1845 and Schoemansdal in 1848, trade and hunting were key pillars of Boer economy. These activities involved some form of coercion and violence in their relations with African people. A missionary reported that, 'For missionaries seeking to establish themselves among African societies Boer commandos and hunting parties created turmoil among the people they were working with and added to their difficulties and insecurities'. Contemporary association with a commando suggests a 'right' wing orientation. At a Free State Agricultural Union's conference, Dr Piet Gous ,'suggested that farmers should come up with a trained 'third force' to curb farm murders, and their protection'. A third force is associated with faceless murderers who would kill people under the guise of self-defence. South Africa=s recent history is littered with third force activities which dominated most of the Truth and Reconciliation sessions. But in such a situation of insecurity and killings, the state needs to give its citizens protection and not the third force that some farmers are talking about. In the Northern Province a commando does exist for the protection of farmers.

Mapogo a Mathamaga Business and Community shield emerged as a result of the inefficiencies of the legal system. As South Africa emerged from a revolution, many structures in society were terribly affected by such changes. The police system with its crisis of legitimacy was also affected. The 'haves' started experiencing theft from their far flung rural localities and it appears that they were not satisfied with the services from the police until they decided to confront issues themselves. This led to the formation of Mapogo a Mathamaga Business Shield in the Sekhukhune area and membership increased rapidly to include many parts of the Northern Province. They later incorporated, 'community' in their formation to be known as Mapogo a Mathamaga Business and Community Shield. The power of the 'sjambok' in many of Mapogo a Thamaga Business and Community Shield is a well known fact. It appears from some of the happenings that a form of 'class struggle' is taking place even if it is not in a classical sense of workers facing the bourgeoisie. The relatively privileged Black middle class is also experiencing the socio-economic pressures many ordinary people face hence the problems they face.

CONCLUSION

The history of farm workers in the Northern Province can not be dealt with without considering their relationship with the farmers. They are bound by an unbreakable bond which leads to the survival of both especially at the time when thousands have been proletarianised. Many farm workers in the Province still experience harsh treatment despite the fact that the country has experienced political independence. The Northern Province can be likened to the American South in terms of the dominance of farming and the brutality of the landowners. Giliomere describes a frontier as Aan area where colonisation is taking place' and the Province shows these features with whites attempting to impose their power and authority on farm workers. The violence experienced by many farm workers in the form of assault, sjamboking, shootings and evictions, show a society that treat its workforce in the most brutal and barbaric way. When farmers are able to excercise their power on children is an indication that the society has ceased to be a haven for children. The brutal murder of Klaas Mashishi by Mr Frederick van Rooyen and the wounding of Radzilani Musekwa by gun wielding white farmers means that they will continue to be a threat to our society. A gun and a sjambok have become associated with Afrikaner patriarchs in their wielding of power in society. Farm workers remain on the margins of society in terms of their living and working conditions. Labourers are accommodated in prison like houses and their wages remain very low. The decline of the South African rand and the inflation rate mean that farm workers will continue to be the wretched of the earth subordinated to their landowners.

Despite the brute force inflicted on many farm workers, few labourers are able to take their employers to court for the injustices levelled against them. This is a break with past practices but workers are utilising the opportunities brought about by the new political situation. The case of Mbulaheni Maswazi, a labour tenant who won a court case against his landowner is an indication that farm workers also need the protection of the law. The uneven development of capitalism in South African society, will always show the inhuman practices by those who wield power. Marks and Rathbone have argued that, 'capital did not invent racism, but it has certainly been able to live with it, more or less comfortably'.

 . Sowetan February 16, 1998.
 . Ibid.
 . Ibid.
 . City Press March 8, 1998. The Sowetan reporter mentioned a 59-year-old white farmer whose name is not known but City Press, mentioned a 52-year-old farmer Frederick van Rooyen.
 .Sowetan February 18,1998.
 . Helen Bradford, Lynch Law and Labourers: The ICU in Umvoti, 1927-1928, pp420-449, in et al William Beinart Putting a Plough to the Ground: Accumulation and Dispossession in Rural South Africa 1850-1930 (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1986), p433.
 . Charles Van Onselen, Paternalism and Violence on the Maize Farms of the South-Western Transvaal, 1900-1950,pp192-213, in (eds) Alan H. Jeeves and Jonathan Crush,White Farms, Black Labor : The State and Agrarian Change in Southern Africa, 1910-1950, p202.
 . Mukondeleli Michael Nefale, The Condition of  Farm Workers in Levubu, Northern Province, 1980-1997, BA(Hons), University of Venda, 1998, p25.
 .Sunday Times May 3 1998.
 .Sowetan February 16 1998.
 .Sowetan October 2 1996.
 . Mukondeleli Michael Nefale, The Condition of Farm Workers in Levubu, Northern Province, BA (Hons), University of Venda, 1998, p26.
 . Sowetan April 29, 1998. The newspaper report emanated from Mr July Malepane telling the journalist about the circumstances surrounding his father?s death.
 . Sowetan October 9, 1998.
 . Martin Murray, Factories in the Fields: Capitalist Farming in the Bethal District, c1910-1950, pp75-93, in (eds) Alan H. Jeeves and Jonathan Crush, White Farms, Black Labor: The State and Agrarian change in Southern Africa, 1910-1950, p92.
 . Timothy J Keegan, Rural Transformation in Industrializing South Africa : The Southern Highveld to 1914, (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1986), p159.
 . Martin Murray, Factories in the Fields: Capitalist Farming in the Bethal District, c1910-1950, pp75-93, in (eds) Alan H. Jeeves and Jonathan Crush, White Farms, Black Labor, p91.
 . Charles Van Onselen, Paternalism and Violence on the South- Western Transvaal, 1900-1950, pp192-213, in (eds) Alan H.Jeeves and Jonathan Crush, White Farms, Black Labor, p198.
 . Ibid, p91.

 . Helen Bradford, Getting away with murder: `Meali kings?, the state and foreigners in the Eastern Transvaal, c.1918-1950, pp96-125, in Et al Philip BonnerApartheid ?s Genesis 1935-1962 (Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1993) , p102.
 . Sowetan October 6, 1998. Ido Lekota?s mother used to be a nurse based at Ga-Chuene on the South-East of Pietersburg.
 . Sowetan October 6, 1998.
 . Graham Leach, The Afrikaners: Their last Great Trek (Macmillan London Limited, Johannesburg, 1989), p271.
 . Ibid, p271.
 . Ibid, p271.
 . Farmer?s Weekly September 18, 1998.
 . Sunday Times May 3 1998.
 . Sowetan April 30 1997.
 . Ibid.
 . Mail and Guardian August 21 to 27 1998.
 . Ibid.
 .Sowetan April 21 1998. See also Mirror April 24, 1998.
 .Bill Nasson Abraham?s Esau?s War (David Philip, Cape Town, 1991), p239.
 . Peter Delius and Stanley Trapido, Inboekselings and Oorlams: The creation of and Transformation of a servile class, Journal of Southern African Studies , Volume 8. Number 2 April 1982, pp214-242, p219.
 .Ibid, p220.
 . Farmer?s Weekly September 18, 1998, p35.
 . Hermann Giliomee, The Eastern Frontier, 1771-1812, pp421-471, in (eds) Richard Elphick and Hermann Giliomee, The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840 (Maskew Miller Longman, Cape Town, 1989), p426.
 . Shula Marks and Richard Rathbone, Introduction, in Shula Marks and Richard Rathbone (ed) Industrialisation and Social change in South Africa African class formation, culture and Consciousness 1870-1930, (Longman, England, 1982), p6.