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Chapter 8.2: The lost
Document "L": Chronology and
Context
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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Against everyone who denies the
existence of a historical King Arthur - and, till
I undertook this investigation in earnest, that
included me; the more so for the experience of
reading John Morris - is cast Chesterton's
wonderful poetic curse:
O learned man who
never learned to learn
Save to deduce, by
timid steps and small,
From towering smoke
that fire can never burn
And from tall tales
that men were never tall;
Say, have you thought
what manner of man it is
Of whom men say, He
could strike giants down?
Or what strong
memories, over time's abyss
Bore up the pomp of
Camelot and the crown?
And why one banner all
the background fills
Beyond the pageants of
so many spears,
And by what witchery
in the western hills
A throne stands empty
for a thousand years?
- Who hold, unheeding
of this immense impact,
Immortal story for a
mortal sin,
Lest human fable touch
historic fact
Chase myths like
moths, and fight them with a pin.
Take comfort, rest;
there needs not this ado;
You shall not be a
myth, I promise you.
As with everything that Chesterton
wrote, here is a bewildering mixture of keen and
astonishingly penetrating intelligence and of
ill-judged, unwise, indeed dangerous populism.
The statement of what Dumville called the
"no-smoke-without-fire theory" is as
bald as it gets, and there are any amount of
reasons for historians to treat it with anything
from nervousness to irritation; but once all the
allowances have been made, and all the ruinous
effects of the no-smoke-without-fire theory on
every historical writer from Geoffrey to Morris
pointed out, there still remains one basic fact,
which all my research has done nothing but throw
into starker and starker relief: that one name,
and one name alone, emerges from all the lost
history between 470 and 540, between Ambrosius
and Gildas: and that name is Arthur.
They certainly havent waited
for me to make this observation; and it would not
be important at all, if we had gone on believing
that no credible record of the period ever
existed. But now that we have reason so to
believe - that an abundance of lost sources has
been teased out of Gildas, Nennius and Geoffrey,
some of which show good reason to be seen as
contemporary - the persistence of the name
Arthur, of the galaxy of surrounding figures -
Cei, Bedwyr, Gwalchmai, Gwennhwyvar, Uther
Pendragon, and so on - and of no unrelated
figures, is a significant fact. Also, there is a
considerable amount of overlapping. L is still
known to Nennius, but the only thing he places
where L should be is a list of Arthur's twelve
battles. Two centuries earlier, in the time of
Cadwallon of Gwynedd, the inventor of the
genealogical fiction of the "House of
Constantine" sees Constantine (I)II,
Ambrosius, and Arthur, as the peaks of post-Roman
British history; in other words, N's author
regarded Arthur and his father Uther as
historical figures on the same grounds as
Constantine and Ambrosius.
Dating from Cadwallons time,
N is contemporary, perhaps some decades earlier,
than the first composition of the Gododdin[1], with its one mention of
the hero; it antedates by more than fifty years
the insertion of Arthurs names in a
praise-poem for Geraint of Dumnonia (died 711),
where he already appears as an "Emperor,
ruler of our labour". What is much more, N
is barely 100 literate years after Arthurs
own supposed lifetime. If a seventh-century Welsh
savant knew of the historical Constantine,
Constans and Ambrosius, then he might a
fortiori know of a still later Arthur! And
a further allusion to Arthur in an
early poem
would be almost as significant
as that in the Gododdin if only its
textual authority were more securely established.
An elegy for Cynddylan, a seventh-century prince
of Powys, has survived only in copies from the
seventeenth century and later, but it is composed
in a language, idiom and metre closely resembling
that of the Gododdin, while its text has
orthographical features which suggest that it was
copied from a manuscript as old as the thirteenth
century Book of Aneirin [the chief Gododdin
manuscript]. One of its lines describes
Cynddylan and his brothers as canawon Artur
fras dinas dengin, whelps of stout
Arthur, a strong fortress. Personally, I am
not as cautious as the authors of this passage:
if waddles like a duck and it quacks like a duck,
then by Heaven it is a duck.
Again, Nora K.Chadwick, Rachel
Bromwich and John Morris quite a diverse
crowd! - agree that, as Morris puts it, "The
name of Arthur was given to the sons of Aidan of
Dal Riata and his son Conang; Peter of Demetia;
Pabo of the Pennines; by Coscrach of Leinster;
and by Bicoir the Briton, probably of the
Clyde... all these children were born and named
in the mid or late 6th century; no other child is
known to have been named Arthur for 500 years,
until after the diffusion of the...
romances...". This relies on documents
of various dates, some of which may have used the
name Arthur - as the Fenian cycle indubitably did - as a typical British
name, and therefore be under the influence of
unrecorded but clearly burgeoning British legend.
Nevertheless, it is a fact that the Arthur who
was a son of Aidan was recorded by Adomnan in the
early seven hundreds, in an account generally
taken to be founded in history. There may,
perhaps, be smoke without fire; but there
certainly is an awful lot of smoke.
Let us therefore look at the
possibility that L may have had a historical
Arthur as its protagonist, and that it may be
found in Geoffrey's account of Arthur, as N2
turns up in his account of Ambrosius. We
can begin with Nennius; who, writing over a
century after Adomnan and the Geraint
poet, only presents Arthur - apart from a couple
of allusions, in his final chapters, to the marks
left by the hero on the very landscape of the
country - in a list of twelve battles, all fought
against the Saxons and fought, so far as anyone
can make out (the place-names are very obscure)
in Britain only. We have seen that
Nennius purpose is to collect, in a
coherent chronological framework, obscure
historical notices (written and in Latin) from
outside what I have called the Welsh historical
collection. Now it is quite clear that
Nennius knew a good deal more about Arthur than
he said; it obviously follows that - as with the
Nennian allusions to L, to Gildas, to Bede, to
the Discordia Guitolini et Ambrosii -
Arthur featured prominently somewhere in the
Welsh historical collection.
Now Geoffrey's account of
Arthurs youthful deeds covers some of the
same ground as Nennius' battle-list, but some of
the battles are omitted or left unnamed
Geoffrey seems to mention only nine - and we
notice that the hyperbolic number of fallen at
Arthur's hands at Badon is different in the two
writers - 960 in Nennius, but only 470 in
Geoffrey. In other words, neither the list
of Nennius twelve battles nor the
description of its climax at Badon Hill can be
directly connected with Geoffreys account.
Geoffrey did not copy the sequence from Nennius;
he had an independent source obviously
from the Welsh historical collection
and I think it is a fair inference, given
that Nennius purpose was to collect obscure
references, that he produced his chapter 56 just
because the data it featured were different from
the standard account. To say, therefore,
that it is the standard account that turns up in
Geoffreys account of Arthurs early
days, is perhaps too long a leap, but not an
implausible one.
The differences do not stop there.
Geoffrey also agrees with Gildas, and disagrees
with Nennius, that Mount Badon was not actually
the last battle in the cycle of wars. Gildas
called it almost the last, and hardly the
least, of the furciferi's defeats, while
Geoffrey follows it up with clashes in Scotland,
after which come twelve years of peace. Gildas
clearly means that Badon was not quite the last
battle against the Saxons; in Geoffrey, on the
other hand, it is exactly that, and those that
follow are against Picts and Scots. Except
for the barbarian component of Mordred's
faithless army, Geoffrey's Arthur never has to
fight a Saxon again. This may reflect
another historical tradition, speaking of some
extra fighting after Badon, misunderstood by
Geoffrey - or at some point before him - to mean
fighting against other barbarians. There is no trace
of it in Nennius 56, where Badon is the twelfth,
last and greatest; but then, scholars believe the
sequence of twelve battles to be formulaic, and
the chapter itself to be a Latin translation of a
Welsh praise poem like Taliesin's praise of
Gwallawg, which also mentions exactly twelve
battles.
This leads to the interesting
consideration that this praise poem stops,
according to Geoffrey, at the first stage of
Arthur's career. Geoffrey ascribes all the
battles named by Nennius exclusively to Arthur's
youth, within a broader chronology, crisply set
out, and shared, to the best of my knowledge, by
none of the romances. There are three
periods of war, each for substantially different
objectives, and each divided by a stated number
of years of peace. Only the first of these
periods has any similarity with the Nennian
battle list, and in it, as in Nennius, Arthur is
concerned only with Britain, which he clears of
her traditional enemies, Picts and Saxons. He
does indulge in a few foreign ventures, which
however do not go much beyond the natural limits
of Britain: he conquers Ireland, and peacefully
receives the submission of the rulers of the
nearest isles. There then are
twelve years of peace. Then he sets out to
conquer Norway and Gaul; the campaign climaxes in
an epic duel with the heroic Roman Frollo,
described as a giant, who falls at Arthur's
hands. This takes nine years; there then
are five years of peace, until one Lucius,
emissary of an Emperor Leo, claims tribute from
the British and reparation for the invasion of
Roman Gaul. Arthur reacts as we might
expect, and a great battle takes place in Gaul,
in which the British triumph; but just as Arthur
is about to enter the by now defenceless Empire
and take it for himself, the news of
Mordreds treachery reaches him - he goes
back to Britain, and the battle of Camlann takes
place. No duration is given for these final
wars.
These peculiar time-reckonings do
not feel like legend. I doubt that anyone
could find any symbolic or structural
significance in the sequence of an indefinite
period of war, twelve years of peace, nine more
years of war, five of peace, and another
indefinite period of war ending at Camlann.
It seems more like a contribution, from
previously known data, to the calculation of King
Arthur's time according to the chronological
concerns of mediaeval historians. Nor is
this the fabulously aged King Arthur of the
romances, riding to his last battle at the age of
98: crowned at 15, beginning his anti-Saxon
campaign some time later, he would, at a guess,
be in his mid-twenties by the time of his great
triumph at Mount Badon, and in his early fifties
when he began his last cycle of wars; hardly very
old, even by the standards of his time.
The Annales Kambriae,
written probably some time in the tenth century
(and therefore a good 200 years earlier than
Geoffrey) might be expected to form one of his
sources, but in fact he owes no more to them than
to Nennius. While the Annales date
Arthur and Medrauts death at Camlann at
537, Geoffrey firmly dates it at 542 the
only date in his book to be stated explicitly
rather than implied by synchronisms. On the
other hand, his date and theirs for Badon Hill
may coincide, but only if one reckons an
incredibly (and I mean that literally) short time
for the final term of war in Geoffreys
account. If we date Badon Hill,
"almost the last of the furciferi's
defeats, and certainly not the least", to
the Annales date of 516, then the
last cycle of wars, in which Arthur conquers the
Roman emperor and then falls at Camlann, begins
in 516+12+9+5= 542; but it is absolutely
impossible that the colossal cycle of wars which
is the climax of Geoffreys whole work, with
Arthur defeating the Romans, going back to
Britain and fighting three battles with Mordred,
could have taken less than a year.
Now, we have seen that
Gildas masterpiece may be dated by its
clear allusion to the Byzantine-Persian ten-year
peace of 561; and that he dates the siege of
Badon Hill at forty-four years and one month
before, that is at 516/17. This agrees
exactly with the Annales date; but it
agrees with Geoffreys only if we attribute
no duration at all to Arthurs final wars.
And we have to. The strength
of the agreement between Gildas and the Annales
two documents with no connection, in one
of which the date can only be reckoned by
techniques of interpretation which the author of
the Annales cannot possibly have had
is such that Geoffreys dating scheme
can only be accepted if it agrees with them;
everything that fits with dating Badon Hill at
516/517 must be considered right; everything that
does not must be wrong.
A number of interesting
corollaries follow. First: granting the
synchronism, the fact that the Annales and
Geoffrey share a date for Badon Hill but not for
Camlann must mean that they had an ultimate
common source for the former, but not for the
latter. Second, there is an overwhelming
presumption that this common source is L. Third,
that the fact that the Annales place
Camlann where Geoffrey places the end of
Arthurs Gallic wars and the beginning of
his last five years of peace must mean something.
Fourth, that Geoffrey describes this last dated
period as five years of peace means in effect
that he has nothing to say about them; that is,
that he knew that Arthur lived for five years
after 537, but that he could not attribute any
deeds to him after that. Fifth, if the
discrepancy between Annales and Geoffrey
means that the date 516 but not that of Camlann
came from a common source, then Geoffrey and the
author of the Annales both had at least
two separate sources, of which the first but not
the second were common, and of which the first
(that is, on the hypothesis, L) contained an
account of Badon Hill but no account of
Arthurs decline and fall.
I take Geoffreys date very
seriously indeed. There is special
authority in the fact that it is the only
explicit date in the whole Historia regum
Britanniae Geoffrey loves to invent
synchronisms, but never supplies definite dates;
no, not even for the coming of the Saxons. And
the fact that it actually conflicts with his own
account, in the sense of allowing him no space
for his great final cycle of glory and doom, must
mean that he had it independently of that story
itself. (The fact, incidentally, that he
kept the duration of his Arthurs last wars
vague, and that he did not actually date Badon
Hill at all, might suggest that he was perfectly
aware of the problem, and that he deliberately
slipped around it.) The Annales
date, on the other hand, tells us that their
author knew that Arthur and Medrawt had died in
battle at a place called Camlann, but did not
know exactly when; he decided to date it at the
last year in which he knew Arthur to have been
active.
We have therefore reason to
believe that the source for the date of Badon
Hill that is, L had no information
on the decline and fall of Arthur. And when
we look at what Gildas and Zosimus tell us of L,
explicitly or implicitly, everything supports
this view. Gildas sees L as the antithesis
of his own book, that is, not as the account of a
collapsing society ridden with rebellious,
cowardly murderers, and riding headlong towards
ruin, but of a triumphant world of patriotic
heroes. And if, in his moral world, Divine
wrath was the suitable and expected reward of the
moral horrors of his time, so, by the same token,
success must deservedly have followed the
great dangers of most valiant heroes in grim
war; in the opposition he draws between a
past of disciplined heroes and a present of
backstabbing traitors, there is no space for a
decline-and-fall account. As for Zosimus,
the British history he sketches is one of
triumphant success, in which the Celticizing
nativist party which expels the Roman
magistrates goes on to defeat the
barbarians settled over the Rhine not
only in Britain, but also in Armorica (that is,
not only Brittany but also the Loire valley from
the great bend to the sea) and sundry unspecified
other provinces; not only is there no hint of any
decline-and-fall, but the whole context clearly
excludes it, since the whole literary work he
received must clearly have been celebratory
rather than mournful in nature.
The items of information in
Geoffreys account tend, it seems clear, to
fall into certain groups which belong together
and contradict others. The 542 date must belong
together with the five final years of peace,
since neither appears in the Annales: they
are peculiar to Geoffrey. (Let us call this group
2.) The whole account of Arthurs last wars
against the Romans and Mordred is a separate
group of items of information (let us call it
group 3) which, as a whole, contradicts group 2.
Therefore they are from a separate source.
Geoffrey, therefore, had at least three sources:
L with its account of Arthurs wars and
triumphs, the item about five years of peace
before Camlann, which sounds annalistic but
features a definite date unknown to the author of
the Annales Kambriae; and the elaborate
narrative about Arthurs final wars. It was
the insertion of this third group which made
trouble whether he knew it or not
for his chronology, by making it impossible to
date Badon Hill at its correct date of 516/7.
This, indeed, may well be why Geoffrey was so
careful to avoid definite Anno Domini
dates.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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