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Chapter 2.4: Towards
a reconstruction of "A": the
Nennian material
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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A can be reconstructed rather more
closely than we have done so far. We have seen
that its backbone is composed of triads, and
recovered two such triads from Gildas: the three
peoples who invaded Britain and were never
ejected, and the three Pictish invasions. Both
these triads are set after the end of Roman
power.
There is however a third triad
which brings together Gildas legend of the
end of Roman power with his legend of its
beginning. He has not only three Pictish
invasions and three invaders of Britain, but also
three Roman missions to the island: the great
invasion that followed the massacre of the rectores
by the dolosa leaena, and the two missions
against the Picts. The first invasion of this
triad is at the beginning rather than at the end
of Gildas Roman legends; we must therefore
look at the possibility that A was the source of
all Gildas' Roman legends, forming a unified
whole - presumably structured in triads.
Nennius has two separate and
incompatible accounts of the end of Roman
Britain. The main body of "Roman" lore
in his work is a long account of what I call
the legend of the Seven Emperors,
stretching over nine chapters (19-21, 23-28)
which form one confident and continuous narration[1]. Evidently it was the
standard account in Nennius' time, confirmed by
popular traditions (its "Emperor
Constantine" was apparently identified with
a local hero of Caer Seint called
"Minmanton") and paralleled by some of
Geoffrey's Roman legends. It starts from Caesar's
supposed conquest of Britain - in which a number
of basically historical data drawn from Bede keep
uneasy company with a great deal of Welsh
legendary material - and ends with the mad
adventure of Maximianus (i.e. Maxen), after which
the British rejected Roman rule and "killed
the leaders of the Romans". The most
remarkable aspect of this legend is that these
supposed emperors, though imposed by the Romans,
seem to have lived and reigned in Britain alone;
that is, they were British emperors of Roman race[2]. The effect of the final
British rebellion is that "they no longer
accepted the kings of those people [=the Romans]
to rule over them" (ch.28); and we are
reminded of Elens demand that Maxen Wledig,
legitimate Emperor of Rome, should come to live
in Britain.
Ch.28 concludes the story, drawing
a line under the Roman episode. In keeping with
Nennius' interest in chronology, it gives a
reckoning for the length of Roman rule in Britain
- 409 (!) years. There follow two chapters with
supplementary material. The first is a collection
of annalistic data about the historical Magnus
Clemens Maximus; the second - Ch.30 - a most
extraordinary jumble of data that claims that the
British killed Roman leaders (duces) not
once but three times. Clearly, chs. 29 and 30
were put in as alternative information, in the
manner of footnotes.
This is typical of Nennius
methods. Earlier on, he inserts a genealogy of
the Western nations (ch.17), certainly non-Roman
in origin, as an alternative to the full
ethnology of peoples settled in Britain which he
has developed in the previous chapters
10-16. He does not much believe in it, but
he has found it in ancient written text and feels
he must insert it; in effect, this is a footnote.
Ch.17 and ch.30 have in common that they cannot
be reconciled even with the most basic Roman
history, and it becomes clear that this was a
Nennian habit. Nennius reconciled everything he
could (as for instance in his composite version
of Caesar's conquest of Britain,
slotting together Welsh legend and Bede's
historical account), but if he found himself with
two alternative and irreconcilable accounts, he
placed first, and gave more space to, the one he
judged the likeliest (that is, the one which
seemed more closely connected with a Roman idea
of history), then added the second as if an
afterthought, and - to judge from the size of
chapters 17 and 30 - gave it as little space as
reasonably possible.
This acceptance of Roman
historical traditions had its limits. Chapter 29
brings together impeccably Roman and largely
historical data; indeed, it seems to single them
out and separate them from the body of the
narrative. The reason is certainly that it
interfered with a genealogical fiction embodied
in Nennius legend of the Seven Emperors:
the division of the features of Magnus Maximus,
both historical and legendary, between Maximus
the sixth emperor and Maximianus the seventh and
last.
In spite of being Gildas bad
guy, Maximus/Maxen had become the legendary
ancestor of some Welsh royal houses. This is
reflected in a cleaned-up legend - a form of
which we have in The dream of Maxen Gwledig
- with features borrowed from the stories of
Constantine and St.Helena. To explain the
Gildasian traditions view, a wicked and
nearly homonymous character, Maximianus, had to
be invented. "Good" Maximus, separated
from "bad" Maximianus, was attributed
the white-hat aspects, such as the marriage with
Elen of the Hosts. In particular, the historical
Magnus Clemens Maximus had a famous encounter
with Saint Martin of Tours, who put him in his
place quite firmly, and corresponded with the
equally illustrious Saint Ambrose of Milan. This
was part of a general policy to get the Church on
his side, which included the first recorded State
persecution of Christian heretics, the
Priscillianists (this did not impress Martin[3]).
Now my point is that although
Nennius specifically says that ch.29 is about Maximiano
tyranno, the rest of the chapter calls the
usurper Maximus; and while ch.29 gathers
every scrap of annalistic information he had been
able to find about Maximus and
reattributes it to Maximianus, it
carefully avoids his famous encounter with
St.Martin, or his dealings with St.Ambrose, who
is mentioned but not connected to him. On the
other hand, the only thing that Nennius has to
say about Maximus, the sixth emperor,
is that he spoke with St.Martin! In other words, Nennius
understood perfectly well the artificial nature
of the division between Maximus
and Maximianus and
consciously manipulated his material to suit it.
This is Nennius treatment of
the then-current legend of the Seven Emperors,
and of respectable Roman annalistic material; the
duplication of a good and a
bad character out of an originally
villainous one is to be remembered, since we will
meet it again. However: when we get to Chapter
30, suddenly we are in another world. The chapter
poses so many questions - and offers, on the
other hand, so many opportunities for fruitful
analysis - that I can do no better than reproduce
and translate it word for word.
Tribus vicis occisi sunt duces
Romanorum a Brittannis. Brittones autem, dum
anxiebantur a barbarorum gentibus, id est
Scottorum et Pictorum, flagitabant auxilium
Romanorum, et, dum legati mittebantur, cum magno
luctu et cum sablonibus super capita sua
intrabant, et portabant magna munera secum
consulibus Romanorum pro admisso scelere; et
suscipiebant consules grata dona ab illis; et
promittebant cum iuramento accipere iugum
Romanici iuris, licet durum fuisset. Et Romani
venerunt cum maximo exercitu ad auxilium eorum,
et posuerunt imperatores in Britannia, et
composito imperatore cum ducibus revertebantur
exercitus ad Romam usque, et sic alternatim per
CCCXLVIII annos faciebant. Brittones autem
propter gravitatem imperii occidebant duces
Romanorum et postea petebant; Romani autem ad
imperium auxiliumque et ad vindicandum veniebant,
et, spoliata Britannia auro argentoque cum aere
et omni pretiosa veste et melle, cum magno
triumpho revertebantur.
"Three times the leaders of
the Romans were slain a Brittannis.
For [autem] the Britons [Brittones],
when they were made fearful by the tribes of the
Barbarians, that is, of Irish/Scots and Picts,
would petition for the help of the Romans, and,
when they sent ambassadors, would enter in
dressed in great morning and with ashes/sands [sablonibus]
on their heads, and would bear great
compensations for an admitted crime; and the
consuls would receive welcome gifts from them;
and they would promise with a sacred oath to
receive the yoke of Roman jurisdiction, however
hard it might have been. And the Romans came with
the mightiest army, and placed emperors in
Britain, and having made an agreement with [? or
"placed together"?] emperor and leaders
[?or "having got the emperor to agree with
the leaders"?], they took the army back to
Rome, and so alternately for 348 years [sic,
indeed!]. And so the Britons [Brittones],
on account of the heaviness of empire [or:
command], would slay the leaders of the Romans,
and then would beg; the Romans then would came
for empire, for help and for revenge, and, having
stripped Britain of gold and silver with bronze
[or: money] and of all precious raiment and
honey, went back with great triumph."
Now what on God's green earth is
going on here? It is all but impossible to get a
coherent story from this. The chronology is
thoroughly unclear, smothered by an avalanche of
imperfects; most verbs are in the imperfect, a
tense with no English equivalent for something
that "used to happen" over a rather
long stretch of time, and that cannot therefore
be used to establish a time-sequence. Nor is it
possible to understand the relationship of
"Emperor" in Rome, "Emperor"
in Britain, "leaders" (duces) in
Britain, "consuls" in Rome - of which
there seem to be any amount, and who may
correspond to the Senate - and I will not even
try. It is also badly out of keeping with the
legend of the Seven Emperors; they are connected
by the idea of a massacre of Roman leaders, but
otherwise contradict each other in any number of
ways. In ch.28 a single Massacre discourages the
Romans from ever coming back to Britain; in ch.30
the last (or so it seems) of three Massacres
unleashes the mother of all Roman punishment
raids. In ch.28, Roman rule is said to have
lasted 409[4] years; in ch.30, 348 -
which shows that the two accounts came from
different manuscript sources with different
chronological computations. And - which ought to
make us pay attention - the Picts are hardly
mentioned in the legend of the Seven Emperors,
but are a major presence in ch.30, where fear of
them causes the British to send to Roman help,
even after one or more of the massacres have
taken place. Ch.30 closes incongruously with a
great Roman army coming to Britain for vengeance,
and returning to Rome in great triumph, having
despoiled the island of gold, silver, bronze,
precious raiment and honey. Clearly, chapter 30
needs plenty of disentangling.
However, it is immediately clear
that it has a good deal in common with Gildas'
pseudo-history. Nothing in the legend of the
Seven Emperors has much to do with Gildas' Roman
legends, but several points in ch.30 are directly
comparable:
1) The beginning of
the narrative structure must be in peaceful
British acceptance of Roman rule. This is the
best reading of the first two sentences:
"The Roman leaders were slain three times a
Britannis (introduces the subject); for
(autem), when/because (dum) the Brittones
were dreading the tribes of the Barbarians...
they sought the aid of the Romans..." In
other words, Roman power in Britain begins with a
peaceful British surrender to Rome: in Gildas, as
a result of Roman messengers and threats; in
Nennius, as a result of the fear - only the fear,
mind you - of barbarian tribes. This, especially
the Nennian version, conflicts with the Seven
Emperors (Nennius ch.20) story of Caesar and Beli
son of Minogan, in which Caesar asserts Roman
sovereignty simply as a matter of course - the
initiative is wholly on the Roman side - but then
has to fight for it[5].
2) This was not just a
request for an alliance: it was the surrender of
sovereignty. The British promised to accept Roman
rule, and while it is Gildas who insists on the
shameful and cowardly behaviour of the British,
it is Nennius who shows them offering the Romans,
unbidden, rule over Britain: promittebant cum
iuramento accipere iugum Romani iuris, they
promised with a sacred oath to accept the yoke of
Roman jurisdiction - underlining the commitment
with a pun between iugum, yoke, and ius,
jurisdiction, law[6]. From now on, therefore,
the Romans were the legitimate masters of
Britain. And it is worth making the point that,
even though Roman might rather than the fear of
barbarian tribes was the cause in Gildas, the motive
power of the surrender of Britain to Roman
jurisdiction was in both cases the British
inability to defend themselves. (In the legend of
the Seven Emperors, the British, under Beli or
Casswallawn, stubbornly resist Caesar.)
3) The Romans then placed
a number of sovereign representatives in Britain.
(In the legend of the Seven Emperors, it is the
Seven Emperors themselves who rule Britain,
leaving various tokens of their presence from the
Wall to "gold seed" in Caer Seint.)
4) However, after
accepting the yoke of Roman law, the British
found it too hard and massacred the Roman
representatives. (In the legend of the Seven
Emperors, this did not happen until after the
fall of "Maximianus", that is Gildas'
Magnus Maximus.)
There is a verbal parallel that
proves that Nennius and Gildas were working from
a common, Latin, written source. When the
Britons, begging for a Roman rescue, make a
bitterly self-abasing plea, the authors use
singularly similar expressions. Nennius: cum
magno luctu et cum sablonibus super capita sua,
in great morning and with ashes on their heads;
Gildas: legati scissis, ut dicitur, uestibus,
opertisque sablones capitibus: "the
ambassadors - with their clothes, as they say,
torn, and dust poured over [their] heads..."
I am especially intrigued to see both authors use
the rare word sablones.
As there is no question of Nennius
quoting Gildas' scene - the context, so far as
there is one, is quite different - we must admit
that they are both quoting from a piece of
writing known to both. Where they do not agree,
it is because Nennius is using a more
down-to-earth-expression - cum magno luctu,
in great mourning - where Gildas borrows a
favourite image from his beloved Bible - scissis
uestibus, with their clothes torn. To tear
ones clothes as a sign of mourning was
traditional among Jews, but not, we must assume,
among Britons; Gildas underlines the unusual
nature of the expression with an ut dicitur,
"as they say". The two images of
mourning are similarly constructed, with a
description of the ambassadors' general apparel -
deep mourning, "torn clothes" -
followed by the detail of a head covered with
some sort of detritus, sablonibus, sand or
ashes; and the deep mourning and self-abasement
are practised by similar personages, ambassadors,
seeking the same kind of help from the same
power. There can be no chance of error: Gildas
and Nennius were quoting.
Now, in Gildas, this embassy is
decidedly a part of A. It is the direct result of
the Pictish invasion (one of a triad), and leads
to the final Roman expedition (the last of a
triad); and yet it is, in Nennius, associated
with events that, as we have just seen, are
directly comparable to the Gildasian account of
the beginning of Roman rule, the massacre
of the rectores and the avenging
expedition. While the structure of this is not
clear yet, it shows more reason to think that the
account of A covered both the beginning and the
end of Roman rule in Britain.
We may have more of A's very
words, and significant ones too. The pun between iugum,
yoke, and ius, justice, law, jurisdiction,
is not at all typical of Nennius, whose Latin is
too basic to make a point with such a
sophisticated device. What is more, it is not
fundamental to his main account, the one to which
he is really committed, that is that of the Seven
Emperors, which has nothing to say about the
heaviness of empire, and where the rebellion of
the British has nothing to do with the iugum
of Roman law. It is, however, central to Gildas'
account, where the British rebel because they
cannot bear to have to obey Roman law; and it
makes the subsequent massacre of the leaena
dolosa a matter of "denial after
recognition", thus motivating the Romans'
savage punishment; which in turn must have been
part of the point of ch.30's original, built as
it must have been around three successive
massacres of Roman "leaders" (in the
legend of the Seven Emperors, revolt scarcely
features except after the closing reign of
Maximianus, and "denial after
recognition" not at all).
By the same token, it would be
typical of Gildas' brand of Latin, just as it is
not of Nennius, to use a pun, or even a
paretymology - the author may have actually
thought ius and iugum
etymologically related - to make an important
point, as ius/iugum/iuramentum does here.
The pun shows that the voluntary
acceptance of Roman rule is the central point of
the story - the British promise with an oath,
iuramentum, to bear the yoke, iugum,
of Roman law, ius; but it certainly
is not in that of the Seven Emperors, that begins
with the conquest of Britain by Caesar and in
which there never is a question of the Britons voluntarily
accepting Roman rule or swearing any oaths.
In other words, the agreement with
Gildas in theme, views ("denial after
recognition" is as disastrous here as
there), style and basic points, strongly suggests
that the author came from a similar cultural
milieu. But the author is not Gildas, since the
narration deviates from Gildas' in important ways
- three massacres! - and Gildas himself shows
signs of having partly rewritten the description
of the ambassadors: that ut dicitur, I
think, signals a personal flourish.
I hardly need stress that Gildas
and Nennius must have treated their common source
in very different ways. Discrepancies leap to the
eye. For instance, in Gildas, the reason why the
British envoys wear mourning is, that they are in
mourning for the ruin of Britain under Pictish
blows; in Nennius, that they are atoning for
their own people's murder of Roman duces -
their fear, anxiebantur, of the barbarous
Picts and Irish, seems to be a secondary
consideration. And our first remark must be that,
granting a common original, it seems probable
that Nennius was closer. The abject
self-abasement of the legati does seem to
suggest something more than a mere plea for help,
however tragic the circumstances; and three
successive massacres of duces must involve
successive attempts to placate the injured Power.
We admit that Gildas' Romans had also the stain
of a crime against Rome, to wit the rebellion of
the "British tyrant" Maximus; the more
remarkable, then, that Gildas did not mention it
in this scene.
One thing we easily recognize is
Gildas' invincible army devastating and
despoiling Britain in revenge for this massacre.
In both accounts, the British slaughter the Roman
representatives but are then unable to cope with
an overwhelming revenge; the Romans then take
over British wealth. In Nennius, Britain is
despoiled of auro argentoque cum aere et omni
pretiosa veste et melle; in Gildas, the
Romans order that quicquid habere potuisset
aeris argenti uel auri imagine Caesaris notaretur,
"whatever [Britain] could possibly have of
coin of silver or gold [or: of bronze, silver and
gold] should be stamped with the image of Caesar.
Then, in Nennius, cum magno triumpho
revertebantur, they would return home with
great success; in Gildas, Italiam petunt,
suorum quosdam relinquentes praepositos, they
go back to Italy, having left some of their own
in charge.
The magno triumpho implies
that Nennius' army fought a war; on the other
hand, he agrees with Gildas that the British had
accepted Roman rule peacefully at first; in other
words, that the Romans had not fought any war to
impose their power in Britain in the beginning.
Therefore this great war, along with the massacre
that sparked it, must have happened at some point
after that; and this agrees with what we have
seen, that it was a case of "denial after
acceptance" followed by punishment - the
Romans were already legal overlords of Britain
when the great raid took place.
This is our first step to a
reconstruction of As original from
Nennius and Gildas heavily rewritten
versions. o far, so good; but was it, as Nennius
makes it, the last act of the Romans on British
soil, or, as Gildas says, the beginning of their
direct rule, replacing most of the British
nobility with their own rectores, and a
whole Host of what one supposes were faithful
retainers well able to fight in war?
As Nennius phrases his account,
the fact that the Romans as a whole are seen to
"go back in great triumph" seems to
suggest that this was the final episode in the
history of Rome in Britain: the Romans left. But
in fact exactly the same thing happens in Gildas:
while the rectores and their retainers
(which must make up the Host) are left behind to
enforce everlasting servitude on the surviving
Britons, the bulk of the Roman army Italiam
petunt, go back to Italy. And yet this is the
beginning, not the end, of Roman direct rule.
Arranging a comprehensive form of enslavement for
the British, including the "stamping of aes
of gold and of silver", the Romans go
back to Italy, Gildas says; but Roman power over
Britain is established, first by legal
submission, and then by the equally legal and
legitimate punishment of those who dared rebel
against their already recognized overlords.
Now Gildas gives what seems, at
first, a reason for the Romans to go home: an
ablative absolute - they went away patria uini
oleique experte, the fatherland[7] being deprived of wine
and oil. But the ablative absolute can be a very
ambiguous form. Commonsense suggests that it
means "the Romans returned to Italy[8] because Britain
had no oil or wine", but its position in the
sentence suggests a different explanation.
Gildas' chapter 7, like the chapter 8 that
follows it, is a grand one-sentence passage[9]which details the
measures taken by the victors: establishment of rectores
with power of life and death over the natives,
renaming of the country - not Britannia
but Romania - and stamping of quicquid
habere potuisset aeris argenti uel auri. The
effect is to suggest that Britain's deprivation
of oil and wine is part of the Roman punishment,
which is certainly the way I understood it on my
very first reading: as Britain is to be placed
permanently under the whip of her new Roman
lords, so, too, she is to be deprived of wine and
oil - without limit of time.
Now Nennius' version of the
invincible avenging Roman army also takes wealth
over; and we have seen that Nennius has a
remarkable list of precious substances. Auro
argentoque cum aere et omni pretiosa veste et
melle: gold and silver with bronze (or:
money) and all precious raiment and honey. The
list's wording is notable for a tendency to make
it fall apart into groups: gold and silver
(where the Latin conjunction -que forces
the two words closer together) with
bronze/money and all precious raiment and
honey. These may be connected with the two groups
of substances in Gildas: "whatever it could
have of aes of silver and gold" and
"deprived of olive oil and wine": the
structure of both lists would be the same - five
terms, of which he first three are means of
exchange, and the last two luxuries.
I can give no certain explanation
of the use of aes, bronze or money, which
is oddly placed in both lists - separated from
silver and gold in Nennius, and, to the contrary,
so placed in Gildas that it might mean both
"bronze, silver and gold" and
"coins of gold and silver". In Gildas'
passage, the partitive genitive - "whatever
it might have of..." - naturally
implies a whole category of objects:
"whatever it might have of precious
substances". Therefore it is easier to read
the word aeris, in aeris argenti uel
auri, as an abstract category, aes as
money, rather than as the physical substance
bronze: whatever Britain might have of money,
whether of silver uel (or indeed) of gold
(that is to say, the gold is even more subjected
to this order than the silver[10]), was to be stamped with
the image of Caesar. It is also possible, though
undemonstrable, that the ambiguity of aes
may depend in some fashion on the difference
between gold and silver and other metals. Gold
and silver are precious, means of exchange in
themselves; but any other metal only becomes a
means of exchange when it is stamped by the State
to make coins. We might therefore draw a
distinction between aes as such - money in
general, and also the non-precious metals most
often used to make it, bronze and copper - and
gold and silver, which, minted or unminted,
retain their value.
Let us not forget that the
existence of a list of precious substances is not
something I have made up: it comes from the clear
correspondence - just about the only clear thing
in all the dossier - between Gildas' and
Nennius' versions of the conquest of Britain by
an overwhelming Roman army, reacting to the
massacre of some of its duces or rectores.
These two lists represent the final result
of the Roman victory: they are what the
victorious army takes on Romes behalf. As
the two lists are at the same place in both
accounts, we may a priori expect that they
should correspond; and this is the strongest
argument to insist that the "olive oil and
wine" of which Britain was ambiguously
"deprived" when the Romans of Gildas
left, were in fact confiscated by them - they
were part of the list of precious substances and
objects that the conquerors took.
In this light, these are the
lists: gold, silver, aes, precious
raiment, honey; gold, silver, aes, olive
oil, wine. The first thing to leap to the eye is
that Gildas' two doubtful terms, olive oil and
wine, are not native to Britain, while those of
Nennius - precious raiment and honey - are. This
suggests that Nennius may have smoothed out an
absurdity in his source by replacing the
incredible wine and olive with more credible
terms. Faced with the same narrative
implausibility[11], Gildas solved the
problem differently, hiding the statement away in
a deliberately ambiguous thicket of words - an
exercise for which Nennius lacked the skill -
avoiding a direct statement of the absurd (after
all, when a writer of his skill is unclear about
anything, it is usually because he wants to be).
We know from his polemic against Constantine of
Dumnonia that he was well acquainted with
classical agricultural vocabulary, surculamen,
gleba, imbribus irrigatum; and if he had read
classical agricultural manuals such as
Columella's, he would know well enough that it
took no imperial decree to keep olive trees away
from Britain, and that on the other hand grape
vines could and did grow here[12]. Hence the embarrassment
with which he buried his source's claim that
these plants grew in Britain once, and were taken
away, in an ambiguous clause in the middle of an
enormous forest-like sentence.
Gildas' list must therefore be
closer to the original; and we notice that his
substances, unlike those of Nennius, fall
naturally into two groups. Gold, silver and
money, means of exchange, go together; and so do
olive oil and wine, not only as food luxuries,
but more importantly, as Christian sacrificial
substances. Gildas explicitly mentions the
anointing of kings in 21.4, complaining that bad
kings "were anointed", ungebantur,
without the will of God. The passive seems to me
to indicate that he has a clear picture of the
king having the ceremony performed upon
him, of the oil of consecration being poured over
his head. At the time, the list of Catholic
sacraments had not yet stabilized into
todays seven. More than one authority
regarded the consecration of a king as a
sacrament. Oil was probably also used, as now, in
such undoubted sacramental acts as Confirmation,
Priestly Consecration, Anointing of the Sick. As
for wine, it is of course part of the Eucharist.
That Rome deprived Britain of both, means that
the island was left in a position of radical
religious dependency on the Roman Mediterranean
lands. (This supports what I have already argued,
that the legend of A was formed in an already
Christian environment, where the alien juices of
the grape and the olive were the most important
media of religious ritual. No pagan Celt would
have either found any significant and exclusive
association between them, or placed them on a
level comparable to that of gold, silver and
bronze.)
With this goes the Roman claim on
gold and silver. Though Gildasian kingship expresses
itself in military power such as Maglocunus',
gold and silver are what it is made of:
"The enormously capacious nets of royal
power" that bind Maglocunus and all the
"fat bulls of your kind", that is
warrior kings, are "gold and silver, and,
what is greater than these, self-will"; capacissimis
illis quibus praecipitantes inuolui solent
pingues tauri moduli tui retibus, omnis regni
auri et argenti, et, quod his maius est, propriae
uoluntatis. So thunders Gildas; and after
all, we have seen that the essence of Celtic
kingship is a marriage with the land that places
all its wealth in the king's power. And British aes,
of silver uel (or even more) of gold, is
now stamped with the Emperor's face: that is, the
wealth which is the substance of royal power is
now radically, intimately claimed by Rome.
Nennius' gold, silver, aes,
precious raiment, and honey, have no such clear
structure, but they can best be made to make
sense as a reworking of Gildas' list. Precious
raiment is probably a part of the ceremony of
coronation[13], like coronation oil,
and honey is the raw material of mead, an
alcoholic drink that can probably be seen as a
substitute for wine. If that is the case, it is
perhaps worth noting that even the two
sacramental substances may be important not for
their own selves, but through their relevance to
royal power. The Christian Sacraments are
accessible to any member of the Church, royal,
base or slave; but if Nennius substituted
precious raiment for olive oil, the point of the
replacement is probably that both are elements in
the ceremony of consecration of a king. In other
words, the story seems decidedly to centre not on
the Church or the faithful, but on the
consecration of kings.
It is however difficult to be sure
that Nennius understood the meaning of the list.
He does seem to have missed the point of gold,
silver and aes, speaking not of Rome
"stamping" British precious metals, nor
depriving Britain of substances that never could
have been found there; his Romans simply remove
every scrap of British wealth. And this
corresponds to another difference: Gildas' Romans
establish their rule by the stamping and taking
away, but the Romans of Nennius just take
everything, and leave.
This can be seen as symptomatic of
a major change between the ages of Gildas (561)
and Nennius (834). Archaeology shows that nobody
in Britain between Constantine III and the first
Christian English kings minted any coins;
Gildasian Britain only knew coins as products
either of distant Byzantium or of the Roman past,
associated, either way, exclusively with the
power of Rome. Trade went on and precious metals,
whether coined or not, were exchanged, as shown
both by massive archaeological record and by the Life
of St.John the Almsgiver[14]; but the mercantile
notion of coins as State-guaranteed units of
value can hardly have been present when no local
sovereign did any coining. Coins were hoarded,
faked[15]and used, but Gildas'
contemporaries can have seen no difference, in
terms of purchasing use, between them and any
other kind of gold and silver. An archaeological
find such as the Traprain Law hoard - a mass of
silver broken up and clearly intended to be
shared out by weight - shows that at least in
some areas of Britain weight, and weight alone,
measured the metal's value. The only difference,
therefore, must have been that coins were stamped
with Caesar's image. Gold was simply gold and
silver simply silver, of one value whether in
bullion, coins or jewelry; but coins with
imperial images were not so much precious
objects, as tokens of Roman power over wealth.
Gildas' words tell us what
ideological construction was put on coins. When
Rome took over and, in a mystical sense, married
Britain the Bride (inflicting deserved punishment
on her unworthy suitors), all Britain's gold and
silver (and bronze?) passed into Rome's
possession, or rather control. Gold and silver,
if we read Gildas correctly, were never taken
away from the island; as far as he was concerned,
there was if anything far too much of the stuff
floating around, corrupting people. Rather, the
Romans placed on it their magic sign, to mean
that whoever might hold gold or silver in
Britain/Romania, they ultimately pertained
to Caesar. As the British were, in Gildas' view,
the Romans slaves, so British wealth was
ultimately Rome's, to be disposed of according to
Roman law (ius). And yet, just as the
"slaves" of the Romans were in fact
local lords, of inferior rank but capable of
political activity, so too the gold and silver of
Britain, while ultimately under Roman power, did
in fact circulate among public and private bodies
in the island. When the Romans last appear on
British soil, they commandeer "public and
private" (sumptu publico priuatoque)
British finance to build the Wall. They can do
what they want with both public and private
wealth.
Now, between Gildas and Nennius,
coins have returned to Britain. By the ninth
century, every English kinglet worth the naming
minted silver pennies, and gold coins were not
unknown. We know of no Welsh king who minted his
own coinage before Hywel Dda, a century after
Nennius; but to Nennian Wales, silver and even
gold coins can have had neither the exotic aura
nor the imperial significance of Gildas' time.
And it follows that Nennius would misunderstand
what the age of Gildas had to say about minted
money. The act of making coins conferred no
special right to them; and it was not vested in
only one authority, imperial, distant and
worldwide, but in every king or kinglet who
bothered. The notion of the Romans coming over
and stamping precious metals with their
image would mean nothing; if Nennius was told
that this happened as a result of a great war, to
him that would only suggest plunder. He could
understand tribute, but connecting it with an
ultimate right to all the wealth in the land,
confirmed by stamping the imperial image on gold,
silver and aes, would be unfamiliar.
When Nennius was faced with this
archaic notion, it fell apart in his hands. The
Roman claim to the wealth of Britain, though only
a part of their royal claim to the island, was
fundamental, and, in Gildas, came first - at the
beginning of their period of full power. But
Nennius just naturally "heard" the idea
of the Roman conquest of Britain and of the Roman
takeover of British wealth as two completely
different events, without even reflecting on
them.If the original story said that they Romans
"took" all the wealth of Britain, it
would not occur to him that they could at the
same time claim it all as their own and demand
tribute; that British wealth, while remaining in
the patria and circulating among its
citizens, could still ultimately belong to Rome.
In any story he wrote, if everything in a country
has been taken, there would be nothing left to
fight with or about. It would be the end. What
Gildas' version, on the other hand, signifies, is
that the Roman claim on British wealth is
permanent; therefore the Romans have just
asserted, not renounced, their sovereignty. As a
necessary precondition of royal power, it belongs
at the beginning , not at the end, of their rule,
and that is where Gildas places it.
So Nennius made a mess of the
story structure. The unity of any story is a
function of the cohesion of its basic ideas: if
these fall apart, the story falls apart. And if
you start from the principle that the prince is
only one among many possessors of land and
wealth, wealthier, no doubt, than any of his
subjects, but not otherwise than any of
his subjects, with no overarching claim to land
and wealth - then it follows as the night follows
the day that if he claims all his subjects'
wealth, he cannot at the same time claim tribute
from them. In this as in the discovery of real
Roman annalistic history, Nennian Wales, in spite
of its Celtic and tribal aspects, is several
stages closer to Classical, mediaeval and modern
Europe than Gildasian Britain with all its
unmixed Celticism wrapped in Gildas' splendid
Latin.
It is worth pointing out that this
has a loud and direct echo in Geoffrey of
Monmouth, who inserted in his Roman legend a
furious denunciation of Roman greed, wandering
all over the world in search of silver and gold (Historia
regum Britanniae, 4.2). This is bound to be a
misunderstanding; surely the point of the
original legend was that the whole world's gold
and silver were Roman by right because of Rome's
majesty - and in fact, even if Rome claimed them,
they would still remain in the hands of their
current users, only stamped with Caesar's head!
Like Nennius, only more so, Geoffrey had read
archaic Welsh accounts, but failed to understand
what he read[16].
Rome's disposal of the
precious/sacred liquids goes along with the
"stamping" of gold, silver and
"whatever the country had of aes".
Gold and silver pertain to the king, indeed they
are the "nets of royal power" in which
fat bulls like Maglocunus are ensnared; oil and
wine are holy, they serve the Church's sacraments
(oil especially the consecration of kings). This
is not a question of wealth alone, but of the
functioning of society's two highest functions,
the royal and the priestly. They depend on these
substances: the substances are are precious not
for themselves, but for their part in
royal/terrestrial and priestly/otherworldly
power. This is what Rome claims. Their
confiscation stands for a Roman claim on
everything royal and sacred in Britain, and
signifies, not the end of Roman power in Britain,
but its fullness. It is absurd to imagine that
Rome would claim the stuff of royalty, gold and
silver, and actually remove from the island the
stuff of sacred ceremonies, and then never
interfere in the island again. Their taking is an
act of majesty, part of the process by which Britannia
becomes Romania.
Most important is the fact that,
while gold, silver and aes are stamped and
then allowed to stay in Britain and circulate,
the substances of the Mass, oil and wine, are
effectively and for ever taken away from the patria.
From henceforth, Britain will be dependent on
Rome for sacred activities. From the point of
view of the legend's origin, this is certainly a
reflex of the experience of having to bring in
these precious liquids from abroad in the bottoms
of trading ships which, archaeology tells us,
travelled as far north as Strathclyde and
Ireland. The urgent need of northern Christian
communities for regular quantities of wine and
oil was surely the motor that moved this trade,
although, of course, once it had started, all
sorts of other luxuries will have been introduced
to northern lords by merchants eager for a return
on their lengthy and uncomfortable journeys. But
from a religious point of view, I think there is
little doubt that it reflects a complete and,
what is more, untroubled religious dependence on
Rome. Unlike political dependence, there is no
indication that it ever ceased, that it was
regarded as in any way a iugum, or that
any break was ever envisaged; there is no trace
whatever of the religious nationalism that
several authors have found good or less good
reason to suspect in early fifth century Britain.
It is probably to the point that
we are told that the final victory over the Picts
was won after the British consecrated themselves
to God, transferring, as I pointed out, to God
the royal functions that the Romans would no
longer exercise; and God gave them the victory,
providing a more reliable and less heavy iugum
than the temporal power of Rome. In the fifth
century, many Western Roman writers felt that the
religious domination of the Church of Rome was
replacing the failed temporal empire, and not
only succeeding to it, but enlarging it; such
views can be found in St.Augustine of Hippo, Pope
Leo the Great, Orosius and Prosper of Aquitaine,
for instance. This seems, in a provincial and
mythological manner, a reflection of the same
idea: that the sacred majesty of Papal Rome not
only outlasts but surpasses, in the name of God,
that of the empire of old. (And dare anyone say
that this has not proved to be the case, then and
for fifteen centuries since?) A new British
nation has been born, but not a new British
religion; that is the same, the religion of the
Palestinian Bread and (imported) Wine.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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