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Appendix 12: More
evidence for direct contact between
Franks and Celtic Britons, ca.535
Fabio P.
Barbieri
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Nennius opened chapter 10
of his compilation with a clear statement that he
knew of two separate traditions as to the first
men to reach Britain. Chapter 10 was one:
Nennius took it, because of its "Roman"
colouring, as the more trustworthy account, and
accordingly placed it as the first item in what
he regarded as the canonical list of British
peoples and their origins, followed by a sequel
of notices about surrounding nations - Picts;
Scots of Ireland; Scots of Britain; even a brief
mention of the Saxons, who could not be left out
of any list of peoples of Britain though their
origin would have to be treated later. In
the typical manner of his time, Nennius (or his
sources) describe the peoples in question in
terms of their earliest ancestors; but, given
that, chapters 10-16 must be regarded as a
systematic ethnography of Britain, touching on
the name and origin of each of its component
nations. Chapter 16 sums it up.
Having done this, Nennius
turns back to warn the reader that, however much
more credible the "Roman" account of
British origins may be, there is another in
existence. It is no mere oral tradition; it
is written, ancient, and in Latin, ex
veteribus libris veterum nostrorum, out of
the ancient books of our ancients; and therefore
not to be disregarded, however unlikely it may
sound to educated contemporary ninth-century
ears. In effect, chapters 17 and 18 are in
the nature of a footnote. (Nennius, in
fact, knew a third document, that which underlies
ch.18; but he seems to have seen it as a mere
variation on ch.17, or as a compromise between
two rival accounts.) Ch.10 and ch.17 seemed
to offer him a neat dichotomy between Roman and
British tradition, and ch.18 - which, on the
surface, has a little of both - is placed after
them as a sort of attempt at resolution.
The difference from any
Classical tradition is indeed blatant. The liber
veterum nostrorum seems not even to have been
cast in annalistic form; ch.17, as we have it,
has no chronologies and synchronicities. It
is the skeleton - only the skeleton, alas! - of a
legend of First Men, in the genealogical form
typical both of Biblical accounts and of Celtic
bardic traditions. Alanus, descended
through several generations from Japheth son of
Noah, is the first man to come to Europe. He
has three children, Hessition, Armenon and Negue.
Each of these has a number of children, from
which all the races of Europe are descended.
Hessition's son are Francus, Romanus, Britto and
Albanus; Armenon bears Gothus, Walagothus
(obviously other names for the peoples history
records as Ostrogoths and Visigoths), Gebidus and
Burgundus; and Negue has Wandalus, Saxo and
Boguarius. From Francus, Romanus, Britto
and Albanus come the Franks, Romans, British and
Albans; from Gothus, Walagothus, Gebidus and
Burgundus come (notice the discrepancy) Goths,
Walagoths, Burgundians, Gepidi and Longobards;
from Wandalus, Saxo and Boguarius come the
Vandals, Saxons, Boguarii and Thuringians
(another discrepancy).
The notice that the
genealogy came not from oral tradition, but from
written books (veteribus libris) must be
taken seriously. Nennius, we know, worked
only from written and Latin sources. As for
the original of ch.17, its written origin is
obvious, it is clearly a copy of a lost document.
Alanus eleven named grandchildren all
belong to the same period of history: they are
the patriarchs of peoples that were powerful as
the Western Roman Empire faded away - Franks,
Romans, Britons, Alamans, Goths, Visigoths,
Gepidi, Burgundians; Vandals, Saxons, Bavarians.
(The reason to read Albanus as Alamannus
and Boguarius as Baiouarius will
become clear in a minute.) Albanus
and Boguarius are misspellings, but
misspellings that conceal real contemporary
entities. No fake could be so consistent:
as everyone who has read Geoffrey knows, it would
be bound to include anachronistic elements.
And while I am no palaeographer, the spelling
seems to me to show a source both ancient and
original; would the names of long-extinct
entities have kept the original spelling if the
text Nennius consulted had been a copy of a copy,
or else a fake? Of the eleven peoples
mentioned by ch.17, no more than six were still
recognizable entities by the time Nennius was
writing - Franks, Romans, Britons, Burgundians,
Saxons, Bavarians; and the Bavarians were among
those who had been made unrecognizable by a
misspelling.
The Frankish Codex
Augiensis CCIX, written roughly at the same
time as Nennius, carried the following notice: Alaneus
is the name of a man who bore three sons, that is
Hisision, Ermenon and Nigue. From Hisision
four births were born, that is the Romans, the
Franks, the Alamans and the Britons. From Ermenon
five births were born, Goths.Walagoths, Cybedi,
Burgundians and Longobards.
From Nigue four births were born, Vandals,
Saxons, Thuringians and Bavarians.
It is pretty obvious that
what we are dealing with here is a couple of
descendants, both one or two stages removed from
a common original. The Augiensis
misspelling Cybedi is explained by Nennius
as the Gepidi, a tribe settled in Hungary until
it was destroyed by an alliance of Avars and
Longobards (567); the Nennian misspellings Boguuarii
and Albani are certified by Augiensis as
Baiovarii (Bavarians) and Alamans, members of a
federation that held the upper Rhine (modern
Alsace, Baden-Württemberg, and Switzerland).
The discrepancy between the number of sons of
Armenion and Negue is preserved in the British
document, but edited out of the French by the
simple device of writing out the national
patriarchs and connecting Hisision, Ermenon and
Nigue directly and unexplainedly with the nations
they generated.
Despite its vast time
frame, the genealogy has no real historical
perspective. It treats the politico-ethnic
landscape of the later fifth and early sixth
century as if permanent; as if these nations, few
of which had been known or even existed two
centuries before, had always been in place and
represented all that needed be said about the
collective entity Europe - or "the children
of Alanus". Properly speaking, the author
meant what we would call "the West", a
common culture, rather than a geographical
entity. The Vandals were settled in Africa,
and it is clear that by Roman he means all the
citizens of the old Empire, Latin and Greek,
settled all the way to Asia and Arabia.
From the point of view of
Roman culture and civilization, this does not
merely bespeak ignorance: it bespeaks complete
alienness. Apart from the Latin language,
the person who compiled this list had no idea
whatever of the tradition of Greece and Rome.
He was a barbarian in the literal sense of the
word: he came from a wholly different culture,
and what he regarded as education was not what
even the most uneducated Roman or Greek would
have regarded as education.
We can understand his
mind better if we realize that, while the
Germanic peoples of ch.17 were new presences in
terms of the thousand-year history of Greece and
Rome, they had been on the scene long enough to
go beyond living memory. Roman writers
first mention Franks and Saxons in the fourth
century; the two Gothic tribes go back even
earlier, to the third century and the empire of
Eormanric. Anyone writing only from
personal memory and oral accounts might indeed
have thought that these nations had always been
there. And as he took Goths, Saxons, Franks
and Vandals as immemorial presences, he would
also have been predisposed to take other
entities, perhaps of more recent appearance, in
the same light; he probably just had not heard of
them himself. If, reading up on the modern
European scene, he found that Alanus had a few
children whose names he himself did not know, he
is not going to assume that it is modern Europe
that is at fault. It was more likely to be
his memory.
Our author wrote in
Latin, and felt himself a part of the West,
regarding all the peoples of the Roman Empire and
the closer reaches of the Germanic world as
related. He did not exactly cover the whole
Germanic world: Scandinavia, for instance, is
notable by its absence. Nor does his world
correspond exactly with that of Christianity:
pagan nations - Saxons, Thuringians, Bavarians -
are allowed in, and Ireland, soon to produce
generations of great saints, goes wholly
unmentioned. His view is what one would
expect of someone whose world was centred on the
Rhine, with Romans and pagan Germans, Britons and
Arian Goths, all within reach of trade and
policy. Ireland and Armenia are Christian,
but distant; Ireland and Armenia go unnoticed.
Saxony and Thuringia are hated and pagan, but
close: Saxony and Thuringia are recorded. The
origin of his people, and of the West to which he
felt he belonged, is what he was trying to
establish. The genealogy of the West
represents the attempt of a culture with no
relation to Rome bar language, to find its own
way around the European map.
There is no direct
statement in the genealogy about our
authors religion, but it is easy enough to
discover. Our author divided nations and
peoples among their three patriarchs according to
criteria that flagrantly have nothing to do
either with ethnicity or geography. The
Vandals were neither ethnically nor politically
close to Saxons, Thuringians and Bavarians.
They were separated by a sea and a continent, the
Vandals settling in Africa, the Saxons on the two
sides of the North Sea and the Thuringians and
Bavarians fringing the Frankish kingdom to the
east. The Vandals were Arian Christians,
the Saxons and others still pagan; I know of no
occasion in which the two groups ever cooperated.
What, then did they have
in common? That they were hateful to
Catholics. The savagery of Vandals to
Catholics set them aside from other Arian
Germans, and earned them a bad name to this day. The Baiovari or Bavarians, like the continental Saxons and
the Thuringians, were direct objects of Frankish
aggression in the 500s, and while their religion
in this period is a mystery, the fact that they
are associated with the pagan Saxons and
Thuringians and with the odious Vandals does not
suggest that the Franks found it orthodox. It
is at any rate difficult not to link the name of
Negue with the universal Indo-European root for
evil and negation, n(e)-. He is the
father of villains.
The sons of Armenon have
an equally distinctive character. The
groups they represent, while not as hateful as
Negue's children, are religiously and politically
very separate from the central Roman entity.
Ostrogoths, Visigoths, Burgundians and Gepidi
were all powerful entities led by strong
monarchs, whose thin veneer of ultimate
allegiance to the Emperor of Constantinople was a
juridical fiction that barely disguised their
effective independence. Their most
significant token of disloyalty was their common,
heretical Arian faith, a national as well as a
religious barrier separating conquered Catholic
Romans from victorious Arian Germans.
Finally, we have Franks,
Alamans, Britons and Romans. Apart from
being all settled in Gaul and under the rule of
Clovis and his successors, these nations have in
common that they are Catholic. Some doubt
might be raised about the Alamans, who were
conquered by Clovis and whose conversion to any
form of Christianity is not recorded anywhere to
my knowledge. On the other hand, Gregory of
Tours semi-legendary account of the
conversion of Clovis and the Franks tells us that
Clovis became converted after making a vow that
he would if he managed to conquer the Alamans -
and he did. This suggests that the conquest
of the upper Rhine was remembered (one century
after the events) as having an organic connection
with the conversion of the Franks to the Catholic
faith. Certainly one thing we never hear of
is the kind of difficulties that the Franks had
with their Arian neighbours, Burgundians and
Goths: one has the impression that the Alamans
were swallowed up in the Frankish commonwealth,
politically and religiously.
There can be little doubt
that what we have here is a typical origin legend
of two reprobate brothers and one triumphant one,
whose virtue and right choices win him his
father's inheritance, or at least the best part
of it. The sons of Negue, Armenon and
Hessition describe the moral character of each
patriarch. Armenon is strong, proud and
rebellious; Negue is not only that, but vile and
violent as well; Hessition is good, royal in
character as befits the father of Francus and
imperial Romanus, and obedient to the Church
(however this is expressed in the story of a
hero, Hessition, dated centuries before Christ).
The legend almost writes itself. The names
of Hessition, Armenon and Negue stood for
realities other than, and higher than, tribal
kinship: they designated different ways to be,
different political and religious paths that a
tribe might follow.
If the language used to
designate such things is that of kinship, that is
not too hard to understand. Certain nations
were seen as more close kin than others, children
of Hessition rather than of Armenon or Negue,
because in actual fact kinship with them was far
more easy to achieve. The common Catholic
faith bound together the children of Hessition,
Romans, Britons, Alamans and Franks, and made
intermarriage possible, where Arianism and
Paganism all but forbade it. Marriage was a
sacrament, and to marry in an Arian church would
have been not far short of taking Communion
there, and as for marrying a Pagan - ! Religion
was parallel with ethnicity, and meant that all
Catholics, whether Roman, Germanic or Celtic,
were in a sense marriageable kin, and all
non-Catholics were not. As Europeans - or
rather Westerners - involved in a common web of
political and cultural relationships, heirs in
some fashion of the universal empire whose memory
was surely not lost even on our author, they were
all children of Alanus; but as separate groups,
not easily or at all marriageable, some of them
clearly reprobate and a disgrace to the name (and
those were the children of Negue) they cannot be
more than descended from the hero's two lesser
sons.
What strikes us today is
how fleeting was that map, which its author
thought so solid. Historically speaking,
many of the "children of Alanus" were
soon to vanish from the stage: the Gepidi were
annihilated by the Longobards in the mid-sixth
century, the Ostrogoths melted in the flames of
the Justinianic war (535-553) that had already
devoured the Vandals (535), the Burgundians were
swallowed up into newly Catholic Frankland in
534, though the writing had been on the wall for
decades. The 530s, therefore, are the terminus
ante quem for the original of ch.17. The
Terminus post quem is supplied by the
conversion of the Franks to Catholicism - a
notoriously difficult event to date, but one
which was at any rate complete by 507.
The ancestral document of
Augiensis CCIX and Nennius ch.17 should
receive more attention than it does: it is the
closest that we will come to the mentality and
thoughts of a Frank of the earliest
post-conversion period. It was written in
Latin by someone who thought like a Frank but
distinguished the varieties of mankind according
to their attitude to the Catholic Church. This
suggests a religious figure of some sort. Gregory
of Tours Lives of the Fathers shows
us that, even in the first decades of Christian
history, the Frankish tribes of Gaul were
producing a tolerable crop of attractive
religious figures. Only, the nature of the
document testifies that these Fathers - to use
Gregorys term - had taken more trouble
acquiring the Christian faith with its language
and writing skills than even the rudiments of the
old culture of Rome and Athens. Our author,
in effect, was like some African Pentecostal
Christians I met a few times: lovely people with
wit, charm, excellent manners, more faith in
their little finger than I can boast of in my
whole body - but who will admit, not only
candidly but with a certain innocent confidence,
that they cant see any point in Beethoven
and classical music, and that they did not
believe in evolution. They had
learned little of Western culture but the
religion.
This document reached
Britain very early and produced a crop of further
writing. Though unknown to Geoffrey,
Alanus, Hessition and Britto turn up in the
following chapter, ch.18, whose origin cannot be
Frankish or Continental. They even had the
time to change pronunciation slightly: rather
than Alanus, Hessition and Britto, they are now
Alaneus, Hissition and Brutus, ridiculously
descended from Aeneas through Ascanius, Numa
Pompilius and Rhea Silvia. Alaneus is the
name preserved in Codes Augiensis, which
proves that in this it is Nennius who innovated;
and the different spelling also proves that we
are dealing, not with Nennius' own attempt to
unite incompatible accounts, but with a different
document. The milieu from which ch.18 originates
pronounced their hero-names differently from that
of ch.17, and made no attempt to conform; also,
unlike ch.17, it Romanized Britto into Brutus.
Ch.18 presents an
alternative genealogy, and there are indications
that its original author had used a source that
was not Roman but Greek in origin. The
absurdity of making Rhea Silvia a daughter of
Numa, and he a son of Ascanius, stops there; the
preceeding terms - Ascanius filius Aeneae,
filii Anchisae, filii Dardani, filii Flise, filii
Juvani, filii Japheth - make up a good sound
Homeric dynasty, except that where we expect
Zeus, we find Elishah (Flisa) son of Javan -
Genesis 10.4. Its ethnography has nothing
to do with that of ch.17. The list of
peoples is attached, not to the children of
Alan(e)us, but to those of Noah, and, so far as
it overlaps that of ch.17, it contradicts it: for
instance, the Itali are made children of
Tubal, while ch.17 had Romanus as the son of
Hessition. But it includes no European
names other than Classical-age ones. Some of them would have
meant nothing to a dark-age Briton: Medes,
Thracians, Cappadocians. The source for
this genealogy knew the East Mediterranean well
and was interested in the origin of its peoples,
but it had nothing to say about any Germanic
tribe.
The spirit of ch.18 is as
different from that of ch.17 as the detail.
The author of ch.18 meant to insert his national
genealogical tree into a greater Classical
tradition, though the Classical tradition to
which he had access was Greek rather than Latin.
(There must therefore have been a part of Britain
at some point in which the first access to
Classical culture was by the Roman East, to whom
the learning of Constantinople was genuinely more
accessible than those of Rome or Gaul.) Unlike
that of ch.17, this genealogy cannot be dated
with any confidence, for the Greek document or
documents which were used in its redaction may
have slept in a library for decades before they
were drawn out and used. It is certain that
no educated Greek or Easterner was involved in
its redaction: even if they had no written
account of Roman legend with them, they could not
possibly have made such howlers. The source
is bound to have been written; there is both too
much precision in the things he has got right -
all those Homeric names, and such an abstruse
word as Cappadoces! - and too much wild
error in those he got wrong. He is like a man trying to
line up card-index entries. The best that
can be said is that it is likeliest to date after
the regular trade with the Greek East, carried on
throughout the sixth century, ceased, but before
Wales re-established contact with the Latin West.
I think we would be on reasonable ground if we
dated it some time between 650AD and 768, when
Elvodug led the Welsh Church back into the West.
A number of allusions to Alaneus, his sons and
his grandson Britto can be traced even after
Nennius, in spite of the success of the
alternative tradition that made Britto the
grandson of Aeneas.
This story is evidence of
contact between Frankish and British Celtic
Christian groups, neither of which had any
contact with Roman culture except for
religion. The contact is likelier to have
taken place in Gaul than in the island of Britain
- why would a Frank go there? - and seems to
suggest the presence of tribal Celtic British
Christians in territories where tribal Frankish
Christians could also be encountered, without any
mediation from Roman Christian environments
whatever. The document was actually more
fertile of results in Britain than in Gaul, where
it only seems to have survived in a
Carolingian-age copy - this in a period where
monastic scribes were copying down everything
from previous ages, whether they understood it or
not, including such manifestly useless documents
(to anyone but a historian, obviously) as the Notitia
Dignitatum. In front of this fervour of
preservation, an astonished modern is apt to ask
but what on Earth can the details and
insignia of local officials of the Roman Empire
have mattered to Carolingian monks? The
answer is, they probably did not know themselves,
but we are glad that they made the copy. The
document quickly lost relevance to Frankish
ecclesiastics, and remained altogether unknown to
Gregory of Tours. In Britain, on the other
hand, Alanus and Hisitio were close to entering
the national mythology altogether; and, before
Nennius had reached it, an intelligent
systematizer had fitted on it a large fragment of
a learned Irish genealogy, to connect it
ultimately to Noah and his sons. This means
that it had been present in British culture a
long time.
That being the case, much
the best date imaginable for a Frankish monk or
priest to have transmitted the document to an
equally tribal British counterpart, is at some
point early in the story of the document; that
is, before it stopped losing actuality (because
of the swift disappearance of ethnic groups
mentioned in the genealogy) and interest (because
of an increasing integration between Frankish and
Roman priests, that produced the first few
Frankish bishops in the second half of the
century). There would be no reason for a
Briton to copy a Frankish document unless he saw
that the Franks themselves took it seriously.
And this takes us really very near to the dates
in which Arthur was driving deep into Gaul,
probably occupying enough previously Frank-held
territory to put the local sovereign, Lothar, in
a very unpleasant situation. There is
plenty of evidence that tribal British war-bands
went to the continent with their own tribal
bishops or presbyters - think of Rigocatus with
his Britions, of Lovocatus and Catihernus
practising among the cabanas of
their people, of the Britons of Galicia
having their own Bishop Mailoc: one side effect
of a British invasion, therefore, would be that
the territorial organization of a Roman church
would be overlain by another, the clerical
following of a number of war-bands fighting their
way across the country. If contact between the
British and local clergy was not entirely
hostile, this seems to me the best way to imagine
the transmission of this essentially local,
tribal and contemporary document from one group
to the other.
Notes
History
of Britain, 407-597 is copyright © 2002, Fabio
P. Barbieri. Used with permission.
Comments
to: Fabio P.
Barbieri
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