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Chapter 2.9: The
beginnings of British independence
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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Thus far, what we have found out
of the history, as opposed to the legend, of the
end of Roman power, is this. First, the only
credible historical notices are those in the Narratio
de imperatoribus .and in the Chronicle
of 452, which declare that the Empire lost
the Britains in 410; and in Zosimus 6.10, which
speaks of a Rescript authorizing the British ciuitates
to conduct their own defence. There is no
evidence of any social, religious or national
revolt. There is no evidence that the British
expelled any Romans in 410. The only positive
statement of this comes from Zosimus 6.5, who
probably derived it from L, a Gildasian-age
source describing a much later war. Zosimus 6.10,
on the other hand, seems to derive from
Olympiodorus, and is best interpreted as saying
that the existing British Roman authorities were
told to carry on defending the country but not to
expect any continental help.
These British authorities can only
have been the same people who had supported
Constantine III for the previous three years.
Having rejected Zosimus 6.5, we have no evidence
whatsoever of any purge, revolt, or even reform;
although Constantine III himself fell, there is
no evidence that his government in Britain was
ever overthrown by anyone.
Indeed, according to Procopius,
"the Romans could never reconquer Britain
[after Constantines fall], but it remained
under the care [emeine] of
tyrants". As in later Greek and Latin
"tyrant" means "usurper",
this describes an institutional continuity,
through a line of succeeding "tyrants",
from the "tyrant" Constantine. Emeine,
aorist of menw, is a curiously
positive verb for "tyrants", indicating
that they looked after or cared
for the island; and the aorist is a tense
without exact English equivalent, that indicates
something whose effects, though done or started
in the past, last into the present. The clear
implication is that those "tyrants"
were still "caring for" Britain in
Procopius' day - or rather the day of his
sources.
Now Procopius' view of
"Britain", that is the former Roman
territory from which Constantine came, was wholly
out of books[1]. The information he
received, from lying Frankish sources, about the
state of the island in his time, called it Brittia.
Procopius must have found mention of this British
institutional continuity of usurpation in a book;
surely the same that described Constantines
revolt. We notice that he seems to know nothing
of any Saxon invasion of Britannia; when
the Franks tell him of a Brittia whose
natives shared the island with Teutonic invaders
from north Germany, he is incapable to make the
connection. In theory, his source may have been
written at any time between Constantine's own
time and that of Procopius; but the reference to
a plural number of intervening
"tyrant" rulers of Britain militates
against dating it too close to Constantine, and
the fact that he seems to know nothing of the
Saxon war of 442 might suggest that it was
written before that. In other words, it might
well have had the thing we lack: good direct
information about the British political set-up
before 442.
Other arguments for a continuing
Roman-usurper government in Britain are in the
peculiarities of the Rescript of Honorius and by
the Notitia Dignitatum. Both suggest that
the status of the country was Roman but
anomalous. Honorius violated protocol by
addressing the ciuitates of Britain rather
than its imperial representatives; he might
perhaps have done so because he was not willing
to recognize any layer of Roman government above
that of ciuitas as legitimate, which in
turn is best explained if the governing
institutions of Britain were the same that had
acknowledged the hated usurper Constantine. As
for the Notitia, we have seen that it
treats Britain as a Roman country, but that its
information about its bureaucracy is out of date
by decades; this is best explained if there was
no direct contact between whatever Roman
bureaucracy existed in Britain and the upper
layers of the Roman state in Ravenna and
Constantinople.
A third reason to suspect
institutional continuity between Constantine III
and succeeding British rulers lies in Geoffrey of
Monmouth's very curious use of Constantine III
(II in his numbering) and his son Constans.
Geoffrey, who wrote 600 years after the great
crisis, knew very little about these people, and
his inventive ways with names and dates would
lead most historians to automatically disregard
him as a source: but it is a remarkable fact that
- in a completely legendary narrative frame - he
nevertheless knew their names, their family
relationship (father and son), the fact that
Constans was a monk who had shamefully broken his
vows to become a sovereign and his father's heir,
the fact that both died violent deaths, and the
fact that Constantine and Constans represent, in
some fashion, the end of the Roman period of
British history. He regards Constantine as the
first Rex Britanniae after the end of
Roman power, and Constans as his successor, both
ideas that are not far from the truth.
From there on, however, we are
into unadulterated legend. Far from going
from Britain to Gaul and dying there, Constantine
comes to Britain from Armorica, and Geoffrey goes
out of his way to explain that he has not
confused "little Britain" with Great
Britain, by specifying that he meant the country
called Armorica or Letavia (Welsh Llydaw).
His Constantine is entirely unconcerned with the
Roman Empire, but very concerned with Britain,
which he leads to victory against the barbarian
invaders until one of them, a Pict who had
treacherously entered his service, murders him.
Vortigern, making his first appearance in
Geoffrey in the treacherous role that is from
henceforth going to be his and his heirs',
persuades Constans - the least suited of
Constantine's three sons, because of his monastic
training, but the eldest - to be King, places him
under his thumb, eventually has him murdered, and
succeeds him. Constantine's two remaining sons,
who are none other than Ambrosius Aurelianus
(Aurelius Ambrosius in Geoffrey) and Uther
Pendragon, come to adulthood, enter Britain and
avenge him, but not before Vortigern has been
deceived by Hengist and Ronwein, and unleashed
the horrors of Saxon invasion on the island.
This story will be analyzed later;
the point to be made now is that Geoffrey's
Constantine II is a doublet of his Ambrosius. As
Ambrosius is Constantine's second son,
Constantine himself is a second son, sent over by
his older brother Aldroenus. Both come from
Armorica to a Britain in chaos from lack of
legitimate authority and the uncontrolled
invasions of pagans. Both are stunningly
successful, and the British flock to them, till
they have freed Britain; but they both die by the
treachery of a barbarian, rashly admitted to
their own household.
What does this mean? Obviously,
that one of these legends has been copied from
the other. Which is the archetype, the model; and
which is the ectype, the copy? Obviously,
Ambrosius is the archetype, and Constantine the
ectype. Geoffreys account of Ambrosius,
though not derived from Gildas, coincides with
his in several ways; on the other hand,
Geoffreys account of Constantine
contradicts almost everything we know about the
character. That is, there is every reason to
believe that Geoffrey's account of Ambrosius has
some kind of connection with reality, and just as
many to believe that his account of Constantine -
save for the few points I mentioned - does not.
This only makes sense if it was built on that of
Ambrosius.
What this means is that the legend
was constructed in Britain, autonomously of any
Continental tradition, in the shadow of the
legend of Ambrosius. It is not, in my view, the
work of Geoffrey himself, and above all it is not
the result of any reading of any Continental
account of Constantine and Constans, for if it
had been, Geoffrey would never have passed the
chance to present Constantine & Son, as he
did both Brennius and Arthur, as conquerors of
the whole continent, nor to have described their
killing by Honorius' followers as the basest kind
of treachery. Geoffrey was fond of saying naughty
things about Rome, and in fact Aldroenus is heard
loudly criticizing Roman power just as he is
about to send Constantine to Britain.
The point of the legend is rather
to connect Ambrosius with the founder of an
independent British monarchy. Removing from the dossier
of Constantine "II" and Constans all
those things in which Constantine is clearly
imitating Ambrosius, we still find that his claim
to be the first king of Britain after the end of
Roman power is intact. Ambrosius has no such
claim in any document we have: Gildas insists
that his parents had nimirum, verily and
indeed, worn the purple, and Nennian legend makes
him Vortigern's successor, thus denying that he
had a founding role. To be the first king of
post-Roman Britain can never, in any legend, have
been Ambrosius' role, and it follows that
Constantine "II" cannot have derived
this feature of his legend from him. What is
more, there would be no point to connect
Ambrosius to a character which, taking all
aspects of his dossier into consideration,
is much more obscure than himself, and whose
legend was reconstructed starting from his own;
not unless this obscure character had, in turn,
some particular relevance that no other legendary
figure had. Obviously, the differentia
that leaps to the eye is his claim to be the
first king of an independent Britain.
That this association is
artificial and rather clumsy is also moderately
obvious. Constantine III cannot possibly have
been Ambrosius' father, both because of very
different family names - he was, according to his
coins, Flavius Claudius Constantinus, with not an
Aurelius, Aurelianus or Ambrosius in sight - and
because, according to Gildas' clear statement,
Ambrosius' father died at Saxon hands in or
shortly after 442[2]. The author of the story
has bungled the affiliation; which only makes his
point - to associate the great national hero with
the founder of the national monarchy -
even more obvious[3]. Somewhere in Britain,
Constantine II(I), a heroic soldier, and his son
Constans, a monk turned Caesar to the scandal of
good clergymen, were remembered as the
originators of the British monarchy: the same
British monarchy that devolved upon Ambrosius
when he came to free his shattered mother country
from the Saxons[4].
How such data could have survived
for so long and taken the shape they did in
Geoffrey's talented hands is not really relevant;
so long as we recognize that Geoffrey's data have
an ultimately historical source - to the extent
that I pointed out, that is that Constantine
II(I) and his son, the monk Constans, were lords
in Britain and that they represent the point
where Britain leaves imperial control - that
proves that some knowledge of them had survived;
and this, in turn, means that we must take
seriously the notion, which is also embedded in
the material, that the subsequent British
regarded him as the first of their line of kings.
There is nothing impossible or
even unlikely about this. We should not
treat Gildasian Britain and its Welsh successors
as illiterate: literacy and Latin had never been
lost, and it follows that all sorts of data can
have been preserved, though certainly not in a
historical frame. The fact that a need was felt
to create a legend for Constantine and Constans
strongly suggests that, apart from those few
data, nothing was known about them; and the fact
that Constantine was given a legend built on
Ambrosius' means that when it was created,
Ambrosius was a central figure. Ambrosius gained
prestige by receiving the legitimacy of descent
from the founding hero, but the founding hero
himself was given prestige by being made a
precursor of Ambrosius' historical mission of
deliverance.
And this drives the last nail into
the coffin of the notion that a Celticizing,
anti-Roman, nativist revolution broke out
successfully in Britain, shortly after
Constantine's revolt. If the later British
regarded Constantine as the establisher of the
British monarchy, there is no space for any
successful revolt in his time except his. Britain
had not changed since Carausius had set up his
autonomous imperial throne there a century
earlier (286-293); and todays historians
accept[5] that, far from
manifesting any intense desire to resurrect an
autonomous British or Celtic culture, Carausius,
"promoted himself... as a restorer of old
Roman virtues"[6]. Constantine III's coins
carry a similarly Roman message. Carausius had
presented himself as the "brother" of
the reigning emperors, Constantius and Maximinus;
Constantine tried for a while to reach a similar
accommodation with Honorius. There is no reason
why those who took over in Britain when he fell
should have regarded themselves as anything but
that: reigning Roman emperors, equal to those
resident in Ravenna and Constantinople,
administering an autonomous but equal part of the
Roman Empire - that is, of the civilized world.
They had enough precedents. I think that this is
how we should consider the rulers of
"independent" Britain until the first
Saxon war: as claimants to the Roman throne, tyrannoi
as Procopius or his source called them.
Among John Morris' not
inconsiderable merits is to have made a clear and
forceful case for the survival in the British
Isles of a notion of imperium and
emperorship, developing quite separately from
Constantinople and the Continent[7]. The title of Emperor
seems to have been, if not a regular attribute,
then at least a shadowy cloud of glory hanging
over the mightiest kings of Britain and even
Ireland (incidentally, this seems to describe
fairly exactly the equally shadowy English title
of Breatwalda), a number of whom claimed
it in a period in which it would have been
considered practically blasphemous for
continental successor kings, still overawed by
Constantinople, to do so. Even Constantinople's
sworn enemies, the Longobards, fully in control
of the imperial province of Italy, never thought
of making any imperial claim; but the word Imperator
was used occasionally, and the word imperium
regularly, for sovereigns who could claim to rule
all Britain, and for their sphere of rule. On one
or two occasions the word is used for Irish High
Kings (Muirchu so describes Loegaire), but, it
seems clear, illegitimately. When Adamnan wants
to describe Diarmat mac Cearbhaill, ruler of all
Ireland - a king set over kings, and therefore
above the normal term rig/rex - he
uses the word regnator; Oswald of
Northumbria, king of the kings of Britain, he
calls Imperator, though when it comes to
ruling, not his own kingdom of Northumbria, but
the whole people of the English, (that is, within
the larger British world) the word he uses is regnator
Saxonum. In other words, the title of high
king of all Ireland was, in Adamnans highly
instructed and political eye (he was, after all,
of royal family and an abbot of Iona) equal to
the title of high king of one of Britains
four peoples, Picts, Scots, British and Saxons;
but the title of all Britain was higher. Both
Muirchu and Adomnan were writing in the later
seventh century, when a king of the Franks would
have fainted, or laughed, at the suggestion that
he could claim equality with the only emperor of
the world.
We must not dismiss the evidence
only because it is fragmentary, much less indulge
in the fantasy that names and titles in the Dark
Ages were vague or interchangeable. Even in the
middle of a period of flux and violence, the Dark
Age mind was naturally hierarchical, and
understood the world as a ranking of powers. The
distinction between a mere king and an emperor
was clear enough to Odoacer, the adventurer who
made himself king of Italy in 476, when he sent
the imperial insignia to the Emperor Zeno in
Constantinople with a message that the world had
room for only one emperor. And of all
hierarchical cultures, we have seen, there was
none more hierarchical than the Celtic culture of
Britain. They would be the last to toss the title
of Emperor around for a mere local king, if their
only reason was pretension. It is hard to see
where the idea that the lord of all Britain could
legitimately be called Emperor could come from,
if not from an ancient line of pretensions
issuing from Constantine III, pretender emperor;
possibly in a context where his successors were
active not only in Britain but in northern
France, Pictland and perhaps Ireland, thus having
a strong claim to be regarded as lords of peoples[8].
The same doctrine is clearly in
operation in The dream of Maxen Gwledig,
where Maxen, falling in love with Elen of the
hosts, accepts her request that he should live
with her and moves to Britain permanently.
The validity of his move to Britain is then
confirmed by his victory over the rival Emperor
put up by the Senate of Rome. As we have seen in
discussing the concept of teyrn and gwledig,
victory in battle was not, in Celtic thought, a
merely contingent fact, but the manifestation of
a natural superiority, that makes one king teyrn
and another gwledig - innately victorious.
That the Roman emperor located to Britain defeats
the one located in Rome is a sign of the
permanent superiority of the Roman imperial title
of Britain; especially if we consider that the
story makes his victory depend on the
intervention of a small but resplendent Welsh
force. Such a story simply could not have been
conceived or written if an idea did not exist
that the fullness of Roman imperial sovereignty
had passed into the island of Britain; it is a
narrative illustration of the idea[9].
These considerations allow us to
maintain that, between the revolt of Constantine
in 407 and (at a bare minimum) the Saxon war of
442, Britain was governed by an usurping
succession of imperial claimants who followed on
from Constantine III in some fashion. They
regarded themselves as Roman and legitimate
sovereigns, and probably set up their own
versions of Roman institutions. Roman civic
administration did not collapse in 410. There is
no reason not to postulate complete continuity
between the administration that fed and armed
Constantine IIIs armies and any following
government up to the Saxon disaster of 441/442.
Whoever harbours doubts about
Roman Britains unity before, and even
after, the Saxon revolt of 442, is taking those
doubts to the sources, not drawing them from
them. I have shown that Zosimus' mention of many
autonomous poleis applies, if it applies
at all, to a much later date. Other than that, no
document, nor even archaeology, gives us any
reason to suspect disunity; nobody speaks of
Britain, or even "the Britains", Britanniae
except as a unit. The Gallic Chronicle describe
the Britains as lost to Rome at one go, and
falling to the Saxons at one go. St.Patrick
remembers the Britanniae, and the Britanniae
alone, as the country of his fathers. It is in
Ireland that he finds reguli, kinglets;
his Britains only know the kind of local life
symbolized by his father's little ancestral
estate, not autonomous, but part of a much larger
polity. Constantius of Lyons regards the Britains
as affected by Pelagianism in their entirety, and
Germanus' first mission, at least, is to them as
a whole. Every fifth-century writer whose work
has survived treats the former Roman provinces as
a single entity and calls them by the plural, Britanniae.
In the next century, Gildas'
narration assumes the unity of Britain, however
fractious its nobles and clergy, and implies the
existence of a power that claimed the whole
island, and some sort of succession to Roman
Britain. The people in Rome who spoke to
Procopius of "the woes of Britain" also
saw the island as an entity, whose
"woes" affect it as an entity. The
Frankish ambassadors who made such play of
Procopius' credulity about Brittia and Brettania
were at least clear that the Brittones of Brittia
had only one king. The one difference between the
fifth and sixth century is that the plural Britanniae
is gone: Gildas, Zosimus, Procopius, all speak of
Britain in the singular - Brettania,
Britannia, Brittia. This, if anything,
underlines the unity of the country. Gildas saw
the pullulation of aggressive local potentates
going their own sweet way independently of the
central power (which he identified with the house
of Ambrosius Aurelianus) as a process that had
taken place in his own lifetime; he wanted war
against the Saxons in order to re-unify the
entity called Britannia. This hardly
argues for any degree of disunity a century
before him.
The insistence on the plural Britanniae
in the fifth century seems significant. A
plurality of Roman British provinces had existed
ever since Septimius Severus had split Roman
Britain in two in the third century, and yet
Roman writers of up to 400AD had always preferred
the singular. Even when that very decisive man
Diocletian, among such brilliant decisions as
legislating inflation out of existence with a
compulsory official price list, and legislating
the Christians off the face of the Earth with a
great persecution, decided that the empire needed
not one but four Britains, this decision was just
as successful as the rest: people used the
official plural when they remembered to
but as often as not they forgot and called the
country Britannia, even in official
publications such as the Notitia dignitatum.
The only result of Diocletians decision was
that language became sloppy and incoherent,
designating the same country as Britannia,
Britanniae, and indeed Britanni
often in the same work. Sloppiness is not
a natural quality of the Latin language, designed
by centuries of lawyers and grammarians to
achieve subtle, elaborate, yet clear and firm
distinctions; but Diocletians invention of
the plural Britanniae, Britains, went
against its nature. Latin likes to isolate
geographical units Graecia, Italia,
Africa and often personifies them
(there are at least two known inscriptions in
which Britannia is treated as a goddess[10]). The result was a
linguistic mess.
After 410, however, the plural
celebrates an ephemeral triumph. Except for one
passage in Prospers panegyric of Pope
Celestine, no contemporary writer fails to use
it. But it is a pyrrhic victory: by the end of
the fifth century, the plural has vanished
altogether. Not a single sixth-century writer,
from Procopius to Jordanes to Gildas to Gregory
the Great, uses it; nor has it risen from its
grave since, even when a Lesser Britain appeared
across the sea from the old (Great) Britain.
It seems therefore quite possible
that this brief success of Britanniae may
have something to do with the rise of an
independent Roman Britain; and that when we meet
the plural in this period, the writer may refer
not to Britain, or even to the British Roman
provinces, but to the specific political
situation created after 410, with the island of
Britain a breakaway yet Roman state. In the last
three centuries, the apparently vague name
United States of America has been
given, not to any association of states on a vast
and diverse double continent, but to a highly
specific state, defined by a highly specific set
of institutions; and, in an earlier period, the
still more vague name United
Provinces had belonged, not to any
association of provinces, but to the
specific government that held the mouths of the
Rhine. The difference with these long-lived and
influential powers is that the Britanniae did not
last; and the name did not survive the specific
political situation that gave it birth. We see it
already a confused and fading memory in the
writings of A and Constantius of Lyons, and
completely and consciously deleted from the
records in Gildas[11].
There is a secondary but
politically very important fact. According to E,
and to a host of clues[12] including the survival
of the classical forensic speech as a literary
model used by Gildas, the ruling classes of
post-Roman Britain were obsessed with law and
legal process. In that case, they are likely to
have read the Rescript - a fully valid statement
of law from Ravenna - as valid to the letter; and
to have found in it, not only a general
declaration of independence, but a statement that
the ciuitates, rather than the civil or
military imperial infrastructure, were made
responsible for defence[13]. To take up this
new responsibility, the ciuitates must
have taken over weapons stores, state weapons
factories, and training camps; which must have
involved a great deal of coordination.
From the start, then, we are not
allowed to think in terms of single ciuitates
or groups of ciuitates going their own
merry way: quite apart from the fact that it
would have spelled disaster against powerful and
determined enemies such as Picts, the Roman army
was a centralized large-scale organization, and
to take over even as much of it as was based in
Britain must have required an equally centralized
and large-scale administrative effort. In fact,
one wonders whether things were not to some
extent the other way; whether the existing
network of army administration (and tax
collection, to feed the army) which must have
been in place even after Constantine III took
fighting units to Gaul, was not somehow used to
form an island-wide government structure, and
whether army and tax administrative personnel,
still in place were not co-opted by the new
government. To me, the independence of the
Britanniae looks like nothing so much as the
early years of the United States of America, with
circumstances throwing a cultured but provincial
landholding class with a long experience of local
government but no national or international
responsibilities, into the government of a large
colonial society, with the need to organize a
military, political, and legal framework from
scratch. There are differences: Britain was far
more threatened by uncivilized tribes than 1776
America (though America felt such a threat
existed); conversely, imperial authorities did
not threaten the Britanniae as England did the
Thirteen Colonies (though daydreams of imperial
restoration may have been a factor in the time of
Galla Placidia and Aetius). And the case of
America tends to support my view that we should
not even consider any idea of political disunity
and ciuitates going their separate ways.
Across a far larger country, more thinly
populated (by 1776, the Thirteen Colonies had
about three million free inhabitants on a surface
at least six times that of the island of Britain)
and with practically no common past -
administratively, intellectually, politically,
there was no such thing as "America"
practically until the Revolution - the force of
events, as well as a common ideology and a common
language, held the country together even though
common institutions had to be arranged from
nothing. A fortiori, then, independent
Britain, with three centuries of common Roman
administration and an army structure already in
place, must have sought common institutions; and
in that time and age, that meant monarchy,
perhaps with a Senate of noblemen to complement
it.
Zosimus 6.5.3 has cast a curse of
distortion over every scholarly attempt to
reconstruct British history after the Rescript,
imposing what we now see is a quite needless
presumption that the Roman government structure
had been swept away, and authorizing, therefore,
all sorts of fancies about the rise of local
powers and the fragmentation of Britain into
small kingdoms: to the point where the clear
statement of every single source that Vortigern
was the king of all Britain[14] was questioned. Now we
see that no such revolt or collapse took place;
and therefore we can take Procopius
statement that tyrants, i.e. Roman
usurpers, ruled Britain after the fall of
Constantine III, at its full value. We have no
evidence whatever for any fragmented British
local powers before the sixth century, and every
witness we have, however vague, to fifth-century
Britain, makes it a united domain. And I take my
hat off to John Morris shade for perceiving
that Gildas saw the rise of uncontrolled local
kinglets as an unwelcome and recent
development, which had taken place in his
lifetime (if Morris was capable of such
perceptive reading of texts, why the Devil was he
so often cloth-eared and ham-handed with legend,
damn it?). In the light of all these facts, any
hypothesis that post-Roman Britain, especially
before 411-442, might have seen more than one
sovereign authority, let alone a proliferation of
kinglets, is simply groundless and unnecessary;
without Zosimus to muddy the waters, Occams
Razor would long since have disposed of it.
Unfortunately, our evidence for
the institutional set-up of the Britanniae in
this period is scanty to say the least. Two
Pelagian letters[15], written possibly to an
older, well-born Briton by a younger man who was
an enthusiastic Pelagian, bear a most unusual
heading: Honoreficentia Tua, "To Your
Honourableness", a title unknown to the very
ritualized forms of late-Roman address. One of
them also makes an equally unexpected wish for
the addressee, "I wish for you an
everlasting consulate", which seems to clash
with the fact that the Roman consulate was an
annual office. These may reflect local British
institutional developments. Perhaps the British
made the Consulate into an office with an
open-ended term, or at least allowed their
consuls to be re-elected time and again: and
perhaps a new form of address was devised for a
multi-year consul. After all, the number of
aristocrats of senatorial rank living in the
island must have been small; and to open the
highest ranks of the State to all and sundry
would depreciate them, a strong consideration in
the caste-ridden late Empire. The young
Pelagian's "wish" that his addressee
should enjoy "an everlasting consulate"
suggests that the consulate might not prove so
everlasting, that is, that he might be relieved
of it, after however many years. But these are
hardly clear waters: I say no more than that this
seems to me a likelier explanation than any
other. Constantius' uir tribuniciae potestatis,
"a man with the power of a tribune",
seems to belong to a slightly lower, but still
respected order of officials: but if Constantius
himself could hardly be clear about his rank and
powers, we cannot be expected to do better. The
evidence for the existence of a British Senate is
rather better, and we will deal with it - along
with a multitude of other matters - in the next
book.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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