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Chapter 1.6: British
kings as tyrants
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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The five tyrants are not exemplars
of a whole class of people. They are individually
responsible for the country's evils, "these
five mad and debauched horses from the retinue of
Pharaoh". But other kinglets are not clean
either: Gildas' "little work" [sic!]
is sure that only a few are on the right path
(50.1). It is rather the case that these five are
the most fearsome examples of a general tendency;
most of the rest would probably commit as many
crimes and as many sins, if they could and if
they dared. His condemnation is on the whole
royal class: reges habet Britannia, sed
tyrannos - Britain does have kings, but they
are tyrants.
The comparison of the five worst
offenders to Pharaoh's horses is fascinating. It
is one of the very few places where, instead of
inserting long, unaltered Biblical quotes (though
we will see that even his use of unaltered
Biblical quotes shows brilliant poetic
imagination), Gildas allows himself a little
embroidery. The only thing that the Bible tells
us about the horses of Pharaoh is that, along
with the infantry, they were drowned in the Red
Sea. Gildas expands on that by suggesting a
picture of madly excited war-beasts without
reason, blindly abusing their physical strength
to drag themselves and the men who follow them to
ruin. As Gildas knew, Pharaoh's were not cavalry
horses, but chariot animals, not ridden but
driven. The image of chariot horses can show them
leading, even dragging the chariot along, far
more than that of cavalry horses, who are ridden,
controlled and commanded. As compared with
cavalry actions, the force and wilfulness of the
animal is more of a consideration; more depends
on its obedience, and more can go wrong if it
runs amuck. The five tyrants have kicked over the
traces, got the bit between their teeth, and
wildly careered about the battlefield, trampling
their own side and breaking to pieces the chariot
they were supposed to pull - that is the national
interests, the law and order, and the national
defence, entrusted to them.
From the literary point of view,
the propriety of the image is superb. While far
too many Biblical retouchings tend to abuse the
content of the original in the service of the
writer's own little hobby-horses, this one works
with the grain of it, adding something to our
picture of Exodus and detracting nothing. It is a
very good metaphor for the political situation
that Gildas envisages, describing the forces of a
great empire drawn to destruction by the animal
instincts of those that ought to be serving it.
It also gives a precise picture of the way he saw
the five kings: as fighting animals in the
service of a great monarch - Pharaoh - which,
because of improvidence on his part and
uncontrolled fury on theirs, are bringing the
fighting forces of the kingdom to perdition
instead of letting proper use be made of them.
If the five kings are greatly to
blame, however, the central power also seems
gravely at fault; the horses of Pharaoh were not
more guilty than the stubborn and stupid monarch
himself. There can be no doubt that Britain had
one nominal high king or emperor; Gildas simply
assumes that there is such a country as Britain,
that it is a unit, and that the Romans conquered
it as a unit; the existence of what he regarded
as Pictish, Irish and Saxon colonies does nothing
to detract from that. The island is a single
sphere of sovereignty; the existence of a
sovereign is a necessary corollary of that. And
it is no great leap of the imagination to assume
that Gildas' great hero Ambrosius Aurelianus,
leader of the fightback against the Saxons, was
one such king, and that Gildas' criticism of his suboles,
his descent, are to do with their inability to
fulfil their role. This criticism is restrained;
Gildas says no more than that he, or they (suboles
could mean either one descendant or many) is/are
greatly fallen off from the goodness of their
ancestor, magnopere auita bonitate degenerauit.
But if their horses - the subordinate kings of
Britain - are running mad, they cannot escape
responsibility.
The course of his argument proves
that this degeneracy was manifested by their
incapacity to keep up the war against the Saxons
for which Ambrosius had become renowned and which
Gildas demanded; but its most visible result is
anarchy among the tributary states. The kings'
role and power may be read in filigree in his
quite unhistorical account of the Roman empire: a
very powerful central state surrounded by a
number of smaller tributary kingdoms, each
responsible for its own defence and with its own
armed force (nothing less like actual Roman
practice could be imagined). The central power is
represented by rectores, who enforce the
law and, though Gildas says nothing about that,
must be responsible for collecting tribute. The
five tyrants against whom he inveighs are no
doubt sovereigns of such tributary kingdoms;
there must be dozens more, since Aurelius Caninus
and Maglocunus are said to have fought several
wars against their neighbours.
How have these provincial powers
grown so uncontrolled, so stubborn, so reckless? Habet
Britannia rectores, says Gildas: Britain is
not without[1] her rectores,
those representatives of the central power to
whom it fell to implement its law. Nor does he
suggest that any of the rectores of his
day, whose impotence he bemoans, are in danger of
their lives like the first rectores of the
Romans, murdered by the ancestors of the present
shower; rather, they have been so marginalized by
a mountain of business - tanto pondere sunt
pressi, idcirco spatium respirandi non habent
- that it seems that they are unable to take
cognizance of, and resolve, the great feuds
between tributary kings, and, in consequence,
their crimes. Gildas' expression is not wholly
clear as to what exactly is the pondere,
the weight, that oppresses them, but it is clear
that he regards them more as victims of
circumstances, doing their best in impossible
conditions, than as themselves guilty of any
omission; though hardly slow to apportion blame,
he never blames them. It is those above and below
them - the lethargic central power, the revolting
(in every sense) provincial lords - who are the
true guilty men.
The heavy burdens apparently laid
on them suggest that rectores were not
merely diplomatic representatives to the local
governments, but functionaries accessible to the
population at large, perhaps with some sort of
judicial function. The function of iudex
is clearly ascribed by Gildas to the kings
themselves, as he reproaches them with passing
unjust judgements; but the legend of chs.5-7
implies that the original rectores of the
Roman kings imposed Roman law on Britain, and it
follows that the law of the rectores is
superior to that of the local kings[2]. Gildas (1.14) would
like to see a good few more rectores; the
posts that exist are filled, but would that we
had more! The implication seems to be that the
central power cannot afford more representatives
(Treasury restrictions - that curse of every
imaginative and ambitious scheme of government in
this country); it may also have been that to send
more rectores would have been unwelcome to
the provincial kings, and made trouble from which
the "degenerate" suboles of
Ambrosius shrank.
This political set-up is different
both in kind and vocabulary from that of the late
Roman Empire. The word rectores, used in
this sense, is new; but the sense is clear, at
least to the extent that it defines a precise
category of functionaries who perform certain
tasks, even though the tasks in question may not
always be easy to unravel[3]. It follows that the
effort of many scholars to explain the political
vocabulary of the age of Ambrosius, as found in
Gildas and in various inscriptions, with that of
the later Roman Empire, is misplaced. Gildasian
Britain established a largely new political order
with a new vocabulary. When an inscription calls
Voteporix (the Vorteporius of Gildas) Protictor
(with an i!4]), this is not a claim to
descend from some forgotten member of some
ancient Roman Emperor's bodyguard (protectores);
it means that Ambrosius, or a successor, has
appointed him, or an ancestor, Protector. And it
is easy to see what he is to protect: as lord of
Dyved (Gildas' Demetae), he stands over
the strategic mouth of the Severn, the main route
of British trade to the Mediterranean, protecting
it from the frequent threat of Irish pirates and
settlers. Some of his subjects are Irish, and he
may be of Irish descent himself (the Voteporix
Protictor inscription is written in both
Latin and Irish, using Latin and Ogham
alphabets); but then sometimes it takes a thief
to catch a thief[5].
When Gildas says that Britain is
not without rectores and speculatores,
he is using Gildasian-age vocabulary. He is
mentioning two precise categories at whose hands
the country ought to expect relief (but he makes
it clear that it does not) from the five
kings crimes and the blasphemies. The rectores
are the king's representatives; the speculatores
are the bishops, as confirmed by a frequent
"precious" usage of St. Columbanus, who
(as we have seen) was familiar with Gildas and
admired him[6]. Speculator means
in fact the same in Latin as Episkopos
does in Greek: overseer, inspector. Elsewhere
Gildas uses the more familiar Greek term, but
here he wants the sonorous roll of two successive
Latin words to make clear, even to those with no
Greek, what the function of the two groups is. Rectores
have to "uphold", regere: the
state, the peace, and justice. Speculatores
have to "oversee", speculare,
keeping themselves informed of conditions
everywhere in their own area and fearlessly
denouncing sin and crime, making themselves like
mirrors, speculi, to show the world and
the people their true face.
Although the rectores are
the agents of the British central power and the
Bishops of the international Church, they are or
should be on the same side, curbing the powerful
and protecting the law. It is possible, even
probable, that the conceptualization of the
Bishop in the Catholic Church - royal in his own
diocese, with a throne and a staff of office, and
yet the member and functionary of a supranational
society, teaching its doctrines and enforcing its
discipline - had some influence on the formation
of the idea of rector.
If so, however, then this
application of ecclesiastical concepts in the
secular field seems to have been a failure. The
tyrant kings, says Gildas, disregard the rectores
and purchase the bishops. The situation is so bad
that both groups are helpless against the tide of
business; half the Church is in the pay of the
tyrant kings anyway, and the rest needs the
resources of heroes and saints to face the
situation. Little is more telling - and
frightening - than Gildas' review of legendary
Old Testament examples of supernatural power and
New Testament martyr heroism (69-75), in the
convinction that if all the priests of the Church
were as brave as Samson, as wise as the prophets,
as fearless as the martyrs, all would be well.
For it makes clear that the men of the Church in
his time were no worse than men anywhere. Gildas
has gathered all the most eminent examples of
sanctity in two thousand years of history and
legend, and he expects the normal men of his day
to match this Olympus! When Charlemagne wished
aloud for twelve men such as Augustine and
Jerome, Alcuin snapped back "the Almighty
Himself has only two such, and you wish for
twelve?"
The truth is that the infernal
mechanism of political degeneration and
ecclesiastical corruption was so intractable that
Gildas could see no way out of it except for
unreal visions of universal heroism. He was much
too intelligent not to see that the degeneration
of Britain proceeded from no external stimulus.
The Saxon presence was undesirable, but the mere
fact that even the worst sinners in Gildas' time
boasted that they did not offer sacrifices to
idols as the Pagans did (38.5) showed that their
paganism did not attract the British:
Christianity was a badge of nationhood, the token
of British superiority to Saxon and Pict
barbarians, and therefore every good Briton was
at least nominally Christian[7]. And the country had
been at peace for decades - at least, from
external enemies. Shortly after the siege of Mons
Badonicus, the Saxons had been pacified (as it
seemed) for good, and Gildas makes no mention of
Pictish or Irish raiders. He could not avoid
concluding that the degeneration of the British
was the result of their own inner nature. With no
external seducer to lead them astray, they had
nevertheless contrived to create a situation that
spelled disaster, with the smaller kings at
constant war with each other, abusing their power
to a scandalous extent, the central power
helpless and inactive, and heathen Picts and
Saxons in full control of their parts of the
country. And then there was the dull rumble from
Byzantium...
Although Gildas is clearly a
believer in class and degree, his attitude has
nothing to do with privilege. He detests the
ambition that uses the office of king of a minor
part of the country to assault the rights and
territories of others and the independence of the
Church, and is coldly dismissive towards the sort
of clergyman who is so careful of his church's
prerogatives and his own rank that he regards an
offence against either as an assault on Our Lord
(66.3). For outward signs of rank and power he
has less than no respect, castigating large-scale
church building while sin runs rampant in the
community, calling on the testimony of Isaiah 66
(79.3) and Jeremiah 7.11-15 (80.4) that to raise
temples and offer sacrifices is worse than
useless while apostasy and sin rampage across the
land.
These two quotations from the
prophets are both extraordinarily well-chosen:
the Jeremiah passage in particular is designed to
haunt Gildas' contemporaries. It is an assault on
Jewish complacency and nationalism, typical of
its author: Jeremiah tells those who put their
trust in the temple of Jerusalem to look at what
the Lord had done to His far more ancient temple
in Shiloh on account of the sins of the
Israelites there. Think of it with the mind of a
sixth-century Briton, who has just heard Gildas'
thunderous voice reminding him that great
churches and martyrs' shrines still lay in ruins
in the Saxon territories. As the ruins of Shiloh
stood as a living reproach and threat to the
self-righteous of Jerusalem, so the ruined places
of worship in East Anglia looked grimly across
the border at the overconfident Britons in their
expensive new buildings. This is more than a
quotation to reinforce an argument: it is a
poetic idea, using another man's words rather
than one's own, but memorable, frightening,
condemning the failings of the present that much
more vividly because it can show that it has all
happened before.
Gildas does not believe that to
raise vainglorious temples in the middle of a
moral desert will do anything to improve his
country's situation. His view of social rank is
not to do with prestige or outward admiration.
When he claims that no Briton is able or willing
to suum seruare ordinem, preserve his own
order, what he means is not "to preserve the
rights of one's rank", but "to carry
out the duties of office without fear or favour
and hand them over intact to your
successor". Gildas' Latin is always
notable for its expressiveness, pregnancy and
precision, and his use of this common Latin
expression deserves notice. Suum seruare
ordinem has a double meaning: in military
language it means "to keep in order, not to
break ranks", but in terms of social ideas
"to stick to one's caste". There can be
no doubt that the social meaning was uppermost in
people's minds in such a caste-ridden society as
Gildasian Britain; and that the likes of Aurelius
Caninus probably had their mouths full of meum
seruare ordinem in the sense of
"defending my and my family's rights
(whatever the cost to society at large)".
Gildas, I think, whips the carpet from under
their feet by using the expression in its
military meaning and showing that, far from
"keeping their own rank", these men are
not only breaking rank but disarticulating the
whole military order of the nation in pursuit of
their own selfish schemes.
As the parallel with the horses of
Pharaoh shows, the military duties of the kings
are never far from Gildas' mind. He occasionally
calls them duces or battle leaders; and
the story of Ambrosius Aurelianus - which may be
called a foundation myth in so far as it is used
to explain and justify the socio-political
organization of Gildasian Britain - is a story of
war and military men, in which the nation takes
its present shape, under its present leaders, in
the course of a long war. The nation is first and
foremost a military organization, and the duties
of its kings are first and foremost military.
Civil war is the most hideous betrayal of these
duties; and there is evidence that Gildas had
illustrious precedents with which to castigate
the military men of his time.
Among the few genuine Roman
documents known to the great writer there must
certainly have been the exemplaria
instituendorum armorum, army training
manuals, which he mentions in 18.2. We have seen
that his political vocabulary is new and local;
and when we come to examine his account of the Letter
to Agitius, we shall find that Gildas, a) has
no idea what a Consul is, b) cannot read a
Consular table, and c) is ignorant of any
title for a powerful Roman, of the Classical age,
being reduced to helplessly calling Aetius uir
Romanae potestatis, a hero of Roman
power, in spite of the fact that the title Consul
stared at him from the very text he was quoting.
In other words, he knew nothing whatever of the
political set-up of the respublica. On the
other hand, the Latin of his military
descriptions is imperial and classical. Soldiers,
milites, part of an exercitus
backed by a militaris classis, carry scuta,
hastae and enses and gather for
battle, each man under the duty suum seruandi
ordinem, in a quadratum agmen with a dexter
cornu and, we suppose, a sinister;
when they are not busy dimicare in bella,
they are billeted on the civilian population as hospites
and fed by annona paid out in epimenia.
There is not a single Celtic or post-Imperial
word here, not a single technical term that
pertains to any other organization than the
imperial army; though Britain's Celtic warriors
had their own technical vocabulary for the
business of killing enemies.
Even if Gildas did not mention
written technical texts as he does, such
precision of language must prove that they
existed (just as his usage of technical
agricultural vocabulary when escoriating
Constantine of Dumnonia must prove that he had
some Classical agricultural handbook such as
Columella's at hand). He speaks of the Romans
providing them to the Britons on their very last
expedition; the truth is surely that they were
transmitted by local army units left in Britain
after Stilicho and Constantine III had taken the
cream away. A standing army such as Rome's has
depots and training camps, where army manuals are
usually to be found in plenty; none of these
things had any reason to be taken to Gaul, and
indeed they must have been used with great
urgency during the dramatic events of 410-411,
when Britain, left to defend itself with no
further help from the continent, must have had to
raise and train new armies. It is not clear
whether these training manuals were being used by
British warriors in Gildas' time, but his
repeated use of technical vocabulary suggests
that they were familiar with them; and the
emotional impact he expects the expression suum
seruare ordinem, in its military meaning, to
have, strongly suggests that the kings of Britain
had been trained, in Latin, to fight in ordered
ranks.
However they may have come down to
him, Gildas is here in receipt of the Roman
military values: multum... rationis ac
sollertiae; praeponere electos, audire
praepositos, nosse ordines, intelligere
occasiones, differre impetus, disponere diem,
uallare noctem, fortunam inter dubia, uirtutem
inter certa numerare... plus reponere in duce
quam in exercitu... alios ad proelium ire uideas,
Chattos ad bellum; rari excursus et fortuita
pugna... uelocitas iuxta formidine, cunctatio
propior constantiae est. That is how Tacitus
defined the Roman ideal, misapplying[8] it to the Germanic
Chatti: "a great deal of reason and hard
work; put the selected [officers] in charge, pay
them attention, be familiar with the orders so
you can recognize them, understand the situation,
put off attacks [if you have to], organize by
day, wall up camp by night, hold success among
the doubtful things and courage among the
certain... place more importance on the commander
than on the enlisted men... You will see others
go to battle, but the Chatti go to war; they
rarely raid or indulge in random fights... speed
has a lot in common with fear, it is deliberation
that is closer to consistency."
There can be no doubt that this,
not battle fury, is what Gildas means by courage.
He speaks of the fortia monita, the
valiant advice, given by the Romans to the
Britons at the same time as they handed over the
training manuals and the stone Wall to protect
them; and one suspects that some such speech was
in fact found in the training manuals themselves,
written in the typical Classical rhetoric and
attributed, perhaps, to one of the great
commanders of the past. It is surely following
some such text that Gildas enlarges the idea of
keeping rank into a social principle, especially
relevant to the kings of Britain because of their
military role - they are soldiers, they have a
duty to keep rank. It is for this reason that he
calls his contemporaries desidiosi: not
because they shrink from fighting - could
Maglocunus or Aurelius Caninus be seen as
avoiding battle? - but because they shrink from
the discipline and order implicit in regular Army
life. According to him, it has always, from the
beginning, been alien to the British. Suum
seruare ordinem is not in their nature: in
his "Roman" legend of 5-7, what drives
the islanders to rebellion and murder is not
tribute, which is never mentioned[9], but the sheer
irksomeness of having to obey laws and orders. In
keeping with his view of his people as enduringly
unwilling and rebellious, they swallow Roman law
without outward protest, but then murder its
representatives without thought for the result,
out of mere natural perversity.
These two things, lack of
foresight for the results of one's actions and
natural rebelliousness, go together in Gildas'
system: the more recklessly you plunge into
parricide, adultery and simony, the less willing
and able you are to foresee the inevitable
results of your action. Among the reproaches he
hurls, not the least is that of stupidity:
Vorteporius is stupidly stiffening on a
murder-raped throne; Maglocunus has wasted and
betrayed the teaching of the best master in
Britain; Aurelius Caninus cannot even see the
lesson of the near-eradication of his family. An
intellectual by instinct and training, the great
writer, with his broad understanding of British
politics and ten and more years of reflection on
contemporary events, was horribly frustrated by
this widespread kind of wilful blindness. Even
army manuals were certainly part of that heritage
of wisdom and good advice of which the Bible was
the highest but hardly the only instance, and
which he saw his generation betraying time and
again. That he believed in the supremacy of
reason and argument is sufficiently proved by his
heroic attempt to force the meaning of their
actions upon the criminal rulers of Britain by
means of his great book, enlisting every resource
of Latin rhetoric and argument available to him
in the service of sense and civic order,
mobilizing, like Winston Churchill, the Latin
language, and sending it into war. He may have
felt that the nature of the British was such as
to make "things grow worse for ever"[10], but his heart and soul
refused to accept that public argument and
correction would not touch his fellow-countrymen.
It is a surprising fact that all
surviving items of Gildas' work except for The
ruin shows a tolerant and sensitive man. His Penitential[11], a brief collection of
rulings on matters of monastic discipline, is a
model of wise, moderate, realistic and yet firm
prescription against sin in religious
communities, clearly based on wide experience and
thought. He has a marked distaste for religious
extremism: he has seen men living the most
self-sacrificing of lives and has felt the worst
of sins in them - Spiritual Pride; hatred of the
common run of mankind, a wilful desire to form a
perverse sort of aristocracy of the unwashed,
callused voluntary poor. He dislikes violent or
extreme penance. He treats homosexual and
heterosexual fornication on the same level - this
at the time when Justinian was staining Roman law
with the death-penalty for sodomy - and
prescribes no more than three years for this most
serious breach of monastic vows. Indeed, he
prescribes no penance longer than twelve years,
and the two longest - seven years of penance for
fornicating deacons, and twelve for presbyters -
are given not on his own authority, but on that
of "the ancient fathers"; speaking in
his own name, he never asks for more than three
years. He prescribes remedies for rows within the
community, advising conciliation by the abbot and
keeping expulsion only as a last resort, if
conciliation and penance have already failed
twice; and makes it a rule that any monk who
knows of a sin by a brother must approach that
brother first and ask him to go to the abbot, and
only take action himself if the brother refuses -
a wise precaution against sneaking and narking.
Most astonishingly, he did not
want excommunication to be the equivalent of
civil death, and would have been shocked to know
what a terrible punishment it was to become[12]. A lost letter argued
that it is wrong to treat excommunicates as
pariahs, cut off from the people; and by this he
means not only baptized sinners, but even
heretics and Pagans. And, of all things, he bases
most of his argument on the Old
Testament. All the great patriarchs[13], Noah, Abraham, Jacob,
Joseph, Aaron and Moses, lead up to Our Lord
Himself, Who, as Gildas pointed out, did not
scruple to eat with extortionate tax-gatherers,
notorious sinners, and whores. In short, in
personal relationships Gildas was disposed to
take people as he found them, and anything but
eager for wholesale reformation as a principle.
And yet this gentlemanly,
realistic moderate, already in his forties and no
teenage hothead, devoted a great deal of effort
to a work that described his own people and class
as nothing less than the scum of the Earth,
cowardly, perfidious and blood-thirsty, and their
rulers and church leaders as one common mass of
sin, lust, treachery, parricide, and fratricide;
so that when we think of Gildas we never remember
the judicious, acute and sympathetic adviser of
monastic communities, but only Jeremiah's little
British brother.
The reason is not hard to find. As
he watched his countrymen slide from crime to
crime, from violence to further violence, the
country dissolve in a chaos of civil war and
many-sided treachery, and the Roman Empire take,
in Justinian's merciless hands, the form of a
horde of armed and armoured locusts on warships,
the angry despair roused in him by many years of
watching things grow worse made the racial view
of natural abilities, of inborn racial
characteristics, of superiority and inferiority,
turn over in his mind like Satan disguised as an
angel of light, removing his mask and showing a
bloody grinning skull. He was bound to regard the
Romans as the supreme race; and the Romans had
become like a pagan host from the Old Testament,
an Assyrian swarm devouring nations and grinding
peoples to dust. He loved the Latin language and
valued Roman blood: and the Britons, many of whom
claimed Roman descent (most Welsh genealogies
begin with Roman names), were degenerating by the
day, sinking into perpetual civil war while
gibberish-spouting barbarians, unchallenged and
unconverted, held some of Britain's most fertile
provinces. He was a Briton of the Britons, a
member of the educated classes whose description
of the land of Britain is as lyrical as the Song
of Songs; and he had spent more than ten
years watching the political situation
deteriorate, the kings seized by a whirl of wars
and vendette while their brittle but absolute
power allowed them to indulge their private lusts
to a degree that is startling even today (what
modern public figure could survive even the
rumour that he had bedded his own daughter?).
To us, a good few of these would
be false problems, or, at best, questions of
sentiment rather than serious political theory;
but to Gildas, or rather the culture he belonged
to, the fact that Roman blood qualified men, and
British blood tended to disqualify them, for the
higher ranks of society, was a biological truth.
Everybody in Britain clearly understood society
in terms of blood and descent; but what did the
villainous behaviour of the leaders of Britain
say about the value of their blood?
But while Gildas' book cannot be
understood without this racial doctrine, it does
not distort his picture as that of Procopius, for
instance, is distorted by his inability to
understand any event except by relating it to the
Imperial throne. Gildas watches events develop by
their own powers, forming a coherent pattern of
which the imperial throne of Rome and the British
throne of Ambrosius, much though he venerates
them both, are only one factor. And yet, unlike
Gregory of Tours, events do not dominate him; he
does not break the pace or pattern of his writing
to pursue some wisp of anecdote that may be
interesting to him but has little or nothing to
do with the main theme. It is a measure of his
intellectual superiority to such contemporaries
as Procopius or Gregory that he is able to
convincingly argue almost all the ills of
contemporary Britain back to a single cause,
namely the corrupt and corrupting character of
her leaders. Their unwillingness to keep to their
own ordo drives them to quarrel and
threaten each other, and finally to civil war. To
strengthen their position (and, more
fundamentally, because they are naturally unable
to accept or recognize the limits to their
power), they corrupt the church by selling its
offices, not because they need the revenue - to
Gildas, the king or tyrant is rich by definition
- but because that will place those offices under
their control: he who sells something, owns what
he sells. They pour wealth into the church, not
for the sake of their souls - given the
spectacular sin in which they deal daily without
any sign of repentance, Gildas would find the
suggestion ludicrous - but to further bind the
institution to their interests; Gildas comments
with disgust that the churchmen who take this
tainted treasure don't even have the sense to
give it to the poor.
(He is not however in love with
his theory to the extent of trying to fit
everything in it; he does not even try to charge
the heresy and over-clever paltering with Church
doctrine of contemporary ecclesiastics directly
to tyranny like Vorteporius or Constantine's,
ascribing it rather to a basic dislike of
stability and love of wandering for its own
sake.)
To all those who have objected to
Gildas' picture as sensationalized or moralistic,
it is perhaps worth pointing out that it differs
in no fundamental respect from that drawn by
Gregory of Tours at roughly the same time (he
wrote his Gesta Francorum or History of
the Franks over a number of years, concluding
in 594). Gregory says nothing about the British
mainland, but his account of the activities of
British lords in Brittany is one long tale of
treason, fratricide, solemn oaths broken again
and again, ecclesiastical titles seized for
convenience and discarded as soon as their
utility had ceased, and everlasting, bloody,
useless feuds in the pursuit of shreds of small
local power. It is pointless to point out that
Gregory's Franks are often no better; even if
that is the case, the issue is whether or not
Gildas was fair and accurate in reporting British
ways and, to judge from Gregory, he
obviously was. Misplaced piety towards
British ancestors should not stand between us and
the facts; and while Gregory obviously shares the
idea, which Gildas tells us is widespread among
Britain's neighbours, that the British "are
cowardly in war and faithless in peace", he
never states or even hints at it, but merely
reports events some of which happened in his
diocese, and all of which within his lifetime.
Chanao, Count among the Britons, kills three of
his own brothers, and throws a fourth, Macliaw,
into jail "while he was trying to summon up
the nerve to kill him too"; Macliaw saves
his life with a solemn oath sworn before the
Bishop of Nantes - which he promptly breaks (both
parties in this are strongly reminiscent of
Gildas' account of Constantine of Dumnonia);
fleeing Chanao, he has himself tonsured and
declared Bishop of Vannes - God only knows by
what means (does this not remind us of the
manipulation of church offices with which Gildas
charges contemporary lords?) - only to renounce
tonsure, vows and episcopate as soon as his
brother is dead and he can take over his kingdom[14]. Macliaw and Boudic
swear to rear each other's children if either of
them dies before his time; Boudic is killed and
Macliaw breaks his word, seizing the inheritance
of Boudic's son Theodoric, who then gathers a
war-band and slays him[15]. Waroch son of Macliaw,
who had kept his father's original lands, swears
an oath to King Chilperic; it does not take him
long to break it, with his own bishop conniving[16]. Indeed, breaking his
word becomes a habit[17]. On more than one
occasion, they even send hostages in pledge of
treaties they did not mean to keep, condemning
these hostages to certain death. They use savage
and plundering methods of warfare[18], enslave Christians, and
when they promise, even to a Bishop, to make up
for it, they do not keep their word (this
business of not returning plunder and prisoners
even to a Bishop reminds us of Coroticus' men
laughing in the face of St.Patrick's envoy when
he made a similar request)[19]
For more than a decade, says
Gildas, I have kept silent as these evils gnawed
at my country, out of a sense of my own
worthlessness (1.3). This implies that the steep
decline of the British body politic was a datable
process that began within his lifetime. He was
forty-four when he completed his masterpiece; he
had started thinking about it at, perhaps,
thirty-two or thirty-three; which means that
already by that time the degeneration of the
political system had become manifest. That is, it
was the work of Gildas' own generation, clearly
visible in about 550AD (the first British misdeed
described by Gregory of Tours, Chanaos
murder of his brothers, dates to 544); and when
Gildas singled out the five worst contemporaries
as "guilty men" he had good reason to
do so. I would guess that the house of Aurelius
Caninus was the first to disrupt the British
system; after all, they had been at it for two
generations - by 561, Caninus' father and
brothers had already perished in the pursuit of
the same superuacuam phantasiam to which
the young scoundrel was now devoting himself.
After them, first Cuneglasus, an older man, and
then the still young and incredibly vigorous
Maglocunus, must have added to the chaos with
their individual adventures. Maglocunus must have
turned out to be the most devastating and
disruptive of the lot, his attempts upon
neighbouring princes and kinsmen soon turning
into an outright Highland southwards invasion.
And all this had been happening
within Gildas' lifetime, perhaps within his adult
life. He had spent ten and more years watching
things grow worse and worse, buoyed up from time
to time by hopes that never came to fruition.
There was no escaping it: left to themselves, the
British would turn to tyrants. As naturally as a
bud grows into a flower, a British king would
grow into a tyrant, and a Briton under him into
his lickspittle. Even those who did not actually
take part in this appalling situation were,
according to Gildas, guilty of tolerating it, and
consent is a sin in itself - "all that is
necessary for evil to triumph is for good men to
do nothing".
Unfortunately Gildas has no
positive project for the reform of the British
polity. His recipe for the catastrophic
conditions of his day is the Crusade. War unifies
the people. In Britain's long history of chaos,
the only period of national cohesion and social
and military order was when Ambrosius had led the
nation against the Saxons. A return to it might
restore the island's lost unity, and certainly
the toleration of Saxon (and Pictish and
Scottish) enclaves in Britain is a symptom of the
lack of that unity. The fear and need of the
Saxon war had taught those who lived through it
the need for internal peace and repressed the
evil passions of the British soul; but when the
pressures of war were forgotten, they grew and
blossomed again.
In The Ruin of Britain, the
Saxons are whipping boys. He shows no
interest in them as people: they are merely the
descendants of those who, in the time of our
grandfathers, plundered and raided our island and
killed our ancestors. It is worth noting that
they have lived in comparative peace, if not in
amity, with the British for forty-odd years; and
yet, except for the dubious notes about three
ships and an omen, which might well come from
British and not from English legend, he says
nothing whatsoever about them as people, as
political entities, or as a culture[20].
Gildas may have come to regret his
use of Pagans as targets. As I pointed out, in
his fragment ruling on the propriety of contact
with excommunicates and Pagans, he all but
contradicts The ruin; Pagans are, not Deo
hominibusque inuisi, but people you meet,
talk with, and may eat with, as Our Lord dined
with sinners and whores. To avoid their contact
altogether is positively wrong. This cannot be
reconciled with the attitude of The ruin,
and indicates that between the writing of the
tract and the letter, Gildas had started to think
of Pagans as human beings. The letter is almost
certainly later; at the time of The ruin,
he was a deacon[21] and had not written for
over ten years; but the letter is written in the
role of an authoritative and high-ranking adviser
to monastic communities, used to being frequently
asked for opinions and rulings.
But in this book, his real subject
is the corruption of the British church and body
politic; he says so at the start, and, like the
good writer he is, he never swerves from it.
Certainly, the attempt to foster nationalistic
and racist hatred against the Saxons is, from our
point of view, immoral and possibly even
counterproductive (it may have fostered the
separation between the two nations that led to
the second Saxon cycle of wars, the fall of
Britain and the rise of England); but it results
from Gildas' desire to put an end to his
country's slow slide into anarchy, and restore a
united British nation under God[22]. He feels that if only
men did their duty and nothing more, everything
would be all right; unfortunately, the British
have in their blood the wandering, insatiable,
unsettled spirit of the tyrant and the slave,
rebels by birth who, left to themselves, will
fall into the violent anarchy he sees all around
him. He reads the whole of British history as one
consistent display of disorderly ambition;
British kings were tyrants before the Romans
came, and went back to their tyrannical old
habits after the Romans left.
In this he is almost certainly
assisted by a false etymology. Knowing little or
no Classical history, he had no idea of the
origin of the Greek word tyrannos
(originally an Asian title for "king");
but in his time, the common British word for
"lord" or "kinglet" seems to
have been tigern(os), pronounced tiyern[23], modern Welsh teyrn
or theyrn. This is in fact an exact
equivalent of Latin dominus, "he to
whom the house belongs"; "house"
being domus in Latin and tegos in
Gaulish (Welsh ty), and the suffix -nos
being the same in both languages (and we are
reminded that Latin and Celtic languages are so
close that many linguists have spoken of a common
Celto-Latin group)[24]. Gildas clearly
identified the two words, tyrannus, tiyern[25], which look and sound
the same and which, as far as he was concerned,
described the same group of people. Clearly the
lords of Britain before the Romans were tyrants
by their own name as well as by nature; their
very title proclaimed their tyranny. Had not
a Roman author, Porphiry, described Britain as
the generator of tyrants? Did this not prove
that the province was intimately, natively
connected with tyranny? Tyranny was as much part
of its landscape as the Thames[26].
That tyranny was connected with
usurpation fitted in entirely with his
world-picture, since we have seen that he
regarded the British as the natural servants of
the Romans. The notion of a Briton, even one of
noble birth within his race, wanting to lord it
over Romans - or even refusing to obey them -
was, for him, the same as an usurpation. The
natural place of the British was in submission to
the Romans, and it is no coincidence that the
brief golden age of independent Britain was under
the lordship of "almost the last of the
Romans", Ambrosius Aurelianus. Britain was a
land for Romans to rule; when British blood
reached the top, that was as rightly to be
described as tyranny as the onset of high
temperature is a fever - and just as much a
symptom of disease.
This is part of the reason why he
has no idea of positive reform; the contemporary
Gildasian-age form of government is the only one
he knows, and he naturally falls into the
mistaken belief that the old Romans had governed
in the same fashion. Therefore, the notion of
institutional reform is beyond him. He is
clear enough about the centrifugal tendencies of
the British constitution of his time, but it does
not occur to him that they might be checked by a
change in the legal and political machinery. His
idea is simply that the "Roman" house
of Ambrosius should command, and that others
should obey.
His temperament may have
contributed. He is a Christian clergyman, and he
has not taken orders by chance or out of
ambition: the concerns of the Christian faith,
especially sin, repentance and eternal life, are
absolutely central to him. He firmly believes
that individual sin is the root of communal
catastrophe, and that conversely individual
penance and renewal will also rescue the whole of
society. He is terribly troubled about the
spiritual future of the five tyrants after death,
and, one by one, he implores them all to change
their lives (except for Maglocunus, for whom he
has lost hope), not only for the sake of the
country, but above all for the sake of their
eternal souls. Even, therefore, if he could come
to conceive of political reform, he would be
likely to feel that it has little to do with the
fundamental problem, which is the depravity of
the individual will of his contemporaries.
Restrain a bad man, and he will still be bad;
what Gildas wants is that he should be converted.
And if obedience to legitimate authority is part
of his notion of goodness (as indeed it is: he
says so himself in 4.1), then that obedience
should be given willingly, or else it does not
make for salvation.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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