= = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = = =


 
 

-- FUTURE WORLD FORECAST --

-- YOUR EMERGENCY NEWS BROADCAST --


---------------------THE COMING UNREST-- [2024] -- A PDF Medical Journal

SOURCE----> 

 

"The transnational ruling class has no choice but to keep pushing for global technocracy, and the rest of humanity has no choice but to fight back."

 

"Injections No Matter What.

Global power brokers made it very clear that they intend to see everyone (apart from their own class) injected with the novel technologies now known to contain all manner of undisclosed ingredients (Hughes, 2022c)."

 

---"The Covert Installation of Military Hardware into Human Bodies?"
--The IT/Bio/Nano Era

"The Clinton administration threw its weight behind nanotechnology
research with the foundation of the National Nanotechnology Initiative
in 2000, claiming that nanotechnology research goals “may take twenty
or more years to achieve” (i.e. by 2020) (White House, 2000).
A July 2001 NASA Langley Research Centre report on “Future
Warfare,” which aims to provide a “Heads Up” for the “Intel Commu-
nity,” expects “ongoing worldwide technological revolutions” and “eco-
nomic trends” to lead to a new warfighting paradigm by “circa 2025”
(Bushnell, 2001, pp. 1, 5, 109). With a “Bio/NANO” era beginning
around “2020-?,” an “IT/Bio/Nano” warfare paradigm will involve
“everyone” and utilise “key future [nano]technologies” such as “carbon
nanotubes” and “assemblers/living factories.” Moreover, a “takedown of
the US” involving, among other things, “selective anti-personnel RF/
MW [radio frequency and microwave] (Towers)” will be “ACCOMPA-
NIED BY SERIOUS PSYWAR” (Bushnell, 2001, pp. 7, 13, 35, 98,
107).

In light of all that has happened since 2020, including massive psycho-
logical warfare, the erection of 5G towers in densely populated areas, and
the discovery of apparent carbon nanotubes and self-assembling struc-
tures (possibly synthetic biology) in the blood of “vaccinated” patients
(Hughes, 2022c), it seems hard to avoid the impression that the “Covid-
19” operation was planned since at least the turn of the millennium, much
as “pandemic preparedness” exercises—in which “CIA involvement was a
consistent feature” (Kennedy Jr., 2021, p. 385)—date at least as far back
as Operation Dark Winter in June 2001 (O’Toole et al., 2002)."

 

---------------From Neuroscience to Neurotechnology

The “wildcard” breakthrough was made in 2010, when Lieber and his
colleagues used nanowires to create transistors so small that they can 
“enter and probe cells without disrupting the intracellular machinery,”
enabling “two-way communication with individual cells” (Shaw, 2011)—
perhaps the first example of the IT/Bio/Nano convergence in practice.
According to Pentagon neuroscientist James Giordano (2018), neuro-
science and neurotechnology became “viable for operational use in NSID
[National Security Investigations Division]” in 2010, were considered
for “military operational use” in 2013, and were “in operational NSID
use” by 2014. The timing fits with Lieber’s breakthrough, as well as with
developments in graphene-based technology (see below).
In January 2013, the Rockefeller Foundation and the Peking Union
Medical College held a summit in Beijing titled “Dreaming the Future
of Health for the Next 100 Years” (Rockefeller Foundation, 2013). That
imagined future, as summarised by Kyrie and Broudy (2022a), involves 
the “re-engineering of humans through genetic engineering or mixed
human-robots,” nanobots and nanotechnology, synthetic biology and
“human-designed life,” optogenetics, or remote brain monitoring and
control using light signals, tissue-implantable sensors that interact with big
data, self-replicating A.I., deliver y of medical and health services through
telemedicine and A.I., and a future in which the “abundance of data, digi-
tally tracking and linking people may mean the ‘death of privacy’ and may
replace physical interaction with transient, virtual connection.”

Health here is just a guise for rolling out IT/Bio/Nanotechnology that will facilitate eugenics (redirecting the course of human evolution), mind control, and ultra-surveillance.


In April 2013, President Obama launched the BRAIN Initiative, whose
stated purpose is to “unlock the mysteries of the brain” by making
extraordinary scientific advances in a short time frame under the “Grand
Challenges” framework (White House, 2013). The Human Brain Project
in Europe, also launched in 2013, served a similar function. Research
funding for the BRAIN Initiative was disbursed through DARPA ($50
million), the NIH ($40 million), and the National Science Founda-
tion ($20 million), beginning in FY 2014. Four private sector partners
were named: the Allen Institute for Brain Science, the Howard Hughes
Medical Institute, the Rockefeller-affiliated Kavli Foundation, and the
Salk Institute for Biological Studies. The BRAIN initiative working group,
which outlined the scope of the project, was co-chaired by Rockefeller 
University’s Cori Bargmann. One early project to be funded was a Rock-
efeller University (2014) initiative to find a
“new way to remotely control brain cells” using radiogenetics, which
“combines the use of radio wavesor magnetic fields with nanoparticles to turn
neurons on or off.” This was successfully achieved in rats, enabling what
Rockefeller University (2016calls “magnetic mind control.” A WEF article
from 2018 (since deleted)is titled
“Mind Control using Sound Waves?” (Jérusalem, 2018). The
in-house references to mind control give the game away.

Optogenetics (using pulses of light), sonogenetics (ultrasound waves), magnetoge-
netics (magnetic fields)and chemogenetics (engineered proteins, viz.
DREADDS, or “Designer Receptors Exclusively Activated by Designer
Drugs”) were all explored for purposes of remotely controlling brain
activity.

---------We should not lose sight of the hubristic nature of attempts to “unlock
the mysteries of the brain” (White House, 2013).-----------


"Giordano (2018) tells West Point recruits:
“The brain is, and will be,
the twenty-first-century battlescape.” Clearly, by this point, neuroscience
and neurotechnology had entered military operational use.

 ----Weaponised neurotechnology, Giordano (2017) teaches, can be used to:

1) assess, predict, and control particular cognitions, emotions, and
behaviours;
2) mitigate aggression and foster cognitions, emotions, and/
or behaviours of affiliation or passivity;
3) incur burdens of morbidity,
disability, or suffering and in this way “neutralise” potential opponents, or
4) induce mortality.

In other words, it can be used to control subjective experience and
behaviours and to leave a target sick, disabled, or dead. The way it works
is to “put minimal sized electrodes in a network within a brain through
only minimal intervention to be able to read and write into the brain
function, in real time, remotely” (Giordano, 2018)."


---------“mRNA Vaccines” as Cover for Military Technologies?

If the aim of the deep state (Hughes, 2022b) is to use public health as
the disguise under which to introduce military technology into the bodies
of the population, then traditional forms of vaccine must be replaced.
This, it seems, is the purpose of so-called “mRNA vaccines.” In addition
to camouflaging the true nature of their contents, “mRNA vaccines” can 
allegedly be produced at speed, anywhere, based on computer code rather
than a physical sample of a virus. With governments, regulators, and the
media all captured, the public has no reliable way of knowing what these
new products contain (Hughes, 2022c).

---------The Evil Potential of Weaponised Neurotechnology

The above considerations make the covert transnational military
campaign (see Chapter 6) to inject as many people as possible with
substances containing undisclosed ingredients, apparently including self-
assembling EMF-responsive nanotechnology (Hughes, 2022c, 2023,
50:25), extremely worrying, especially in the context of an undeclared
Omniwar in which the public is the enemy. Moreover, with the rapid
rollout of 5G technology capable of targeting individuals, plus projects
such as Elon Musk’s Starlink, Amazon’s Project Kuiper, and OneWeb
all vying to provide internet coverage to every part of the world from
low earth orbit, there could, potentially, be no escape from a wireless
technocratic control grid.

Steele proposes that the metallic components found in the “Covid-
19 vaccines” (cf. Hughes, 2022c, pp. 461, 572) make their recipients
radio-traceable for directed energy weapons kill missions (“Mark Steele on
5G,” 2023); in the military context described above, we have to take such
possibilities seriously. The exotic technologies apparently contained within
the “Covid-19” injectables (Hughes, 2022c) have been linked to MAC
addresses (Sarlangue et al., 2021); if proven, this would make human
bodies identifiable components of the Internet of Things and thus directly
targetable on the information-liquidation model.
Nanotechnology within the body capable of communicating with an
external network is sold as a positive development in terms of health-
care (e.g. nanorobots can explore within the body and deliver precision
payloads of medicine without the need for invasive surgery). Those
funded to do this kind of research probably justify their activities in
such terms. However, it can also be dual-use technology, much like the
“‘dual use’ vaccine and weapon technologies developed since the anthrax
attacks of 2001 (Kennedy Jr., 2021, p. 384). “The problem of dual-
use science research and technology,” Miller (2018) argues, is that “such
research and technology has the potential to be used for great evil as well
as for great good.”


Consider the potential for evil if the deep state’s aim is to connect
human bodies to a technocratic control grid. For one thing, there are
the health implications of injecting exotic technologies into the human
body, which could explain the very high level of serious adverse reactions
to the “Covid-19 vaccines” (OpenVAERS, n.d.;MHRA, n.d.;WHO,
n.d. [search “COVID-19 vaccine”]). Graphene oxide, for instance, a
non-degradable substance 100 times stronger than steel with a melting
temperature approximately 80% as hot as the sun’s surface, is suspected of
being present in the “Covid-19 vaccines” (Campra, 2021;UNIT, 2021),
yet is known to be toxic (Newman, 2020;Ouetal., 2016; Pumera,
2016).


Today, the possibility of “vaccination as neurological remote-control”
must be taken seriously, for “after achieving access by vaccination to the
biomass of the 7 to 8 billion individuals who have to be controlled,
remote-controlling them is no longer an absurd fantasy” (van der Pijl,
2022, pp. 249, 256). Just as the central bankers want to “go direct”
in their control of people’s money (BlackRock, 2020), so the military
and intelligence agencies seem to want to “go direct” in their control
of people’s bodies. According to Harari (2017, p. 289), human beings
can be manipulated like rats by stimulating relevant areas o f the brain,
and “the U.S. military has recently initiated experiments on implanting
computer chips in people’s brains.”


A reported 5.55 billion people (as of March 2023) have been injected
with dangerous experimental substances containing a devil’s brew of
undisclosed ingredients (Holder, 2023; Hughes, 2022c). Huge numbers
of people, including previously fit and healthy people, have suffered
serious adverse reactions to those injections, including severe disability
and death, viz. Yellow Card (MHRA, n.d.) and VAERS data (Open-
VAERS, n.d.) (with most deaths accruing towards the time of injection),
which may only account for between 1% and 10% of the total (Ross
et al., 2010;MHRA, 2019). Strange, rubbery “clots,” often huge, are
being pulled out of dead “vaccinated” bodies by embalmers such as
Richard Hirschmann (Tice, 2022); they do not appear to be natural blood
clots, and are possibly caused by hydrogel polymers (Mihalcea, 2023).


What will be the social response to the mass atrocities and crimes against
humanity that have been committed since 2020 in a desperate effort
to keep the global population in check (Hughes et al., 2022; Hughes,
2022c)? Or, as van der Pijl (2022, p. 281) asks: “Given that governments,
acting for the oligarchy and the internationalized state, will not let go, the
question is: will there be a revolutionary response?
If there is not, then we should recall Huxley’s (1958, p. 118) warning
that the “scientific dictatorship” could prove permanent, there being “no
good reason” why it “should ever be overthrown.” Such a dictatorship is
now being attempted at the global level and, if allowed to happen, even if
only by a narrow margin, like the NSDAP election victory in 1933 with
only 44% of the vote, it could prove irreversible.


There is no requirement, and certainly no desirability, that this process
be violent, despite Omniwar being waged in the opposition direction by
deep state actors too cowardly to show their faces. Mass non-compliance
renders technocratic agendas unenforceable. Non-compliance at the indi-
vidual level and civil disobedience at the social level can soon spread, as we
are already seeing in Britain and elsewhere in response to the attempted
rollout of 15-minute cities.
A simple but extremely powerful tactica mass disabling event from
the perspective of technocracy—would be for a new social norm to
cascade, whereby as many people as possible got rid of their “smart”
(slave) devices by which they voluntarily hook themselves up to the
control grid and feed it information on all areas of their lives. There is
a reason why those devices are designed to be highly addictive; notifica-
tions, for instance, create “short-term, dopamine-driven feedback loops,”
as Chamath Palihapitiya, Facebook’s vice-president for user growth until
2011, admitted (cited in Wong, 2017). In that respect, society urgently
needs to kick its habit.



----------WEAPONISED DECEPTION-- [2024] A PDF Medical Journal

SOURCE ---->  

 

Abstract

Totalitarianism is facilitated by what Hannah Arendt calls “gigantic lies and monstrous falsehoods,” which the masses are organised to believe. This tradition has a long history, even in the West. The “Covid-19 pandemic” was a Big Lie: there is no credible epidemiological evidence to support its existence. Rather, the “pandemic” was a media-driven social phenomenon that served to deflect attention from far-reaching technocratic agendas being advanced across every area of life. “Pandemic preparedness” provides cover for building the institutional architecture of global dictatorship under the pretext of public health. It is unclear whether “SARS-CoV-2” is real: problems exist regarding its alleged “isolation” (involving cytopathic effects, genome sequencing, and electron microscopy images). There is, however, evidence to suggest that “SARS-CoV-2” may, in part, have been influenza rebranded. The “vaccines,” which instead of protecting people have caused catastrophic harm, are likely bioweapons aimed at controlling the population in multiple ways. Yet, despite the “Covid-19” narrative being saturated with deceit, most people cannot and will not see it, owing to cognitive dissonance.

 

“The individual is handicapped by coming face-to-face with a
conspiracy so monstrous he cannot believe it exists,” J. Edgar Hoover
(1956, p. 48) said of communism. A favoured modus operandi of the
intelligence agencies, however, is projective attack, i.e. accusing others of
the very tactics and strategies which they themselves adopt. It is the intelli-
gence agencies who sit at the heart of the monstrous lies and conspiracies
that have facilitated Western imperialism, causing so much harm to the
world (Hughes, 2022b;Valentine, 2017).

------Manufacturing Global Consciousness

1968 marked a seminal moment in the history of global class relations.
During the Prague Spring of that year, Dub ˇ cek’s call for “socialism with a
human face” was made in April, and Soviet tanks finally rolled in to crush
the resistance on August 21. On the other side of the “Iron Cur tain,”
“May ‘68” in Paris saw a month of civil unrest that ver y nearly spilled over
into revolution after President de Gaulle was forced to flee the country.
The lesson of 1968, from a r uling-class perspective, was that it was
no longer enough for different political leaderships—including nominal
enemies—to come together on an ad hoc basis to put down working-
class revolts as and when they arose, as in East Germany in 1953 and
Hungary in 1956 (Glaber man & Faber, 2002, pp. 171–2; Wilford, 2008,
p. 49).  Rather, the transnationalisation of resistance must be met with
the coordination of r uling-class interests in permanent counterrevolution
at the global level. Hence, organisations such as the World Economic
Forum and the Trilateral Commission were founded in the early 1970s to
improve coordination of capitalist interests transnationally .The ultimate
direction of travel, already mooted after the destruction of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki in the name of avoiding nuclear Ar mageddon, is a world
state, controlled by a global r uling class (in which sense the WEF’s logo,
“improving the state of the world,” has always been ambiguous).
In order to engineer a move from a world of nation-states to a world
state, it is essential to create what Brzezinski (1970, p. 29) calls “a new
global consciousness” (which, he r ecognises, does not have the support
of “the majority of humanity”) and a shared set of global problems that
demand globally coordinated responses and a sense of common purpose.
In this context, it is important to ask critical questions, not only about
the alleged moon landings (1969–1972) but also about the environ-
mental movement and the global population contr ol agenda, which all
came about soon after (and even during) the events of 1968.
As with the events of “9/11,” academia has failed to conduct due
diligence into the authenticity of the moon landings, despite a prolif-
eration of evidence outside academia that has caused more and more
people to conclude that the moon landings were faked. In rar e instances
where academics do touch on the subject, their typical point of depar ture,
unsupported by evidence, is that the moon landings were real, and the
move then tends to be to explain the supposed psychological “deficiency”
in those who think they wer e not (Hattersley et al., 2022; Lewandowsky
et al., 2013; Swami et al., 2013). In the absence of any serious investi-
gation into the s ubject, however, academia is in no place to comment.
Without getting into the details of the debate, it is sufficient for our
purposes simply to note that, if the moon landings were faked, this would
be consistent with an attempt to foster the “new global consciousness”
called for by Brzezinski (1970, p. 29). As President Nixon claimed while
purportedly on the phone to the moon in July 1969, “For one price-
less moment in the whole histor y of man, all the people on this Earth
are tr uly one.” Fakery of the moon landings would also provide proof of
concept that it is possible to deceive the entire world about something
provided virtually ever y gover nment and major news outlet runs with the
same narrative.
The Club of Rome, founded by Aurelio Peccei, Alexander King, and
David Rockefeller in April 1968, launched the global environmental
movement. It was particularly influential with its Limits to Growth report
(Meadows et al., 1972). The Rockefeller Commission Report (Centre
for Research on Population & Security, 1972) and the Kissinger Report
(National Security Council, 1974) promote global “population contr ol.”
The misanthropic, antiquated Malthusian logic is always the same: human
beings are a scourge on the face of the Earth and must learn to change
their selfish ways if they are to live “sustainably” in harmony with their
environment. Put differently, human beings must modify their behaviour
in accordance with the centralisation of power at the global level, and
wealth must never be equitably redistributed.
Would the transnational deep state (Hughes, 2022b) really have the
audacity/depravity to attempt to deceive the entire world population?
We know that the CIA was secretly steering the Congress for Cultural
Freedom, the National Student Association, the International Commis-
sion of Jurists, the AFL-CIO, and Radio Free Europe. When this all
became public knowledge in 1967/1968, it marked “the first occasion in
the postwar period when Americans learned en masse that they were being
systematically deceived by federal officials” (Wilford, 2008, p. 251). CIA
director William Casey is reputed to have claimed in 1981: “We’ll know
our disinformation program is complete when everything the American
public believes is false” (McLovincraft, 2020). Ex-CIA agent John Stock-
well claimed in the 1980s: “It goes beyond your wildest imagination, the
extent to which the CIA has gone to manipulate public opinion” (Lena,
2023).

We also know about the enormous influence of the Rockefeller family.
In the nineteenth century, before the family fortune was made, William
Avery Rockefeller, Sr. allegedly travelled from town to town selling “a
cancer cure consisting of oil and laxative” (snake oil) and is reported
to have bragged: “I cheat my boys every chance I get. I want to make
‘em sharp” (Wood, 2018, p. 55). He and his great grandson, David
Rockefeller, were both, in Wood’s estimation, “lying deceivers, con men
and hucksters. David only played his part with a lot more money at his
disposal.” Thus, with respect to Rockefeller influence through founda-
tions, multinational corporations, NGOs, politicians, lobbyists, and the
United Nations (not least the “sustainable development” agenda), it is
“no mystery why deception and fraud run amok: as the ancient proverb
states, ‘The fish stinks from the head’” (Wood, 2018, p. 168). By the
early 1970s, Rockefeller forces had built up a “repertoire of hoaxes,”
including the 1973 “oil hoax” (Minnicino, 1974, p. 53; cf. Engdahl,
2004, Chap. 9).

Meanwhile in the 1970s, NATO used deception to suppress leftist
opposition in Europe by deploying false flag terrorism against popula-
tions and blaming it on “far left” organisations—Operation Gladio being
the best-known example (Ganser, 2005). “Phony strikes” and infiltrated
movements and trade unions also involved deception, leaving the working
class “faced with the situation in which world events are designed for
effect”; in such a world, “the criterion for insanity is to say that reality is
what it appears to be” (Minnicino, 1974,p.53).

-------The Pandemic
-------The “Covid-19 Pandemic” as a Big Lie

Under “Covid-19,” Agamben observes, humanity is once again “entering
a phase of its history where truth is being reduced to a moment within
the march of falsity” (2021, p. 48). According to Knightly (2021), in
keeping with the post-1968 context, “Covid has shown us [that] suppos-
edly enemy nations suddenly come to an accord and demonstrate almost
total unity of purpose to spread one big lie.” “Hitler’s notion of the
‘grossly impudent lie,’” remark Broudy and Hoop (2021, p. 379), “is
especially prescient today” given the power of organisations such as the
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation to shape global health narratives
through direct influence on international organisations such as the WHO
and the UN, the media, and the policies of many governments.
Would it be possible to fake a global pandemic given such a config-
uration of powerful actors? Indeed, it would, as the fake “swine flu
pandemic” of 2009 illustrates (Fumento, 2010; cf. Keil, 2010; Wodarg
et al., 2009). All that is needed is to fudge the meaning of the term “pan-
demic” (see Chap. 4) and to run a cynical PR campaign transnationally,
such as the one orchestrated by Marc van Ranst (see EvidenceNotFear,
2020).

2009 served as a dry run for 2020, when again a “pandemic” was
declared which, upon closer examination, turns out to be nothing of the
kind (Davis, 2021). The “Covid-19 pandemic” was, in the view of Kyrie
and Broudy (2022a), conjured out of “mass hysteria, malpractice, censor-
ship and juggled data.” In the view of distinguished pathologist Roger
Hodkinson in his testimony to Alberta state officials in November 2020,
the “Covid-19 pandemic” represents “the greatest hoax ever perpetrated
on an unsuspecting public” (cited in Children’s Health Defence, 2020).
There is no credible epidemiological sense in which “Covid-19” can be
said to have been a viral “pandemic.” In the United States, for example,
New York City and certain North-East coastal states witnessed a large
spike in mortality between March and June, 2020, yet 34 of 48 conti-
nental U.S. states did not see any such spike, a feature that is “impossible
for a virulent and contagious respiratory disease virus acting in a society
free from local aggression or local environmental disaster” (Rancourt
et al., 2021, p. 138, Fig. 15). Meanwhile, all-cause mortality in Canada
in 2020 remained normal in relation to the previous decade, begging the
question of how an allegedly virulent and contagious pathogen failed to 
cross the world’s longest international land border between two major
trading partners (Rancourt et al., 2021, pp. 125, 128–9). Such jurisdic-
tional heterogeneity runs “contrary to pandemic behaviour, and contrary
to any (1945–2021) season of viral respiratory disease burden in the
Northern hemisphere” (Rancourt et al., 2021,p.62).

The spread of the “virus” across EU member states in Q2 and Q3
of 2020 was inconsistent with a viral pandemic. Engelbrecht and Köhn-
lein (2020), for example, observe that neighbouring European countries
registered very different “Covid-19” excess mortality rates, e.g. no excess
mortality in Germany and Portugal, but noticeable excess mortality in
Belgium and Spain. Those differences were irrespective of the severity of
“lockdown” measures, with most of the excess deaths occurring within
a 2–3 week period around early April. Similarly, England has displayed
excess mortality since March 2020, according to EuroMOMO data,
whereas Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland have not (Kendrick,
2022).

Matters (2020), writing in September 2020, notes that “Covid-19”
death rates are negligible for around three quarters of the world’s coun-
tries, yet accrue predominantly in the USA, UK, and EU member states.
New York City, for instance, had r ecor ded 229,000 “Covid-19” deaths,
compared to just 470 such deaths in Singapore. Why was the “virus”
so much more lethal in the West—home to some of the world’s best
healthcare systems—than in other regions of the world?
Similar was true of “case” rates. Hover the cursor over the dark blue
part of the scale bar along the bottom of the map for “cumulative
confirmed Covid-19 cases per million people” (WHO, n.d.-c). Dark blue
refers to 300,000 + such cases, the highest categor y. Highlighted on the
map is essentially “the West,” i.e. the United States, nearly all of Western
Europe, Australia, and New Zealand, plus key allies including Israel and
South Korea, as well as US-controlled Puer to Rico and French Guiana.
Even though the USA, Europe, and Australia/New Zealand are oceans
apart (and r emember that air travel was heavily restricted), the “virus”
was allegedly most concentrated in those regions, giving it a peculiarly
Western-centric character, while the entire continent of Africa, where
“vaccines” were least available, was vir tually ignored.
It is hard to escape the impression that the “pandemic” was a social
construct manufactured predominantly in the West, based on high death
rates in particular cities coupled with the kinds of statistical manipulation
and military-grade propaganda discussed in Chap. 4. This is consistent
with a transnational deep state operation (Hughes, 2022b) aimed at
replacing Western liberal democracy with technocracy. In that respect, it
is telling that Secr etary of State and for mer CIA Director, Mike Pompeo,
at the start of the “pandemic,” referred to being in a “live exercise” (a
military term)—and that President T rump, standing right behind him,
muttered “you should have let us know” (“Mike Pompeo we’r e in a
live exercise here,” 2020). This evidences the redundancy of the visible
government when it comes to what Scott (2017, Chap. 9) calls “deep
events,” i.e. events which profoundly transform the trajectory of politics
and society, yet whose provenance is deliberately concealed.
-------Covid Theatre: Performing the “Pandemic”

If the “pandemic” were real in any meaningful sense—e.g. “Covid-19”
having a high infection fatality rate, as opposed to the 0.05% median
IFR for the under-70s identified by Ioannidis (2021), dropping to 0.03%
for the under-60s, 0.011% for the 30–39 age range, 0.002% for 20–29,
and 0.0003% for 0–19 (Pezullo et al., 2023)—why was the propaganda
so fierce? “In a genuine pandemic,” Dymond (2020) observes, “this
constant mental battering would be superfluous,” for no one would need
to be persuaded of the danger of a high fatality disease outbreak. As
with the 2009 “swine flu pandemic” (EvidenceNotFear, 2020;Fumento,
2010), the “Covid-19 pandemic” was a heavily mediated event.

Because human cognition is, to a significant extent, unconsciously
emotion-driven (we tend to feel rather than reason our way to opinions),
“acting as if we are infectious agents by wearing masks fosters greater
belief in the official narrative” (Kyrie & Broudy, 2022b). The British
public was, accordingly, encouraged through government/NHS propa-
ganda to “Act like you’ve got it.” Outwardly healthy people performed
the “pandemic” through “social distancing,” “self-isolation,” face masks,
etc., making it a social, if not epidemiological, reality. Without the perfor-
mance—“Covid theatre” in the words of Florida Governor Ron DeSantis
(see Harsanyi, 2022)—there would have been no visible evidence that
anything was wrong. The PCR tests also served as “crucial ‘theatre props’
in convincing [the public] that the COVID-19 Story was a real pandemic”
(Kingston, 2022).

Much like ducking and covering in the context of nuclear war, or using
duct tape to protect against biological, chemical, or radiological terrorism
(Meserve, 2003), the idea that wearing a piece of cloth on one’s face,
or putting up plexiglass screens, or standing on stickers six feet apart
could of fer any meaningful protection to anyone against the “new Spanish
flu” is preposter ous. The “measures” were not about keeping people safe
(even the UKHSA [2023, p. 5] retrospectively concedes “There is a lack
of strong evidence on the effectiveness of NPIs to reduce COVID-19
transmission”). Rather, they were designed to convince the public of a
new existential threat and to condition obedience and conformity (see
V olume 2 of this book). Like the addict who finds endless rationalisations
for their addictive behaviour, most people find that behaviour change
compels a change in cognition rather than vice-versa (Festinger, 1957,
6). Enactment of the “measures” by the public, accordingly, makes the
“pandemic” seem real to those taking part in the per formance, no matter
how absurd it is.
Politicians and their advisers played starring roles in the Covid theatr e.
The daily performances of government “scientists” at Downing Street
press briefings, for example, intensified the drama of the “pandemic.”
Suspicions have been raised that Boris Johnson was merely playing a part
when claiming that doctors were preparing to announce his death after he
was allegedly hospitalised by “Covid-19” (McCrae, 2023). One month
later Johnson was hosting lockdown-breaking parties at 10 Downing
Street (Kottasová et al,. 2022), at which no one “followed the rules.”
Politicians and r oyalty put masks on just before going on stage, some-
times removing the mask almost straight away, having modelled to the
public the desir ed form of behaviour. At the G7 summit in June 2021,
world leaders bumped elbows, wore masks, and “socially distanced”—
but only for the cameras (Myers, 2021). At the COP 26 summit in
Glasgow in November 2021, arriving leaders put on a mask after getting
out of their car (in the fresh air), walked along the red carpet past a
mask-wearing ceremonial guard, then removed the mask once inside the
venue—all scientifically absur d, yet necessary for maintaining the charade
of the “pandemic.”
-------The “Pandemic” as Technocratic Smokescreen

Decoying, camouflage, strategic misdirection, magic tricks, etc., have
historically been key to militar y and intelligence operations (Melton &
Wallace, 2009, pp. 9–29; Kyrie & Broudy, 2022a). The “Covid-19
pandemic,” correspondingly , acts as a smokescreen to deflect attention
from far-reaching technocratic agendas being advanced across every area
of life.   As van der Pijl (2022, p. 31) recognises, those agendas have
nothing to with health, and “ever ything to do with pr eserving the
power of [a] transnational ruling class threatened by a restless population
demanding rectification of the absurd inequalities produced by [twenty-
first century capitalism].” Fundamentally, we are in a global class war
(Hughes et al., 2023, § V), in which a proportionately tiny transnational
ruling class is attempting to use its vast resources to subjugate the rest
of humanity through technocratic contr ol mechanisms such as central
bank digital currency, social credit scoring (ESG scores for corporations),
total sur veillance, and the Internet of Bodies/Internet of Nano-Things
(Kyrie & Broudy, 2022c, p. 363).

Even though war is being waged against the population, the r uling
class decoys by claiming that we must “declare war on this vir us” (United
Nations, 2020). Bill Gates (2020) claims: “This is like a world war, except
in this case, we’re all on the same side.” In reality , the battlelines have
been drawn along global class lines, and the r uling class has taken advan-
tage of the element of surprise to attack first. Just as the “War on Drugs”
was cover for CIA drug-trafficking operations (Scott & Marshall, 1991),
and just as the “War on Terror” ser ved to spr ead terror and terrorism
(Chomsky, 2003, p. 211), so the “war on the vir us” provides cover for
profoundly harmful measures taken in the name of public health.
Further evidence that the “pandemic” provides cover for authoritarian
political agendas is provided by Schwab and Malleret (2020, p. 117) in
their blueprint for the “Gr eat Reset.” Most people, they claim, fearing for
their lives in a “pandemic,” will be willing to allow state power to override
individual rights, but then, “when the crisis is over, some may realize that
their countr y has suddenly been transformed into a place where they no
longer wish to live.” By the time the lie is exposed, it is too late, “for the
grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been
nailed down, a fact which is known to all expert liars in this world and
to all who conspire together in the art of lying” (Hitler, 1939, p. 183).
Schwab seems familiar with this principle: there will be no going back
to how things were, because “the cut which we have now is much too
strong in order not to leave traces” (cited in Roscoe, 2022). Or consider
Gates’ (2021) view on how the “pandemic” has advanced technocracy:
“Even after this pandemic ends, it’s clear that much of the digitization it
brought on is here to stay.”
It is futile to couch resistance to technocratic tyranny in the pseudo-
medical ter minology intended to distract and deceive the masses. As
Hopkins (2021c) puts it, “This isn’t an academic argument over the exis-
tence, severity , or the response to a virus. This is a fight to determine
the future of our societies .” Squabbling over whether or not vir uses exist,
Fitts notes, “has zer o ef fect on stopping the control grid. At this time in
our history, if we don’t stop the control grid, we’re going to be slaves”
(Fitts & Betts, 2022).

No amount of reason, common sense, and scientific pleading makes
any dif ference to the pursuit of technocratic agendas: “Those in charge
have long since signalled that they have no intention of returning to a
liberal democracy founded on the recognition of inalienable individual
rights and freedoms” (Ruechel, 2021). Therefore, trying to confront
them with data is futile. Blaylock (2022) asks: “[Have] scientific evidence,
carefully done studies, clinical experience and medical logic had any
effect on stopping these ineffective and dangerous vaccines?” His answer:
“Absolutely not! The draconian efforts to vaccinate everyone on the
planet continues (except the elite […]).” Petitioning the government to
change course or calling for an inquiry is futile, because “appealing to
reason (e.g., we need our freedoms back because X, Y, Z) and logic (e.g.,
the facts show otherwise) will have no effect on the totalitarians pushing
the COVID-19 menticide” (Scott, 2021b).

-----The V accines
-----“Covid-19 Vaccines” as Military (not Phar maceutical) Products

In the United States, the “Covid-19” injectables are, legally speaking,
military products that evade normal commercial and clinical rules and
procedures under 10 U.S. Code § 4021 (Latypova, 2022a, 2022b;c f .
Watt, 2023). Under the 2005 Public Readiness and Emergency Prepared-
ness (PREP) Act, undisclosed militar y countermeasures can be deployed
at the sole discr etion of the Health and Human Services (HHS) Secre-
tary in the event of a public health emergency (for which declaration
no criteria exist). This is what happened in March 2020, when Emer-
gency Use Authorization for medical countermeasur es was granted under
21 USC 360bbb-3(k), such that those countermeasures “shall not be
considered to constitute a clinical investigation.” The Food and Drug
Administration (2020, p. 7, n.6) was aware of that law, citing it in
a document dated October 22, 2020, and thus of the legal status of
the “Covid-19 vaccines” as non-medicines. The so-called “clinical trials”
for the “vaccines” continued never theless, with the regulators pr oviding
“theatre” or “per formance ar t” to deceive the public into believing
that pharmaceutical products were being developed (Latypova, 2022a,
2022b).

Operation Warp Speed (OWS), the U.S. project to develop, produce,
and distribute 300 million doses of a “coronavirus vaccine” by Januar y
2021, was compared to the Manhattan Project by President Trump when
he unveiled it on May 16, 2020 (Smith, 2020), a clear allusion to top-
secret military technology. “Warp speed” is a science fiction concept
associated with Star Trek, and the possibility that the “Covid-19 vaccines”
contain black technology is discussed below.
OWS was led, not by scientists and healthcar e specialists, but by the
military. An organisational char t shows that 61 of the 90 leadership posi-
tions in OWS were occupied by DoD of ficials, including four generals
(Florko, 2020). The militar y’s role was not merely to assist with logistics;
rather, the DoD was “in full control” of the “vaccination” programme
from its inception, including “development, manufacturing, clinical trials,
quality assurance, distribution and administration” (Altman et al., 2023).
The White House Coronavirus Response Coordinator was Deborah Birx,
whose colourful scar ves created a civilian appearance while media repor ts
touted her as the next head of the HHS, a civilian agency (Cancr yn et al.,
2020); Bir x, however, holds the rank of Colonel. The “Covid-19 vaccine”
rollout in the United States, as in Europe, was a camouflaged militar y
operation from start to finish (Ponton, 2023a, 2023b).

Under Operation Warp Speed, contracts were clandestinely awar ded
to “vaccine” companies via Advanced Technology International, which
has close ties to the CIA (Webb, 2020). The use of a non-governmental
intermediary meant that regulatory oversight and transparency conferred
by regular federal contracting mechanisms could be bypassed. HHS, for
example, which was supposed to be overseeing OWS, claimed to have “no
records” of a $1.6 billion contract awarded to Novavax (Lupkin, 2020).
This is how deep state operations work, with public bodies left clueless
about what is really going on.
How was it possible to manufacture billions of doses within such a
short time frame? In Latypova’s (2022a, 45:35) assessment, the pharma-
ceutical companies lacked the required capacity to achieve this, and it was
only possible because of the “established defence contracting infrastruc-
ture” put in place by BARDA years earlier. A slide on “OWS/BARDA
Vaccine Manufacturing” from a presentation by the HHS Administra-
tion for Strategic Preparedness and Response divides the manufacturing
“portfolio” into two: “vaccines” on the left and “vaccine supporting
efforts” on the right (Latypova, 2022a, 44:50). Under “vaccines” fall the
various manufacturers, while on the right are Marathon Medical, Emer-
gent Biosolutions, Smiths Medical, Cytiva, BD, Corning, Grand River,
Ology, Retractable Technologel Inc., SiO2, The Texas A&M Univer-
sity System, and Snapdragon. All the “vaccine” manufacturers except
for Moderna are marked as “Demo,” whereas nearly all of the “vaccine
supporting efforts” are marked as “manufacturing” and/or “capacity.”
Latypova (2022b) proposes that “Demo” refers to Other Transaction
Authority, a method of contracting favoured by the DoD, which allows
vaguely defined “prototypes” or “demonstrations” to evade regulatory
scrutiny. The real manufacturing/capacity-building, she proposes, has
been done elsewhere, with Big Pharma content to make vast profits, with
freedom from liability (Health & Human Services Department, 2020), in
exchange for maintaining the charade that a “public health” crisis is being
met with “pharmaceutical” products.
The “Covid-19 vaccines” in the United States do not meet any normal
pharmaceutical distribution rules for flagging safety and quality issues in
the supply chain (Latypova, 2022b). Unit doses are not barcoded and
traceable, and alleged cold chain storage requirements mean that they
are handled through a “black box” DoD distribution system. Most suspi-
ciously, Latypova adds, “Independent testing of the vials for verification
of the product conformity to label is prohibited”—unsurprisingly, given
what they have been shown to contain (Hughes, 2022c).

I have explained previously why “Covid-19 vaccines” do not qualify as
vaccines (Hughes, 2022a, p. 210). Kingston (2023) argues that they are,
legally speaking, bioweapons, not pharmaceutical products. They “do not
prevent infection or disease, were not conducted under bona fide research,
and serve no peaceful purpose (meaning they cause harm),” thus meeting
the definition of a biological weapon under 18 USC 175. Therefore,
to call the “Covid-19 vaccines” “bioweapons” is not hyperbole; rather,
“bioweapon” is “the only accurate legal term” to describe them. The
plan to “disguise bioweapons intentionally deployed against the public,”
in Kingston’s (2022) view, represents “one of the most evil deceptions in
the history of humanity.”
In a biopolitical era where control is exercised directly over human
bodies (Agamben, 1998), the so-called “vaccines” in principle make
ideal bioweapons, because their contents are injected straight into the
blood, breaching the body’s natural immune defences (skin, the gut, the
nasopharyngeal cavity, etc.). If the people are the undeclared enemy in
the war for technocracy, then those injections can penetrate behind enemy
lines.
---------------Ulterior Motives
What exactly is the purpose of the militar y injectables masquerading as
“Covid-19 vaccines”? Evidently, it is not to safeguar d “public health,”
as evidenced by the record number and variety of r eported serious
adverse reactions (OpenVAERS, n.d.;M H R A ,  n.d.;W H O ,  n.d.-a [search
“COVID-19 vaccine”]). UK ONS data shows that the “vaccines” kill
more people than they save (Kirsch, 2022a). There is a tight statistical
correlation between the number of shots taken and the increased likeli-
hood of death (Oller & Santiago, 2022; Santiago & Oller, 2023; Chudov,
2022a). Gover nments’ failur e to halt the “vaccine” rollout long ago in the
face of such evidence is sinister, if not tr easonous.
A damning 180-page study by Rancourt et al. (2023), based on
analysis of all-cause mor tality data (ACM) fr om 17 equatorial and
Southern-Hemisphere countries, finds “no association in time between
COVID-19 vaccination and any propor tionate reduction in ACM” (p. 2),
i.e. the “vaccines” do not save lives. On the contrar y, nine of the 17
countries showed no excess mortality for ca. one year after the WHO
“pandemic declaration” on March 11, 2020, yet excess mortality began
to appear around the time of the “vaccine” rollout. In Chile and
Peru, where the most detailed data is available, booster shots corre-
lated with unpr ecedented peaks in ACM for the elderly in the summer.
The all-ages vaccine-dose fatality rate, i.e. the ratio of infer red vaccine-
induced deaths to vaccine doses delivered in a population, comes out as
0.126 (± 0.004)%, for a “vir us” with a 0.05% IFR for the under-70s
(Ioannidis, 2021), implying ca. 17 million deaths worldwide from the
13.5 billion injections delivered by September 2023—1000 times higher
than has been repor ted in clinical trials, adverse effect monitoring, and
cause-of-death statistics from death certificates (Rancourt et al., 2023,
p. 3).
Consistent with a depopulation agenda (Chudov, 2022b), birth
rates since the “Covid-19 vaccine” rollout dropped precipitously in 19
European countries (an average 7% decline) (Pfeiffer, 2022), including
Germany and Sweden (by 14% and 10%, respectively) (Bujard & Ander-
sson, 2022), Switzerland (by 10–15%) (Swiss Policy Resear ch, 2022),
and the United Kingdom (11.2%) (Naked Emperor, 2023). In New
Zealand, birth rates between July 2022 and June 2023 were 28% lower
than during the corresponding period in 2018/19 (Hatchard, 2023).
Additional concer ns have been raised about the potential gene drive appli-
cation of the injections, “a highly controversial new genetic extinction
technology” funded by the Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency
(DARPA) and the Gates Foundation that renders offspring incapable of
reproduction (Latham, 2017)—an effect that would remain hidden for
a generation, but which would have radical ef fects in terms of global
population reduction.
mRNA injections allegedly work by deceiving the immune system: the
modification “makes the RNA look more like something that the cell
would produce itself, because invaders such as bacteria cannot usually
make these modifications to their own mRNA” (Dolgin, 2015). In the
case of the “Covid-19” injections, “the modified nucleobase helps cloak
mRNA vaccines from the immune system” (Nance & Meier, 2021,
p. 753). On this basis, Santiago (2022b, p. 631) asks, “would it be
an impossible leap of logic to suppose that serious deception is taking
place on a worldwide scale?” He proposes that the “Covid-19” injec-
tions reverse transcribe XNA into the human genome to redirect human
evolution (Santiago, 2022a, p. 588). Although his argument is some-
what speculative, it underscores the fact that we s imply do not know
what exactly has been shot into billions of people worldwide, or what
the implications are for humanity.
There appears to be a concerted effort to use “vaccines” to “pro-
gramme” human bodies. According to Moder na CEO, Stéphane Bancel,
“mRNA is like software” (Garde, 2017). Moderna’s Chief Medical
Officer, Tal Zaks (n.d.), claimed in a TEDx talk that “we are actually
hacking the software of life.” This resembles Harari’s (2017) claim that
“we are learning […] how to hack humans, how to engineer them, how
to manufacture them.” Moder na describes its “Covid-19 vaccine” as “an
operating system on a computer.” President Biden’s Executive Order of
September 12, 2022, calls for the development of “genetic engineering
technologies and techniques to be able to write circuitry for cells and
predictably program biology in the same way in which we write soft-
ware and program computers […]” (White House, 2022). All of which
begs the question: is the transnational deep state (Hughes, 2022b) trying,
under cover of “vaccination,” to hack the human body for eugenics
purposes, much as the NSA, in conjunction with Big Tech, managed to
gain backdoor access to virtually all computers?
Or, is the goal to hook human bodies up to the technocratic contr ol
grid through convergent IT/Bio/Nano revolutions for purposes of
human enslavement, i.e. infiltration of human bodies with covert military
technologies? (see Chap. 8). The world was deceived about the contents
of the “Covid-19” injectables (Hughes, 2022c), which “enjoy a largely
positive public image as pharmaceutical, rather than technological, tools”
(Kyrie & Broudy, 2022a). It is often overlooked, in this context, that the
6 WEAPONISED DECEPTION 241

infamous “Lockstep” scenario by the Rockefeller Foundation and Global
Business Network (2010), which eerily foreshadows the response to
“Covid-19,” appeared in a document whose title (Scenarios for the Future
of T echnology and International Development ) foregrounds technology,
not public health.