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Chapter 6.8: The cult
of St.Gurthiern
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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A completely separate legend of
Vortigern - or rather, two widely divergent
legends, bizarrely joined into one document -
come from Brittany. The patron saint of the
Breton abbey of Quimperlé (department
Finistere) is called St.Gurthiern; obviously the
same name as Vortigern. The Cartulary or
collection of official records of the abbey opens
with an extraordinarily short and unimpressive Life
of the saint, made up of a genealogy, a legend,
and an originally separate note which claims to
be about the finding of his relics in the island
of Groix (not far from Quimperlé , but in the
department of Morbihan) but is actually mostly
concerned with the miracles he is supposed, while
alive, to have performed for the kings of
Cornouaille and Bro-Erech, the two states between
which lay the territories of the abbey.
The so-called Life is
preceded by a genealogy of the saint, son of
Bonus son of Glou son of Abros son of Dos son of
Iago son of Idwal son of Beli son of Eudaf hen
son of Maximianus son of Constantius son of
Constantine son of Helen, who found the Holy
Cross; and on his mother's side, he
was son of Dinoi daughter of Lidinin the
king (gwledig?) who held the principatum
(high kingship?) over all Great Britain.
Furthermore, Beli had an illustrious brother: Beli
and Kenan were two brothers, sons of Eudaf hen.
That Kenan held the principatum
when the British advanced to Rome. There
they held Laeticia [certainly a misreading of
Letavia, Llydaw, Brittany] and reliq-[missing
letters]. And then a chronological
enormity: Beli son of Anna, whom they say was
the cousin of Mary, mother of Christ - even
though this Beli is meant to come four
generations after Constantine son of Helena!
This is probably originally a gloss incorporated
in the text; but it does show that someone, in
the face of all likelihood, understood this Beli
to be that Beli, the mythological son of
Manogan.
The first two entries in the
father's-side genealogy remove all doubt that
this might not be "our" Vortigern. It is however
clear that most of the genealogy has collapsed:
he is made the son of what is, in the Nennian
pedigree, his great-uncle, Bonus son of Gloyw.
The patriarch of the family, Gloyw, and the
easiest to remember of all his sons - Bonus,
Good Man - have survived the collapse; but at
some point in the transmission, nearly all the
ancestors of Vitalinus/Vortigern have been
forgotten, and the very name Vitalinus lost.
This is a translation of the
narrative parts:
When Gurthiern was young, he
went out on a certain day with his father to
fight his enemies. Gurthiern and his father
were victors on that day, and Gurthiern killed
his sister's son[2]. He did not
know that he was his friend, and after he
realized that it was his sister's son[3], he repented
committing that sin, and wept.
And after that he went out in
the desert and dwelled in a great valley between
two mountains[4] in the northern part
of Britain, and there performed penance for one
full year, and nobody lived with him. And
there he made himself a tiny cell, and living
water was near the cell, and a great stone was by
the shore of the river. And each day he
plunged[5] his body in that same
river[6], and when he rose
from the river, he [would] lie on the stone and
pray. So he used to do in that place for
one year.
But on a certain day, a certain
hunter came to him, and seeing the young man
sitting and praying without intermission, he
questioned him and said: "Why do you live
here, son?" and the young man answered:
"What I have deserved did this to me".
And he swore to him that he would tell nobody
that he was in that place.
And then the hunter travelled
to the house of his father and told everyone what
he had seen, reporting that that young man
sitting and praying on the stone was like the son
of the king. At which, the king: "Let
us proceed to that to place, to see that man
striving as you said". And then they
proceeded to that place where the young man
lived, and saw him striving by the shore, and he
fled into his cell, and he wept. And his
father questioned him saying: "O my son, why
do you do this work here? You must come to
me to my home, and receive the kingdom of your
father". And he loudly refused. And
the father said: "I will make you a
monastery and a multitude of monks". And
he stayed there for one year, and he prayed.
And his father said: "I will make you a
monastery and a multitude of monks". And
he stayed there for one year, and he prayed.
And an angel of the Lord came
to him and said: "Proceed to that place
which the will of God foresaw for you."
And he went out to the road with two servants.
And they heard the voice of a certain woman, and
proceeded to her, and questioned her[7]: "What happened
to you, woman?" {She} said: "O
servant of God[8], I had one son, and
he was killed in battle". [And] he:
"Why do you carry his head?": she:
"Because I could not carry his body to his
monument [grave?]". And he said to
her: "Proceed before us to that body".
And he proceeded with her, and they saw how
matters stood. And Gurthiern said:
"Give me his head, and I will join that to
his body." Having then made a prayer,
the man of God blessed him, and right away he
rose again. And he reproached them:
"Why did you take me away from the good
place where I was?"; and he: "It is
better for you to remain with you and with your
mother." And he: "I do not want
to." To which the holy man:
"Remain nevertheless, and tell everyone the
good which you saw, and I will pray with you that
you may find again that place in which you were
before".
And after that they went to the
shore of the river called Tamar, and stayed there
for a long time.
And the angel of the Lord came
to them and said: "Look to the sea, and you
will see a vessel [container] in which you will
enter". They, sailing, steered it to a
certain island, and were in it for a time. Then
the angel came to them and said: "Go to the
other place of promise, which is called Anaraut[9]".
Moreover the angel of the Lord
commanded[10] that in whatever
region of Little Britain were all the fields of
Saint Gurthiern, it should serve Anaraut, for the
town is chosen by God; and the angel, too,
promised victory in war to all kings who
preserved the pact of Saint Gurthiern. Whatever,
moreover, kings and princes or dukes would not
preserve it, they will be cursed by the Lord.
So do you all [imperative] desire
salvation from all the clergy and laity, bishops
and kings, priests and all orders who keep the
pact of Saint Gurthiern, that they may be in the
unity of the Holy Trinity, as you have received
salvation from us. Thus may you receive the
command [recommendation] of the angel, so that
[both] we and you find mercy from God. So
be well.
This obvious and surprisingly
elaborate conclusion is followed by what is just
as obviously the start of another document:
About the discovery of the
relics of Saint Gurthiern and of other Saints, in
the time of Abbot Benoit and of Gwygon son of
Huelin of Castle Henpoint, in the island of
Groix, [the relics being] revealed by the monk
Oedri.
These are the relics of
Gurthiern, who was king of the English; who,
although he held the sovereignty of his
fatherland [country], preferred more the
contemplative life than the active. And
acting accordingly, he abandoned his fatherland
[country] and came to a tiny little land in the
island they call Groix. Staying in it, he
performed many miracles, and there the noblest
men of Chemenet Heboeu gave him honour. From
there [or: therefore] his fame flew all the way
to Gradlon the Great, "Consul" [king]
of Cornouaille, who sent him his representative
[telling him] to come to him. And the same
"Consul" gave him Anaurot, where [the
rivers] Helea and Illa meet, and a thousand paces
of land in the circuit of this town, and also the
village of Beia.
In that time, as Count Guerech[11] reigned, plague and
famine arose in Bro-Guerech; in fact, worms
devoured the fields. For this reason the
aforementioned count sent his messengers to Saint
Gurthiern, that is Gwyddgaul and Cathwoth and
Cador, that he should help the country. And
so the man of God came, and blessed water and
sent [it] throughout that country, and it put to
flight an immense multitude of worms. Because
of this, Count Guerech gave him the village of
Veneac over the river Blavet, which later was
called Chevenac. Moreover the man of God
remained there to the day of his death.
Now whoever has read Geoffrey or
Gerald of Wales knows that the Welsh and Bretons
of the time knew perfectly well that they were
related, and that the English were the hereditary
enemies of "the British nation"; which
is why we are startled to read, in the second
section of the so-called Life, that Saint
Gurthiern was "king of the English", Rex
Anglorum - a title perfectly intelligible to
any contemporary and clearly opposite to the
interests of any British royal bloodline. One
has the impression of seeing, in a single
surviving title, all the agonizing issues facing
the usurper of the legends, who called in the
barbarians because he had no other support, and
ended up becoming their puppet ruler - Rex
Anglorum in a peculiarly humiliating and
disgraceful manner. No wonder that he is
said to have preferred the contemplative life!
In other words, I hardly think the title
attributed to him is casual: it is a ghostly
survival of a much more elaborate view of his
position. At any rate, the mere presence in
his pedigree of Bonus, Gloyw and Ambrosius shows
that at this stage in the evolution of the legend
- or rather legends - the data about "Saint
Vortigern" were almost, but not quite,
forgotten.
Not quite forgotten. We must
therefore ask ourselves how this curious offshoot
relates to the great sheaf of Vortigern legends,
which, roughly bound together and giving
preference now to one aspect, now to another,
dominate the legendary history of the British
dark ages. And the answer is that both of
them, though so widely divergent that it is a
wonder that the monks of Quimperlé ever managed
to see them as a unit, can be related to some of
the less famous Nennian items. Nennius, but
not Geoffrey, has Vortigern (a) wandering off in
search of a place to settle after he has left the
seat of his royalty because of a terrible sin he
has committed, till he finds Gwynessi in the
northern part of Britain, and (b) paying for
his terrible sin (in one of his three versions of
the death) by wandering off alone, deserted by
family and friends, till he died of heartbreak.
The similarity between this and the life of a
hermit atoning for sin is obvious. Even the
fact that he had killed his sister's son - who,
however we imagine the ages of "young"
Gurthiern and his father, must have been quite
young - may have something to do with the nature
of his (legendary) sin, which, quite apart from
the summoning of the Saxons, was to try to have a
boy killed. The first part of the Life
is dominated by a terrible sense of grief and
sin.
The Latin prose of this earliest
part of the text is very similar to that of the Annales
Romanorum, though less intense; commonsense
therefore suggests that it must belong to the
same period, that is, to be probably older than
Nennius himself. (The same kind of Latin
can be found in the Book of Llandaff,
repetitions and all.) It was however
written in Brittany, and by the time it was
written down, the legend had already rooted
itself in the country, so that the Saint himself
could be said to have come over from his
God-given site "on the Tamar" and died
in Quimperlé. Conversely, the Nennian
elements to which it relates do not show any
direct knowledge of a cult of Vortigern; they are
obscure and have the air of a half-forgotten
notice picked up somewhere. The main
tradition seems to have had Vortigern die in the
flames of his fortress, at the hands either of
Ambrosius or of the God of Germanus - but always
going down in a catastrophic conflagration.
However, one of the Nennian
versions hints at a further mystery: Alii
dixerunt: terra aperta est et deglutivit eum in
nocte in qua combusta est arx circa eum, quia non
inventae sunt ullae reliquiae illorum qui
combusti sunt cum eo in arce. "Another
source says that the earth opened and swallowed
him in the night in which the fortress was burned
around him, for no human remains whatever were
found of those who were burned with him in the
fortress." This obviously means that
at least one traditional death-place of Vortigern
was known, and that he was reputed to have been
burned to death there; but as no burnt human
remains were visible, he was then understood to
have been swallowed by the earth. The style
is, again, an attenuated echo of the Annales
Romanorum, Dark-Age Welsh Latin, repetitious
style, combusta est arx... qui combusti sunt
in arce..., indicating, again, a similar
date.
However, this hints at a wholly
different idea. Missing bodies in ruined
buildings are a favourite feature of a very
well-known kind of political legend which often
follows on the death in battle, or by violence,
of a major king or leader. Quite as soon as
the news come, rumours begin to circulate that he
is not really dead - he is in hiding somewhere -
he is going to come back. The political
waves this makes tend to solidify into what is,
or swiftly becomes, a popular rather than
upper-class movement. Pretenders appear;
sometimes they gather quite a few followers;
inevitably, they tend to lose, because the ruling
classes - even those which had, in the past,
collaborated with the defeated Leader - are not
happy with uncontrolled popular emotion. Dukes
who liked Henry Tudor no better than poison would
still rather see him on the throne, with the
promise of stability, than Perkin Warbeck and his
armies of Cornish peasants. It is not
necessary that the Lost Leader should have been
loved or respected; sometimes the rumour of his
survival and possible return is more in the
nature of a self-indulged terror than of a hope.
Rumours about Nero, for whom nobody would raise a
sword, started circulating within hours of his
suicide; Edward II, the most despised king in the
history of England, was supposedly discovered in
an Italian monastery; even Hitler had the honour
of repeated rumours - eventually merging into the
oceanic wave of post-World War Two thriller
fiction, The boys from Brazil and the
like.
A Christian variant, which has
been known to occur when the long-expected
reappearance did not take place, is that the
Leader has become a religious or a hermit,
spending his days in repentance. This was,
of course, particularly appropriate for a sinner
king like Edward (though nobody, to my knowledge,
has yet applied the story to Hitler), but it was
told, before him, of the less sinful but no less
unfortunate Harold, who had the honour of a
haunting and magnificent retelling of his legend
from Kipling. In general,
people's minds resist, consciously or
unconsciously, the sudden removal from reality of
someone who has dominated for a long time their
mental landscape, as king, leader, or even
terrible menace. Sudden death, in
particular, is not easily accepted. Therefore,
the rise of a cult of a penitent and heremitical
Vortigern does not necessarily mean that he was
popular in his life; though it tends to argue
that he fell suddenly and unexpectedly, and that
he had been king for long.
Psychologically, this is related
to what I observed in the first chapter of this
book, about the mental significance of the charge
of pride, hurled at Vortigern as at so many
fallen kings and tyrants. It is an aspect
of the mental adjustment that must be made when
political realities suddenly and radically shift;
except that, while the legend of the Proud Fallen
King - what you might call the Ozymandias account
- does embody an acceptance of the finality of
defeat, the legend of the Hidden Leader
represents a failed adjustment, an unwillingness
to absorb the reality of the end. It is
possible to see a certain regularity in these
reactions: the Ozymandias account may tend to
prevail among the powerful classes - political,
religious and intellectual leadership; the legend
of the Hidden Leader tends to appear among the
populace. This probably has to do with the
fact that the societal leadership, having to be
in constant contact with the realities of power,
has no escape from the reality of events,
whatever construction they choose to put on them;
while the populace may tend to be ill-informed
and naive about political power and what
conditions it. Apart from anything else,
the realities of political power may dictate
that, even if a Hidden Leader were found and
partisans gathered, he would really be an
irrelevance, unable to reconstruct the base of
past power in a completely changed political
landscape; which any social leadership is better
placed to understand than the common citizen.
On occasion, political and intellectual
leaderships have been carried along by a legend
of Lost Leaders; but, in general, they tend to be
more of a popular concern.
When I say popular,
however, I do not mean that it would tend to
involve all or most of the populace; only that
such movements would tend to arise in popular
layers, even where they remain a minority concern
even among them. In our day, Italy sees a
stubbornly enduring strain of Fascist nostalgia
whose chief though not sole breeding grounds are
the very-petty-bourgeoisie and proletariat of
Rome, Naples and a few other areas. The
majority among these social classes is in fact
not in any sense in sympathy with Fascism or
nostalgia, but it is a well-known fact that it is
among them that the evil tends to breed; and the
reason for this is one of exclusion - that they
have no access to the wider sense of life that
means that, among the better educated and more
politically-aware classes, even those who would
be temperamentally in sympathy with Fascism can
see the utter futility of resurrecting the
ancient charade of parades, black shirts,
jodhpurs and fez hats. (This has been
recognized even by the Fascist political
leadership; as they recently got closer and
closer to a place in government, and were
involved in more and more local administrations,
they have carefully shed all the folkloric
blackshirted aspects, even to the extent of
suffering a right-wing split.) There is a
certain leaven of upper-class membership in
Fascist parties and circles, but it amounts
mostly to immature and spoiled younger sons
wanting to work off their twin senses of
superiority and exclusion; as they grow older,
they tend to grow out of it. Nostalgia and
legends of the Lost Leader tend to flourish
better among those groups which are excluded,
socially or otherwise, from the intellectual and
social main currents.
There can be no doubt that the
legend of an exiled, repentant and ascetic
Vortigern was never widespread. The signs
are that it must have lingered long, however,
losing contact with historical reality, before it
blossomed into an organized monastic community
and a cult. By the time the community
legend was first written down, the name Vortigern
was universally accepted; not only does the cult
not show any knowledge of the name Vitalinus, it
actually forgets the dynastic names Gwydawl and
Gwythelyn, Vitalis and Vitalinus. It also
admits (what the dynasty would rather die than
accept) the seniority of Ambrosius' royal title
as compared to Vortigern's. The pedigree of
Gurthiern carries its own ideological messages,
beginning with the primacy of the Roman imperial
title, from which all legitimate royal power
flows. Oddly enough, Eudav is made the son
of Maximianus for the same reason why he is his
father-in-law in The dream of Maxen Gwledig:
because Maximianus/Maxen is the overlord of
Britain. In the Gurthiern pedigree, the
inferiority of "Outham" as compared
with Maximianus is signalled by his being his
son; in the Welsh legend, by Maxen demanding his
daughter, conquering his country, and making him
its king by imperious fiat. By the
same token, the fact that Beli comes after
Maximianus and Outham corresponds to the fact
that he is the class representative - deity, if
you will - of the tyranni/teyrnedd, the
under-kings of Britain, and therefore inferior to
Eudav and Maxen; in The dream of Maxen Gwledig,
the same notion is expressed by Maxen driving
Beli out of Britain to install Eudav in his
place. The concept, that is, is prior to
Welsh legend and Breton pedigree, each of which
expresses it differently. (A related
deduction is that the royalty of Conan Meriadoc,
legendary founder of Brittany, was inferior in
degree to that of Eudav, king of Britain, and
equivalent to the teyrn-like royalty of
Beli, whose brother he is according to the
pedigree.)
After Beli, consciously or
unconsciously, the pedigree shifts its meaning.
Until Beli - the lowest rank of king - it had
been concerned with levels of royal dignity:
Roman empire (Helena, Constantine, Constantius,
Maximianus), all-British monarchy (Outham/Eudav),
kinglet level and Breton lordships (the brothers
Beli and Kenan). After Beli, there is the
meaningless interpolation of Iago and Idwal,
dragged in from a North British pedigree - and
then only two groups: Ambrosius with his father, and Gurthiern with his
father and grandfather. This obviously
refers to level of seniority, or worth, within
the historical background of the saint himself,
rather than at the general level of world (Roman)
and British society; and in that background, what
the pedigree tells us is that Ambrosius son of
Dos is senior to the family of Gloiu, Bonus and
Gurthiern.
The presence of Ambrosius as
grandfather of Gurthiern means that the royalty
of Gurthiern derives from that of Ambrosius.
Beyond Ambrosius, the shreds of genealogies show
that someone was keen to relate Gurthiern (1) to
Beli, the universal ancestor of British kings;
(2), to Conan Meriadoc, founder of Brittany, who
is made the brother of Beli instead of, as in The
dream of Maxen Gwledig, Adaon; (3), to his father
Eudav/Outham, by the grace of the Roman Empire
king of all Britain; and (4), to the legendary
Roman emperors, Maximianus and Constantine, and
through them to the very revered Saint Helena and
a glimpse of heavenly realities in the Cross. The point of this
is that Gurthiern is of the highest British royal
blood, come from emperors and kings of Britain.
This dates the origin of the community to a
period in which the sovereignty of Ambrosius
(that is, his descendants) was not only
established, but affirmed to a point where no
alternative is imaginable; the community does not
even conceive that their own saint might have a
claim to the royal crown of Britain equal to that
of "Abros son of Dos"; and it naturally
sees his royalty as derived from that of the
greater name. The popular
memory that had seized on the idea of the
concealed, penitent Vortigern had moved very far
from historical fact.
In fact, both the first and the
second section of the Life completely lack
a dynastic viewpoint. Saint Gurthiern has
Vortigernid ancestors; what he does not have -
what does not turn up anywhere, even by
implication or suggestion, in the two sections of
the Life, or in the genealogy - is
Vortigernid descendants, which are vital to
understand every other Vortigern legend. This
is the first Vortigern legend we met which is
completely detached from Vortigernid dynastic
concerns.
It would be natural for the
Vortigernids - at least the branch of the family
that made its peace with Ambrosius and allowed
him to grant them land - to find this sort of
thing horribly unwelcome. However much they
cherished their imperial past, their own dynastic
legends acknowledged the legitimacy and power of
the Ambrosiads; it would not do to have a cult
that represented their ancestor as a sort of
martyr. Nor would they appreciate, either,
a movement that seized control of that important
resource, the name of their ancestor, giving it
connotations that they could not control. There
may have been branches that took a less quiet
attitude to their status and did more to favour
the cult of St.Vortigern; but, on the whole, I
doubt that it ever had a strong dynastic
connotation. We know that, by the eighth
century, the surviving Vortigernid line had
adopted Saint Germanus as their patron. The
story itself tells us with great clarity that
Gurthiern refused twice his father's offer to
build him "a monastery with a multitude of
monks"; this signals that "the
Saint" - that is, his community - was
consciously separated from the saint's blood-line
and from any politico-religious power that might
stem from it. What was taken to Armorica
from Great Britain was the cult of a great
penitent and ascetic, whose penance and ascetic
merit become the focus of a monastic community;
there is only the vaguest idea - in the second
part, no idea at all - of what might have made
him a penitent and an ascetic. The
religious merit, and the formation of a religious
community, are the decisive feature; this, not
the formation of a dynasty, is what the legend
preludes to - what it is meant to explain.
That the saint is shown to refuse
the offer of a royally sponsored monastery and
"a multitude of monks" tells us that
the community was neither large nor closely
connected with a royal family. They
apparently took some sort of pride in not being
destined to be "a multitude of monks":
their founder had passed up the opportunity.
When they reached Brittany, they placed
themselves in the pretty, but tiny community of
Anaraut/Quimperlé , at the border between two
Breton kingdoms, and established friendly
relations with both: the second part of the Life,
much more closely involved in Breton realities
than the first, emphasizes the miracles done by
the saint for both Cornouaille and Bro-Erech, and
speaks of "the pact of St.Gurthiern"
established by the community with everyone who
will keep it - that is, clearly, both its
neighbours. And this marginal location went
with small size and lack of wealth. The Life
speaks of the "thousand paces" of
Anaraut and the gift of two villages as though
they were worth boasting of! - in the scale of
endowments of mediaeval monasteries, they were
surely near the poverty line.
And that being the case, we must
see the geographical stages in the two legends as
stages in the progress of a cult, even of a
community. A cult of a penitent, ascetic
Vortigern, hinted at in the Nennian story of him
wandering alone, deserted by everyone, existed in
Britain: the Breton legends agree that the saint
reached Quimperlé from Britain, and this must
represent the progress of his community. We
need not doubt that the two sites, the northern
"great valley between two mountains, with a
cold river flowing through it", and the
perhaps less severe spot "on the shore of
the Tamar", where the saint with his two
companions, an embryonic community, stayed
"a long time" (he seems to have been
fond of rivers) are places where cults and
perhaps communities had existed; it is when the
site on the river Tamar, even before those of
Groix Island and Quimperlé, which the angel
describes as chosen for Gurthiern by the Lord -
in other words, it is a permanently consecrated
site, obviously for an abbey. Nothing
easier than to link these sites, legendary or
historical, as stages of the penitent's journey,
with its last stage in Brittany.
Nobody ever heard of a cult of
Vortigern on the shores of the Tamar. But
there is an unexplained place-name which looks as
if it might have something to do with the cult: Wyrtgernesburg,
reported by the reliable William of Malmesbury as
the place where Coenwalh, an early king of
Wessex, defeated the British in the 650s. The Anglo-Saxon
Chronicle places what seems like the same battle
in Bradford-on-Avon, near Bath. Bradford is
an ancient, pre-Saxon town; but unlike Amesbury,
which is not only named for Ambrosius but has
plenty of reported connections with him, there is
nothing to suggest that Bradford or its
neighbourhood - if it was Wyrtgernesburg -
had anything to do with Vitalinus as a historical
figure (as we know, he seems connected with
Gloucester). On the other hand, it does
have a few points that suggest the legend of
St.Gurthiern. By the time the legend was
written down, the Tamar was the border river
between English and British; but in the time of
Coenwalh, this frontier role belonged to the
Somerset Avon. Indeed, Bradford was on a
British border even before the Saxons came: the
Wansdyke crosses the Avon nearby. When the cult of
St.Gurthiern reached Brittany, it rooted itself
in Quimperle', straddling the border between
Cornouaille and Bro-Erech and with lands and
royal patrons - if on a modest scale - in both
kingdoms. (Surely this cannot have been
widespread? The evident connection of Welsh
learning with specific families, with the
Vortigernids having a body of legends of their
own, the Ambrosiads having what I have called the
Ambrosian file, and other such phenomena,
strongly suggest that institutions of learning
such as monasteries tended to depend on one
particular royal patron family.) It would
seem that it found a position straddling
frontiers and sitting over rivers comfortable and
natural; in other words, when it forgot what its
original location in Britain had been, it settled
on the Tamar as an obvious place. The
original site in Britain had been doubly
forgotten, not only because it was misplaced to
the Tamar, but also because the Saint himself was
made to come and die in Brittany; which argues
for a considerable lapse of time between the end
of the British cult - which was probably in the
650s, and certainly in the late 500s/early 600s,
when the English overran the country - and the
writing of the first part of the Life; we
may therefore place the latter at some point
before the Carolingian age, perhaps in the 700s.
The cult, then, with its wreckage
of memories of a penitent who had once been a
king - who had once been king "of" the
English - who had committed a great sin and left
his royal house for ever to wander to the cold
north - who was of the highest British blood -
the cult was carried over to Brittany. What
its status was in Britain we cannot imagine; the
evidence does not suggest that the Vortigernids
did anything much to support it, and Nennius may
be said to take a dismissive view: Vortigern did
not engage in constructive repentance, but merely
in the sin of despair. The difference is
perfectly clear to any Christian ecclesiastic.
The most interesting thing about
the cult of Saint Gurthiern is the existence of
the cult itself. Everything about this cult
- including the very simple, fable-like form in
which its stories have come down to us, which
does not argue the existence of any great
storytelling skills among the brothers - suggests
a popular origin. Religious movements of popular
origin, or at least of popular character, existed
in Gildasian Britain; Gildas, as we have seen,
severely reprimands certain religious extremists
who preferred slaves to masters and commons to
kings, who may perhaps be identified with the
severe monastery of St.David. It can never have
been very important, and it seems to have died
out altogether in the mother island, perhaps
snuffed out when the Saxons overran Bradford; but
it is relevant to us for what it tells us of the
after-life of Vortigern's reputation outside the
manipulative hands of self-interested rival noble
houses, and what it suggests of the life of
social classes not often heard from in this
period.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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