Iakov Levi and Luigi Previdi


KILLING GOD
    FROM THE ASSASSINATION OF MOSES TO THE MURDER OF RABIN




Original title: Uccidere Dio: il destino del popolo ebraico. Dall'assassinio di Mose all'omicidio di Rabin.
Copyright 2000: Iakov Levi and Luigi Previdi.
Published in Agora, a cura di Fabio Minazzi, Annuario IV, Ed. Arterigere s.r.l., Varese 2000 (Italy).
Translated by Iakov Levi
 

As described by Reik (1)  the image of Moses condenses the symbolic representation of the son – figure, the emissary of the horde of the brothers, and of the tribal father.
Starting from Michelangelo’s statue of the horned Moses, Reik unfolds his investigation.
We report below the most outstanding parts of Reik’s essay, which are the key to the decoding  of the great leader’s image:

Conosseurs assure us that the horned head and the compressed forehead of the law-giver, as well as his facial expression, contribute essentially to the fact that the impression produced by the masterpiece oscillates between attraction and repulsion. An understanding of this detail will perhaps give an explanation of the “ambivalent” effect of the Moses.
It is well known that the horns on the head of this statue as well as on many other representations of Moses can be traced back to an incorrect translation of a passage of the Bible. Exodus XXXIV: 29-30 says: “And it came to pass when Moses came down from the mount Sinai with the two tables of testimony in Moses hand, when he came down from the mount. That Moses wist not that the skin of his face shown while he talked with him. And when Aaron and all the children of Israel saw Moses, behold, the skin of his face shone; and they were afraid to come nigh him” .
The Vulgate and the Aquila incorrectly, it is said, translate the Hebrew word Karan “was horned” instead of “shone”, so that according to the texts Moses appears before the Jews with horns. In this way Moses made his entry into plastic art cornuta facie… The Hebrew word has actually both meanings. It means “to shine” as well as “be horned.It may even be supposed that the meaning “to shine” is the latter and more developed one.Thus the halo round Moses’ head was originally a pair of horns which were only later changed into a light. Why then did the leader came down from Sinai with horns on his head?.(p.309). The text expressly says that the shining of Moses’ face was caused by his association with Jahveh: it is, therefore, the reflection of the Deity which hovers over the great man’s head.
The change of sense in the Hebrew word meaning “to shine” as well as our earlier elucidations, force us to assume that Moses has identified himself with God by assuming the attribute of horns: he ha become God. The horns were the signs of the vanquished totem-god…the horns and the halo are historically only different attribute of the Deity; the one repressed the other, and in the repressing element we again find the repressed in an altered form (p.310)….
The double effect of the great artist’s statue of Moses, i.e. the alternation of attraction and repulsion, no longer puzzles us. This double effect is produced, on the one hand, by our admiration and reverence for the divine character of the figure, and on the other hand by our unconscious resistance against the traits which tend to remind us, without our knowing it, of an idea of God which we believe we had overcome….Moses of the saga has really become a bull because he identifies himself with Jahveh. The horns on the head of Michelangelo’s marble statue are a remnant of tis old suppressed, but unconquered idea. The animal like savageness, the suppression of which appears in the figure, constitutes a second indication of the original nature of the hero (p 311)…Moses has taken possession of the skin of the father-god, and has thus become God himself according to the ancient idea. A trace of this phase can be recognized in the representation of the horned Moses. The second phase has replaced the skin of the animal, which is incompatible with the higher concept of god, by radiance; but the light on Moses’ face still comes from Jahveh. We can see that in this phase (p.314) also Moses makes himself almost equal to the deity by taking over the divine attribute. The Jews were afraid before him as though he were Jahveh himself (p.315)….
This becomes clear if we consider that the whole saga was only associated with the more developed Jewish cult quite late; it was woven into the religious view of that time, though it originally arose in an epoch when Jahveh was not yet the law giving God of Sinai. At this period Moses did not use a mask, or skin of an animal, in intercourse with God; for he tore the skin from the God, and thereby became God himself. Every priest was also God. Moses who speaks to Jahveh in the tabernacle, is a later figure; because Moses himself was Jahveh, the presence of Jahveh seems to be duplicated. When, however, Moses wears the veil or mask in order to terrify the Jews, he wishes unconsciously to deter them from a repetition of the deed which he had carried out, and (p.315) which would this time be directed against his own person. Psycho-analytically the situation can be explained as follows. The identification with the father-god, by putting on the skin of the totem, was the result of the son's elementary wish to take the place of the father. The wearing of the paternal skin of the animal is a symptom both of triumph over the father's defeat and of his victory – since the son who overcame the father is compelled to take over the paternal role. The son, who has thus advanced to the state of the father, finds himself compelled by his unconscious fear to retaliation to use towards the younger generation the same means of intimidation and paternal authority which he had himself overcome.
In the following pages Reik explains how the destruction of the golden calf by Moses represents in fact the killing of Jahveh, in his archaic form, when he was still represented as a bull, and that in crushing the calf into dust and forcing the children of Israel to drink is the repetition of the totemic rite in which the members of the clan eat the flesh of  the killed father-totem (pp.318-22).
The story condenses in the figure of the golden calf the double representation of the father-god, who was a bull and not a calf, with that of Moses, who was a calf, i.e., a young bull.
Therefore, when the Israelites, believing that Moses had died made to themselves the image of a calf, they intended to resurrect Moses himself, to make him leading them in the desert, as in fact the text itself says explicitly: “Up, make us gods, which shall go before us; for as for this man Moshe, who brought us up out of the land of Mizrayim, we know not what is become of him” (Ex. 32:1). The calf is therefore Moses, the son-god of the bull-god Jahveh.
Reik relies both on the expression used in the book of Exodus: “These are thy gods, O Ysra’el, which brought thee up out of the land of Mizrayim” (Ex. 32:4), and on the fact that after the splitting of the United Monarchy after the death of king Salomon, Yerov’am, king of Israel, in his endeavor to keep away the Israelites from the capital of the reign of Judah and from the House of David, offered to his subjects a new object of cult, which, at the same time, was a very archaic one. He made again the golden calf, which had apparently enraged Moses, but did not make only one, but two, at the southern border of his kingdom and at the northern, so that the archaic duality of the Hebrew Deity re-emerged again.
Yerov'am, king of Israel, made two golden calves, and not only one, to deter the Israelites from going on pilgrimage to Jerusalem ( Kings 1, 12:28).
Reik reaches the conclusion that in the story of the happenings on Sinai there originally were two animal- images: one Jahveh, the bull, and the other Moses, the calf (pp. 328-9). Reik continues:
The assumption of the original presence of two animal-images in the scene on Sinai , one representing Jahveh as bull and one Moses as calf, suggests a period of Jewish religious development in which a son-deity was worshipped as well as the father- god. We have reason to suppose that the details of the text have partly betrayed this development in the replacement of the plural by the singular. There must have existed a period in which the son-god Moses had repressed the father-god Jahveh, and when his own cult was in the foreground (p.330). This process coincides with what we found in the analysis of the horned Moses. A son overpowers the father and now takes his place. We may recall the suggestion that a late insurrection of the son was related in the language of the totemic past. It is therefore no accident that in the saga the Jews actually worship a calf. The young of a bull can only represented thus….In the Exodus narrative we find traces of a subsequent period in which father and son deities stood side by side and were equivalent objects of religious worship. When the Jews say, “these are the gods which have brought you up out of the land of Egypt, they mean Jahveh and Moses. Progressive development led to the son-god being assigned a subordinate position while the father-god was elevated to still higher supramundane heights (p.331)….The particular feature of Judaism is that the father finally attains the victory and indisputably holds the domination in firm hands (p.332).…We therefore need not fear the apparent contradiction that Moses, in destroying the golden calf, annihilated himself. We know that Moses originally destroyed the bull, and that the calf was only later put in its place. In virtue of this transformation the destruction of the bull became a praiseworthy deed in the service of the Deity, instead of a severe crime against Him (p.333)….When Moses destroys the calf he also kills himself and expiates the guilt which he had incurred through the destruction of the father-and bull-deity, Jahveh. Therefore, according to the inexorable law of retaliation, he takes upon himself the punishment of death ordained for the murder of a member of the tribe (p.334)…The double personality of Moses as man and prophet and as calf does not weaken our hypothesis. We find here again one of those duplications which we have already discovered - the human figure is the later one, the animal form the earlier” (p.335)
Therefore, Moses, in the condensation of a totemic initiation rite, kills father-god-bull-Jahveh, identifies with him and self punishes destroying his own image as golden calf. The totemic meal is consummated when the Hebrews are forced to drink the dust of the destroyed calf. In this totemic meal they ingest Moses’ body, who had become the son-totem-god of a father-totem-god, as in the Eucharist the Christians ingest the body of the son-god, himself put to death as expiation for a crime versus the Father.
Moses represents, therefore, the leader of the brotherhood horde, who commit an act of aggression in the body of Father, becomes himself god, and as such is killed by the Israelites.
Freud (2) had already expressed the view that Moses had not died of a pacific death, as described in the Deuteronomy, but had been murdered in one of the rebellions enacted against him , but now the picture has become more clear.
There is still an aspect which has not been focused on enough: Moses condenses the figure of the son, of the father and of the leader: as a matter of fact he was murdered as protagonist of all the three roles. Reik explains the murder of Moses as a ritual killing, as that of Christ, and this is indeed the significance which had been attributed to his death by the collective unconscious mind of the Hebrew people. The assassination of Moses, committed in an historic period, triggered a reactivation of prehistoric mental contents in such a way to transform a real historical leader, flesh and bones, into a mythical figure and into a double father-god son-god image. To summarize: when the Hebrews assassinated Moses, for sure they did not commit that crime with the purpose of consummating the archaic totemic meal, the ritual murder and the atonement, and in order to deify him. We should not forget that Moses’ assassination happened in an historical age. These archaic psychic mechanisms were reactivated by the murder, because the Hebrews unconsciously perceived him as the figure of the leader of the primeval horde, son-god and subsequently father-god. The murder itself, which triggered these mechanisms and reactivated prehistoric repressed contents was a real murder. As will happen to Jesus, was his real death to transform him into a God in the eyes of the believers. The historical fact is his death. The faith translated his death into deification. Even one who is a non believer can admit the fact of his Crucifixion, and can recognize it as an historical happening. In this case the non believer will search the real motivations such as because he was considered a bandit or a political rebel. Moreover he will realize that, once that he has been crucified, he was deified and the mechanism was enacted which filled the crucifixion itself with the psychic contents constituting the Christian religion, i.e., a real death became also a ritual one, and as such is celebrated. An historical happening became the vessel of repressed prehistoric contents and their representation on the scene of Christian rite.
This is what happened to Moses: the historical fact of his assassination, in our opinion satisfactorily proved by Freud, was the cause of his deification, the enactment of the mechanism of energetic discharge which finds expression in the psychic contents of the totemic meal and the rites of puberty initiation and, in a difference from Christianity, the removal and the repression of the ritual murder and the deification.
The mechanism which allowed the Christians not to remove the murder of their God is that they projected the murder and the guilt into others, with whom not only did they not identify, but from whom they completely dissociated and blamed for the murder: the Jews became the alters, who committed the crime.
In contrast, what the Hebrews were compelled to remove was not only the ritual murder, described by Reik, but also a real crime, committed because of real motivations, which we shall try to decode.
According to Freud there had been two Moses (3) . The first and real Moses was the Egyptian prince (4), fanatic follower of the iconoclastic Faraho Akhnaten (Amenhotep IV), who tried to impose on the Hebrews the intransigent religion, by the high moral standards of his master. This is the great leader who extracted the children of Israel from the land of serfdom, and who introduced the high moral values, which passed to mankind with the name of “Mosaic law”.  The second Moses was the priest of Midian, whose god, Jahveh, was a local god of the Midianite shepherds, a volcanic demon, whose dwelling was on mount Horeb, among the arid crests of the Sinai peninsula, and who shared none of the high values of spirituality and morality of Akhnaten's god, Aton, but who was much more fit to lead the people in the difficult conditions of the desert. This god is called in the Bible 266 times Jahveh Tzevaot or "Jahveh of the Hosts". Obviously his name was not Moses, but took on the identity of the great leader after his assassination.
Taking as a starting point Freud’s assumption that Yitro was to take over Moses’ role, we found also the sewing point, where the substitution took place: Yitro is mentioned in the Bible as father in law of Moses (Ex.3:1; 18:1), but the first time he had been mentioned he was named Re’u’el (Ex.2:18), so we can assume that the father in law of Moses and the priest of Midian had not been the same person, and the text betrayed itself by this lapsus calami. Moreover, when Yitro meets Moses, after the Exodus he is called “Yitro, the priest of Midyan, Moshe’s father in law” (Ex.18:1). The double definition of Yetro is by itself an allusion that the text is hiding more than is revealing, in the sense that there were so unclear and foggy traits in this figure, that the Redactor made a point to state strongly that we must believe that we are dealing with same person. The more the energies invested in making a statement, the more raises a doubt that we are facing a trial of deceiving the reader. There is also another allusion, in the definition of Yitro as “Moshe’s father in law”, as the text wanted to imply that from now on Yitro will be the more important, as in antiquity the equation is father (in law) = elder = more important.
Indeed, during this meeting (Ex.18: 1-12), he gives to Moses advice as if he had been much wiser, i.e. more fit to lead the children of Israel from now on. We are entitled to assume that a great leader like Moses, inspired by God himself, was not in need of a tribal Midianite priest’s advice.
So, the description of this meeting, between Moses and Yitro, conceals much deeper hidden contents.
The Redactor already betrays himself when he says: “then Yitro, Moshe’s father in law, took Zippora, Moshe’s wife, after he had sent her back, and her two sons…came, with his sons and his wife to Moshe into the wilderness, where he encamped at the mount of God” (Ex.18: 2-5).
This verse “after he had sent her back” has the only purpose to explain the absence of Zippora from the Israelites’ camp and to conceal the fact that Moses had never been in the Sinai before and therefore had had no chance to meet and to marry the daughter of the Midianite priest. This was the first time Moses, the Egyptian prince, had met Yitro, if indeed he met him at all, and the latter did not appear in the Israelites’ camp except after Moses’ assassination.
Indeed these are not the ways of the nomadic tribes of the desert. If Moses had sent her back a blood feud should have exploded between Israelites and Midianites, and Yitro for sure would not have been welcome in the Israelite’s camp. A Midianite priest would have never swallowed the insult of seeing his daughter sent back.
As Freud said, the difficulty is not in committing a crime, or in editing a text, as in erasing the traces. And  these are everywhere.
The allusion of the Bible, in telling us on the substitution, which took place between Yitro and Moses, is very veiled:
And Moshe went out to meet his father in law, and bowed, and kissed him; and they asked each other of their welfare; and they came into the tent. And Moshe told his father in law all that the Lord had done to Par’o and to Mizrayim for the sake of Yisra’el. And all the travail that had come upon them by the way, and how the Lord delivered them…And Yitro, Moshe’s father in law, took a burnt offering and sacrifices for god: and Aaron came and all the elders of Yisra’el, to eat bread with Moshe’s father in law before God (Ex. 18:7-13)
As in a magic trick, in which the magician conceals with a veil the moment in which the substitution is enacted, both were covered by the tent, and only Yitro emerges from it, and he is the one, who offers, instead of Moses, the burnt offering and the sacrifices to God. Moses is not mentioned in the banquet consummated by Yitro with Aaron and all the elders of Yisra’el. To use a crude expression Moses, in this banquet, was the main course.
The text hints at the totemic meal, in which the sons, after having killed the father, ingest his flesh and in so doing identify with the murdered father and relieve the guilt for the crime (5). Moreover, to eat bread with Moshe’s father in law, is the co-mmunion. To share the same bread is to share the body of the assassinated father, or of the sacrificed victim, as in the Christian Mass. To eat bread with is connected with a crime and with the subsequent guilt, exactly as the Bible told us of Joseph’ brothers, who, after their crime, “And they sat down to eat bread” (Gen.37:25).
Eating together the flesh of the victim dilutes the sense of guilt among all the participants and makes them feel a new cohesion..
In these few verses the bible tells us all: “And Moshe told his father in law all that the Lord had done to Par’o and to Mizrayim for the sake of Yisra’el. And all the travail that had come upon them by the way, and how the Lord delivered them…”. It seems that what is happening is the transference of roles, in which the one who enters the new duty is updated on what has happened to continue from there on. “All the elders of Yisra’el” participated in the totemic meal, in which Moses has been substituted, precisely as in the tribal totemic rite all the male adults must participate in the rite. No one is allowed to subtract himself from the cannibalistic act, as part of the rite in which all the members of the clan must identify with the crime . From this common sense of guilt and the identification with the common father derive tribal cohesion and the sense of sharing the same destiny.
According to Freud this happened at Qaddesh, the event which cemented the union between the tribes which had been in Egypt and those which had joined after the Exodus, or at least, at that time, the murder of the leader had already been a fait accompli:
There came a time when people began to regret the murder of Moses and to seek to forget it. This was certainly so at the time of the union of the two portions of the people at Kaddesh.
But when the Exodus and the foundation of the religion at the oasis [of Kadesh] were brought closer together, and Moses was represented as being concerned in the latter instead of the other man (the midianite priest), not only were the demands of the followers of Moses satisfied but the distressing fact of his violent end was successfully disavowed. In actual fact it is most unlikely that Moses could have taken part in the proceedings at Kadesh even if his life had not been cut short (6).
According to Freud, the reason for his assassination had been that the people could not meet the high moral and spiritual standards which he wanted to impose on the Hebrews:
The doctrine of Moses may have been even harsher than that of his master. He had no need to retain the son-god as a support: the school of On had no significance for his alien people. Moses, like Akhnaten, met with the same fate that awaits all enlightened despots. The jewish people under Moses were just as little able to tolerate such a highly spiritualized religion and find satisfaction of their needs in what it had to offer as had been the Egyptians of the Eighteenth Dynasty, The same thing happened in both cases: those who had been dominated and kept in want rose and  threw off the burden of the religion that had been imposed on them. But while the tame Egyptians waited till fate had removed the sacred figure of the Pharaoh, the savage Semites took fate into their own hands and rid themselves of their tyrant (7)
Freud abstained from bringing a piece of evidence, which could have been even more decisive than his circumstantial speculations. In Numbers 14:10 the assassination of the leader by an angry mobs of Hebrews is narrated in the most explicit way possible, taking into account the limitations of the censorship of the Redactor: “ …but all the congregation said to stone them with stones”.
During this event Moses is, of course, miraculously saved by the Lord, as Aphrodite saved, deus ex machina, Paris from the hands of Menelaos (ILIAD, 3:370). This is obviously an expedient of the story teller to maintain the thread of the narrative in the desired direction. In legends, myths and movies, the hero never dies in the middle of the action.
Therefore, the murder of the great leader was indeed acted out. Now we must consider whether the crime had been committed because of the reasons abducted by Freud, or we have to search for deeper motivations.
In order to continue our research we shall relate to the book, written by Johannes Lehmann, who in his "Moses the Egyptian" (8) , following the proposition of Elias Auerbach, makes an interesting discovery. Lehmann sustains that the Decalogue, as is exposed in the 20th chapter of Exodus, has something unconvincing: the last four commandments repeat themselves: 7) Thou shalt not commit adultery 8) Thou shalt not steal 9) Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy neighbour  10) Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house,    thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s wife, nor his manservant, nor his maidservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor anything that is thy neighbour’s.
Since in archaic mentality, as in all Torah’s precepts, the abstract concept of desire does not exist as such, unless is not followed by actual action, the intention of the Commandment cannot be that of prohibiting an abstract covet, but to prohibit the acting out, the doing. Therefore when the Commandment deals with “Thou shalt not covet thy neighbour’s house”, this prohibition is already included in the 8th Commandment: “Thou shalt not steal”. Moreover it seems that the first part of the 10th, not to covet the house, is a Commandment by itself, and the rest has been added at a later period to hide the real significance of the interdiction. All this Commandment is a repetition of the “Thou shalt not steal”. As for “thy neighbour’s wife” it is already included in the “Thou shalt not commit adultery”. Obviously the ten Commandment did not intend to prohibit the stealing of the neighbour’s house, but the original significance was nevertheless connected to the house, and the intention of the Commandment has been distorted and lost.
Lehmann’s suggestion is that the original prohibition was coveting, i.e. possessing a house, period. Thy neighbour was added later, when the Israelites had become a people of cultivators, settled down in their own land, and it did not make any sense to prohibit them  possessing houses.
The sense of this interdiction is to be searched in the mental modus and in the existential contents of nomadic life in the desert.
The nomads consider the possession of houses and the planting of trees a form of moral corruption because it will lead to become cultivators and to settle down on the land, and as a consequence, according to their perception, losing their freedom. This is also the reason why the Arabs, who preserved the mental modus of the nomad, have retained the religious interdiction of drinking wine, as this habit will imply the planting of vineyards and the ownerships of fields and houses.
The Bible tells us that five centuries after the settlement of the Israelites in Palestine, in the 6th century B.C, there was still an Hebrew clan, the sons of Ionadab son of Rekhav, the Rekhavites clan, which refused to dwell in houses and to drink wine. This clan represented the ancient Hebrew purity:
 
and I set before the sons of the house of the Rekhavim goblets full of wine, and cups, and I said to them, Drink wine. But they said, We will drink no wine: for Yonadav the son of Rekhav our father commanded us, saying, You shall drink no wine, neither you, nor your sons for ever: Neither shall you build a house, nor sow seed, nor plant a vineyard, nor have one: but all your days you shall dwell in tents; that you may live many days in the land where you sojourn. And we have obeyed the voice of Yonadav the son of Rehkav our father in all that he charged us, to drink no wine all our days, we, our wives, our sons, and our daughters; nor to build houses for us to dwell in (Jeremiah 35:6-10)


Moreover also the Arab tribe of the Nabatean, who one thousand years after Moses migrated seasonally between the Northern part of the Sinai Peninsula, the Neghev desert and the Arabian Hejaz, held the interdiction of sowing, of planting trees, of drinking wine, and of building houses.
Lehmann suggests, therefore, that the interdiction of possessing a house, in this context, is by itself an evidence of the archaic contents of the Decalogue and its attribution to the original Moses, the Egyptian prince. The implication of this thesis bring us much further. If the Mosaic commandment intended to prohibit the Israelites to possess houses and vineyards, all the construction of the exit from Egypt with the aim of entering the Promised Land has no more reason to exist.
If Freud had dared to follow his own thoughts to the end, should have reached the same conclusion. It was himself, who suggested that the aim of the Egyptian prince was of imposing to the Hebrew the highly spiritual iconoclastic religion of Akhnaten.
Moses, therefore, intended to lead the Hebrews into the desert, because there they would have had the best conditions to enact Akhnaten’s religion. If he had in mind to detach them from the idolatrous modus of the religion of Egypt, with the numerous statues and images, why to bring them to Palestine, where a people accustomed to the ways of the cultivators and their idolatry had been living?
Moses should have known that, once settled down as residents on the land, they would have relapsed into all the habits of the city-dwellers, who in antiquity were also cultivators: the cult of Baal, the god of rain and the thunder; the cult of Astarte, the fertility goddess and sacred prostitute; and the  religion of a god who dies at the beginning of the summer, to resurrect with the first rain (Tammuz) as Nature, so closely watched by the cultivators who are so dependent on her cycles. It had had to be obvious that all the interdictions and curses described in the Torah would have been of no use. There is no point in leading the cat before the milk, only to prohibit its licking.
Moreover, if Moses was an Egyptian, why should he lead the people of Israel into a land which reconnected to the sagas of the shepherds, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob? Which link could it have been between Moses the Egyptian and the Hebrew tradition of ancient migrations on the fringe of the seeded land? What link could possibly have existed between the monotheistic and highly spiritual religion of Akhnaten and the rape of the seeded land, that would obviously be violent and genocidal? It could not possibly be any link between the Mosaic preachment, and the tradition of Simeon and Levi, they who, whenever possible, invaded the seeded land to exterminate its inhabitants. The preaching to commit genocide of all the dwellers of the Promised Land could not come from Moses, the Egyptian, described by Freud.
Therefore every trace leads us to Freud’s conclusion that there had indeed been two Moses, and consequently two different external projections of God: the first of the spiritual monotheistic Aton, by the high moral standards, of the first Moses, and the second of the volcanic bloodthirsty demon, violent, irascible and prone to vengeance of the second Moses, wizard of Jahve.
It was Jahve who manifested himself in his menacing epiphany on mount Sinai, in the context of a collective initiation rite, described by Reik, but for sure it was not he who promulgated the Decalogue. It was he, who took the form of a cloud by day and of a pillar of fire by night, in leading the Israelites to the rape of the Promised Land. This was the god whom the Israelites needed to cross the terrible desert and not a moralistic ecumenical god, who could not promise their enemies’ blood. This god, the first bull-god, which probably was the reactivation of a more archaic totem, connected to the Mesopotamian tradition previous to the migration into Egypt, and then ram-god, totem connected to Jahve’s cult (9), took his violent vengeance on whoever diverged from the strict ritual of tribal rites, which, as in the contemporary savage tribes, must be observed to the letter, or be punished by death.
The god of Moses, prince of Egypt, Akhnaten’s god, as explained by Freud, will make his appearance again only in the later history of the people of Israel, when they will need a merciful father-god, but in the meantime the Hebrews needed a deity, who could maintain the discipline in the hard conditions of the desert.
Now, following the deductions of Freud and then of Lehmann we can understand what really happened in the desert: Moses, the Egyptian, led the Hebrews out of Egypt to distance them from the corrupted iconodule environment of Egyptian Pantheon, which had been re-instituted, after the death of Akhnaten. He knew that the nomad, in contrast to the cultivator, has a natural tendency to spirituality, monotheism and iconoclasm (10), as has been mentioned also by Reik, in his analysis of the events on the Sinai (11). Therefore Moses hoped that, encouraging the Hebrews to reconnect to their own ancient tradition of nomadic shepherds, before the migration to Egypt, he would create the perfect environment for the enactment of his new religion. This Moses gave to his adopted people the Decalogue and the moral parts of the Torah, among which also the interdiction to become sedentary and to possess a house. What he did not foresee was that the Israelites, used to the easy ways of the land of Egypt, at direct contact with the rough reality of the desert began to complain and to rebel: “Who shall give us meat to eat? We remember the fish, which we did eat in Mizrayim for nothing; the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic: but now our soul is dried away…” (Numbers11:5).
The second thing that Moses did not take into account was that the Hebrews, before the migration into Egypt, had been semi-nomadic shepherds, but had never been Bedouins. At difference from the Bedouin, who is craving for the razu, the sudden raid into the seeded land, in order to return immediately into the desert, the semi-nomadic shepherd grazes his herd at the fringes of the seeded land, with the lusting eyes directed towards the fields and the houses of the hated cultivators and, as soon as possible, in moments of strength, settles down in their place and changes his style of life. The Hebrews did not want to be led by a man, who imposed on them the interdiction of invading the seeded land and of possessing houses. In this connection the above mentioned Rekhabim, sons of Jonadab, that in the 6th century B.C. still were dwelling in tents and did not drink wine, represented a clan, which had remained truthful to Mosaic tradition and, in the context of their own time, was in strident contradiction to the social and mental habitat of the Israelites cultivators.
What happened was that the Hebrews, who remembered the fertile pastures of Palestine and the ancients trials to invade them, the fields and the houses of the Cananites, found themselves compelled to live as Bedouins, whom, even at the times of the Patriarchs, had always despised, and led by someone who spoke in metaphysic terms and inhibited them from possessing a house.
The real reason for the assassination of Moses was, therefore, not the hard conditions of the desert per se, since no new leader could change them. The new Moses, priest of Midian and wizard of Jahve, who substituted the original Moses, could not promise to make rain in the Sinai desert, nor to make sprout the cucumbers, and the melons, and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic of Egypt, and the Hebrews knew very well this simple fact of life. What they wanted was not a monotheistic metaphysic god, but a warrior-god, who would be their own personal and tribal reference, and would lead them beyond that terrible desert into the land they craved from the times of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, the prototypes of their shepherd nation. In this context is to be remembered that the semi-nomadic shepherds, who migrated at the fringe of the seeded land, if they only had the occasion, tried to sow at the semi–arid margins of the northern Neghev desert and, if they were lucky, and the winter was rainy enough, could even harvest. Isaac, who wandered in this strip of land, south of the Canaanite cities of the northern Neghev, where desert and seeded land penetrate each other “…sowed in that land, and received in the same year a hundredfold: for the Lord blessed him.” (Gen. 26:12).
The residents of Palestine never sow in this area, because of the scarcity of rainfall. Even today the Israeli Ministry of Agriculture does not grant drought compensations to whom sow in this region, and whoever decides to cultivate this strip of land risks to lose his investment. Isaac “bought a lottery ticket and won”, in the language of the Bible: the Lord blessed him. We can realize how far was the intention of the Hebrews to exit Egypt in order to become Bedouins. The new Moses proposed his god, the god of the shepherds, Jahveh by the thousand magic, who did not pretend to be the only god of the world, but who would be the only god for them, and stronger than other tribes’ gods. He promised to fulfil the archaic desire for vengeance on the Cananites and lust for the land, their houses and fields. With this god it made sense to enter a covenant. In exchange he demanded that, once settled down in the Promised Land, he would not be substituted in favor of Baal, the cultivators’ god, and they would not prefer Astarte and other fertility goddesses, whose cult is peculiar of the dwellers of the seeded land.
In order to understand this point it is necessary to distinguish between monotheism and henotheism (monolatry). The religion of Aton, enacted by Akhnaten, was the first monotheistic religion of mankind, since it postulated the existence of one unique god, and to this concept, according to Freud, reconnected Mosaic monotheism adopted by the Jews who returned from the Babylonian exile, after a latency of eight centuries since had been imposed on them by the great leader and had been rejected. In contrast, when Moses-Yitro, priest of Midian, describes his god, he never implies that this is the only god. The religion of the Hebrews, before the Exodus, had been a henotheistic religion, like that of the majority of Semitic semi-nomads. The Moabites worshipped Chemosh, and he was the only god to them. The Ammonites worshipped Milcom, and this too was the only god to them, without doubting the legitimacy of other gods to other peoples. The god of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob never sustains to be the only god of the Universe. The emphasis is on being the stronger, and it is of the utmost importance to him being the only god for them. Sedentary peoples, in contrast, adopted more than one god at the same time. The reason for this difference of mentality is to be searched in the different structure of their society, which translates also into a different mentality. Tribal societies remain truthful to the concept of one father-god, who is the external projection of the omnipotent father of the tribe. Nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples have therefore a tendency to henotheism and iconoclasm, but not specifically to monotheism, which, according to Freud, can be born only where there is before the eyes a political structure like an Empire, with borders which extend to the all known world. The Hebrews rejected the monotheism of Aton-Adonai in order to embrace the henotheism of Jahveh, which reminded them of their archaic monolatry of semi-nomads, previous to the migration to Egypt.
This is the reason why Jahveh presents himself to Moses-Yitro, on the Sinai mountain, as god of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob (Ex. 4:5), and as such is presented to the Hebrews, as the sender of Moses and the initiator of the Exodus.
Moses, priest of Midian, introduces God to Paraho as “The God of the Hebrews”, the ‘Ibrim (Ex.5:3), who came to take his revenge and his people, and not as Aton, and Faraho would have realized very well of whom he was speaking about, the sole god creator of the Universe, who in the name of justice decided to liberate the slaves from their yoke. The text does not use the usual expression “children of Israel”, but “ ’Ibrim” (Hebrews), and this expression is used only when it has to be explained to an Egyptian whom are we dealing with, or is used by an Egyptian to describe an Hebrew (Gen. 39:14-17 and 41:12) (12). The text never uses this expression in other occasions (13) .
“ ‘Ibrim” is the Hebrew equivalent of “ ‘Apiru” of the El Amarna tablets, and this word in the 2nd millenium defined a social class of semi-nomadic shepherds and donkey drivers, who caused a lot of trouble to the truthful subjects of the Egyptian Paraho in Palestine and Syria (14). Therefore it is not casual if Moses speaks of Hebrews, “ ‘Apiru”, before the Pharaho. Since as such they were known by the Egyptians, who used this term in a despising mood. The Israelites for sure did not define themselves as such, but only as “children of Israel”.
Now many incongruities of the biblical narrative become clear.
The text operates an overlay between the first Moses and the second but, at this point, it will be easy to us distinguish between the two.
“Now Moshe kept the flock of Yitro, his father in law, the priest of Midian: and he lead the flock far away into the desert, and came to the mountain of God, to Horev.” (Ex.3:1). This  obviously is the second Moses, himself priest of Midian and shepherd, who knew nothing of Egypt. The narrative of the sacred mountain fits with one of the places of periodical gathering of the desert’s tribes, to perform their sacred rites, as it happens even today. This probably was the sacred place in which the puberty rites of initiation were acted out. To this context belongs the narrative of the bush burned with fire, but was not consumed, as one of the magic deeds performed during the initiation rites. “And Moshe hid his face; for he was afraid to look upon God” (Ex. 3:6). In all these rites, frightening masks are used to threaten the novices.
Moses appears here as the synthesis of the threatening adult, wearing a mask, and the frightened novice. To this sacred place the Hebrews will be led to pass their collective initiation rite (15). Then the verses:

“And the Lord said, I have surely seen the affliction of my people who are in Mizrayim, and have heard their cry by reason of their task-masters; for I know their sorrow; and I am come down to deliver them out of the hand of Mizrayim and to bring them up out of that land to a good land and a large, to a land flowing with milk and honey; to the place of the Kena`ani, and the Hitti, and the Emori, and the Perizzi. And the Hivvi, and the Yevusi.” (Ex.3:7-9)
This is the covenant in which Jahveh promises to lead the Hebrews to the land, and that would never had been done by Moses, the Egyptian, and his god. Then came the magic acts, as the rod which becomes a snake and returns to its previous form, and the hand, made leproused and cured (Ex. 4: 2-9). Then the furious attack of Jahve against Moses on his way to Egypt for unclear reasons, but which is defused by the circumcision (Ex. 4:24-6). Even this event, as is presented in its threatening and confused form, seems to be part of a series of magic ritual acts, which find their explanation in the context of puberty initiation rites, performed in the oasis in the desert and in the sacred places of the local tribes. As we shall see below, with the help of the events described in the book of Joshua, which are a repetition of the described in the Exodus, Jahve’ epiphany on the Sinai and the burning bush, including the attack on Moses, is the description of a initiation puberty rite, as was periodically performed by the Midianites, and which had nothing to do with Egypt. This Moses (Yitro) will never step into Egypt and will become the leader of the Hebrews only after their exit from the land of serfdom.
The crossing of the Red Sea, as we shall prove below comparing it to the crossing of the Jordan river, narrated in the Book of Joshua (3:13-17), happened before God’s epiphany and the burning bush on the Sinai, described in the Exodus, and not after it.
The most enlightening part is where Jahveh is presented or is introduced by Moses, in the context of the exodus from Egypt.
Nowhere he is presented as the god who had created the world, the sky and the earth, but only as the god of the tribe, of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and his credentials are to perform magic acts and to frighten to death whoever meets him. He never sustains of being a cosmic god, like Aton:
And they said, The God of the Hebrews has met with us: let us go, we pray thee, three days journey into the desert, and sacrifice to the Lord our God; lest he fall upon with pestilence, or with the sword (Ex.5:3)
The only claim is that a terrible god, a demon, appeared. And he will be appeased only performing a particular rite; otherwise he will hit with pestilence and sword.
If the book of Genesis opens with Aton’s epiphany, the god who has created the Universe, in the monotheistic transubstantiation which during the centuries will become the peculiarity of Judaism, the god of the desert, who terrorizes the Hebrews at the foot of the mountain, is Jahve. This god did not show declaring of having created the world, the sky and the earth, Adam and Eve and all the creatures, but makes his appearance stating: “I am the Lord thy God, who have brought thee out of the land of Mizrayim, out of the house of bondage: Thou shalt have no other gods beside me” (Ex.20:1). And in order to strengthen his words he speaks amongst thunders and lightnings, in which Nature is the stage for his theatrical performance, in the best tradition of an horror movie.
What an antithesis to the cosmic logos of Aton-Adonai, as manifested himself in biblical cosmogony, in which is the Divine Word to create everything, and “ a wind from God moved over the surface of the waters” (Gen. 1:2).
But the god of the Sinai epiphany could not present similar credentials, because his sphere of interest did not go beyond the demonstration of force before the Hebrew tribes, paralyzed by terror. When Moses and Aaron appear before Faraho and try to impress him with the tricks of the rod, which becomes a snake, and of the water, which becomes blood, that the Sinai god had taught them, it became clear that those tricks were considered quite banal and well known, as Faraho’s wizards could do the same. Therefore, not only Jahveh never sustained to be the only god of the world, and had pretended only to be stronger than the others, but even those credentials had not yet been proved. Only with the ten plagues, and particularly the last, the slaughter of the firstborn, the Egyptians were convinced that it was not worth it to mess with a similar demon, and that to the Hebrews that finally had come the one, who will deliver to them the vengeance on all their enemies, and with whose help  they would be capable of  destroying the Cananites and settling in Palestine.
Obviously, if the first Moses, the Egyptian prince follower of Aton, was the one who led the Hebrews out of Egypt, the events could not have been as described by the Bible, since he would have never lowered himself to the magic acts in a contest with the Egyptian wizards, and, moreover, he would have never described God to Faraho in such a way.
The Exodus did happen, and it was Moses the Egyptian, who drove the Hebrews out of the land of serfdom, but the acts of magic and the plagues were an overlay introduced by the second Moses, priest of Midian, who betrayed in such a way his intention to credit to his own god, not only the leadership of the Hebrews in the desert, till the threshold of the Promised Land, but also the Exodus, which, on the contrary, could not have been his own deed. The Hebrews, therefore, came out of Egypt, under the guide of the prince of Egypt, and without the help of the magic acts of Moses-Yitro, the Midianite: probably under the circumstances of the political disturbances which followed the fall of the 18th Dynasty around the middle of the 14th century B.C. Once in the desert the misunderstanding emerged: Moses wanted to hold them there and to inhibit them from possessing the craved houses and fields of the Cananites.
The Hebrews were already close to the aim of their journey, Southern Palestine on the Road of the Sea (Via Maris), as is implied by the explicit denial:
God led them not through the way of the land of the Pelishtim, although that was near; for God said, Lest the people repent when they see war, and they return to Mizrayim (Ex. 13:18).
The Philistines, at the time of the Exodus, had not yet settled in the Middle East. They will arrive there only at the end of the 12th century B.C. and from the coast will try to invade Egypt (16). If we assume that this is only an anachronistic use of the language, and land of the Pelishtim points to southern Palestine, as was in use in later periods, but that the intention of the text was still that the Hebrews would have been scared of meeting military resistance, it is to be remembered that they had already left behind the Egyptian army and, secondly, that according to archaeological excavations there was not at that time any fortified city till Gezer, at the foot of the Judean hills. They went towards a much worse danger engulfing into the obstacle of the Red Sea. Therefore that was the real road to be taken from a military and strategic standpoint. When they found themselves wandering in the wilderness, the frustration made them rebel, killing their leader and substituting him with a fitter one.
Freud explained the traumatic effect of the crime on Hebrew psyche and religion and its consequences in thousands years of Jewish history, but there is an aspect, which he overlooked, and the comprehension of which can help the understanding of events which happened more than three thousand years in the aftermath.
The assassination of Moses, as Freud explained and Reik reiterated through further investigation, was a patricide, an act of aggression against a Father - figure. Now, using the key of Oedipus complex’ mechanism, what is the motivation for the murderous drives against the father? Is it not because he inhibits the erotic drive versus the mother? The Promised Land, the hills wetted by the dew and the rain, the fertile fields, are they not the external projection and the symbol of the maternal body? The new Moses, priest of Midian, promised to the children of Israel, in the name of his new god, to satisfy the incestuous drive and to give them what they had been craving for, since their wandering, as semi-nomadic shepherds and homeless ‘Apiru, on the borders of the seeded land. Naming the second Moses with the same name of the first was not a mystification, but part of the totemic rite, in which the murder of the primal father is re-staged. As described by Reik, his skin and his semblance are worn and possessed in the process of identification, and Moses himself becomes the assassinated father.
In this more profound sense, therefore, also the second Moses was Moses, and as such took on himself patricide and atonement. He commits the patricide, but will not be permitted to act out the incest, and will die on the threshold of the Promised Land, which had sworn to his adopted tribes:
Go up into this mount ‘Avarim, to mount Nevo, which is in the land of Mo’av, that is facing Yereho; and behold the land of Kena’an, which I give to the children of Israel for a possession: and die in the mountain into which thou goest up, and be gathered to thy people […] because you trasgressed against me among the children of Yisrael at the waters of Merivat-qadesh, in the wilderness of Zin; because you sanctified me not in the midst of the children of Yisrael. Yet thou shalt see the land before thee; but thou shalt not go there into the land which I give to the children of Yisra’el (Deut.32:48-52)
Which had been the terrible sin Moses had sinned at Meriva, to deserve such a cruel punishment?
“And Moshe lifted up his hand, and with his rod he smote the rock twice: and the water came out abundantly […]” (Numbers 20:11): the sacrilege had been, therefore, an act of aggression against the rock, which, as has been explained by Reik, represents God himself (17).
There has been therefore three “Moses”, the third being Joshua, who completed the mission: the first, the prince of Egypt, who delivered the Hebrews from the land of serfdom. The second, Yitro, the Midianite priest, who led them to the initiation rite on the Sinai: this is the bull-calf-ram god, who took on himself the role of leader of the brothers’ horde. He had also to atone for the sin of aggression against the sacred body of the first Moses, who condensed in himself the father figure and the inhibition of the incest (the Promised Land) imposed on the horde. This is also the biblical synthesis that the text implies, when it tells us of the manifest sin, because of which Moses will not be allowed to enter the Promised Land:
Go up into this mount ‘Avarim, and see the land which I have given to the children of Yisra’el. And when thou hast seen it, thou shalt be gathered to thy people, as Aharon thy brother was gathered. For you rebelled against my commandment in the desert of Zin, in the strife of the congregation, to sanctify me at the water (Num. 27:12-14)
According to the Numbers, as is repeated in Deuteronomy, the sin had been smiting the rock with the rod, even if, strangely enough, in the version of the Exodus of the same story, it had been God himself to order the act:
and thy rod, with which thou smotest the the river, take in thy hand, and go. Behold, I will stand before thee there upon the rock in Horev; and thou shalt smite the rock, and there shall come water out of it, that the people may drink (Ex. 17:6)
As proved by Reik, for the primitives the rock is the god himself. Moses-Yitro, smiting the rock committed an act of aggression against the body of Father-god, therefore was punished by death, under the veiled biblical narrative of his mysterious death before entering the Promised Land. God permits Moses “to see” the Land (Num. 27:12; Deut.32:52), but not to touch her. This is a pathetic concession to the voyeuristic erotic drive (18), as the extreme threshold before the triggering of the taboo, the inhibition of the incest. Whoever climbs to Mount Nebo, on the east side of the Jordan, and scopes into the Valley of the Jordan under his very eyes, is able to understand the cruelty of the interdiction. The panorama of Western Palestine, which is disclosed as from the flight of a bird, appears like the Garden of Even, a green oasis in the midst of the desert.
The later Hebrew legend narrates (19) that at that sight Moses was no more willing to die. He drew a circle on the ground around him and said: “Lord of world, I will not budge from this spot until you abolish the decree”. And saying so he had dressed with sackcloth and filled with dust. At that sight the sky and the earth trembled and said: “It is time that the Lord change his ways!” But a voice was heard saying: “It is no time yet for the Lord to change his ways”. The Lord commanded the Angels to close all the doors of the sky, since the prayer of Moses was like a sharp sword cutting and penetrating all. According to the legend, Moses threw himself on the ground crying as a child and reminded to God all his merits: “Lord, how much had I to pain until I convinced the children of Israel to accept your Law and I said to myself: “As I saw Israel in his disgrace, so I shall see them in their glory, and now that we have reached the magic moment you say to me: “Thou shalt not cross the Jordan!” ”.  He called into his defense the sky and the earth, the stars and the seas to intercede in his favor before the Lord. He called as witnesses the mountains and all the forces of Nature. Eventually he was willing to accept that even only his bones would be allowed to cross the Jordan, to enter in contact with the Promised Land, like the bones of Joseph. He caught a glimpse of the craved object and now he could not renounce it. To be allowed to enter the Promised Land he declared himself to be ready to self-humiliate and to submit to Joshua, his pupil. He, the Master, who had spoken with God, was compliant to become the most humble of the pupils, lest he be allowed to contact the object of the desire. The Hebrew legend retraces the pathos of Greek tragedy: the mission of the son-god and his destiny: Prometheus, Achilles, Moses, and Jesus, the son-heroes must suffer, without being able to commit the incest. But to no avail, and the Lord remained unmoved. The legend continues and describes how the Lord ordered all the angels of Heaven, one after the other, to descend to Earth to take the soul of Moses, but no-one was able to perform the mission. Then God himself had to descend and to take his soul by a kiss. In Hebrew, even today, when one wants to describe a painless death, uses the idiom: “he died a kiss’ death”.
 

Moses’ Rod

Moses’ rod is omnipresent as for magic acts:

1) And the Lord spoke to Moshe and to Aaron, saying, When Par’o shall speak to you, saying, Show a miracle for yourselves: then thou shalt say to Aaron, Take thy rod, and cast it before Par’o, and it shall turn into a snake (Ex.7:8-9).
2) And the Lord said to Moshe, Par’o heart is hardened, he refuses to let the people go. Get thee to Par’o in the morning; lo, he goes out to the water; and thou shalt stand by the River’s brink to meet him; and the rod which was turned to a snake shalt thou take in thy hand. And thou shalt say to him, The lord God of the Hebrews has sent me to thee, saying, Let my people go, that they serve me in the wilderness: and, behold, till now thou wouldst not hear. Thus says the Lord, in this thou shalt know that I am the Lord: behold I will smite with the rod that is in my hand upon the water in the River, and it shall be turned to blood. And the fish that is in the River shall die, and the river shall stink; and Mizrayim shall no longer be able to drink the water of he River.  And the Lord spoke to Moshe, Say to Aaron, Take thy rod, and stretch out thy hand upon the waters of Mizrayim, upon their streams, upon their canals, and upon their ponds, and upon all their pools of water, that they may become blood; and that there may be blood throughout all the land of Mizrayim, both in vessels of wood, and in vessels of stone (Ex. 7:14-19).

3) And the Lord said to Moshe, Why dost thou cry to me? Speak to the children of Yisrael, that they go forward: but lift up thy rod, and stretch out thy hand over the sea, and divide it: and the children of Yisrael shall go on dry ground through the midst of the sea (Ex. 14:15-6).

4) And the Lord said to Moshe, Pass before the people, and take with thee of the elders of Yisrael and thy rod, with which thou smotest the river, take in thy hand, and go. Behold, I will stand before thee upon the rock in Horev; and thou shalt smite the rock, and there shall come water out of it, that the people may drink (Ex.17:5-6).


This last act was so unclear and foggy, concealing indeed the traces of a much more traumatic happening, that returns again in Numbers:

And the Lord spoke to Moshe, saying, Take the rod, and gather the assembly together, thou, and Aaron thy brother, and speak to the rock before their eyes; and it shall give forth its water, and thou shalt give the congregation and their beasts drink (Num. 20: 9-11)
According to this verse, the Lord commands Moses to take the rod, but to speak to the rock. Why should Moses have taken the rod in his hands, if the intention was only to make him speak to the rock and not with the purpose of smiting it? The text omitted at this point the specific command of the Lord as had been mentioned in Exodus. Moreover it introduces the rationalization that the wrath of God had been provoked by the smiting of the rock:
And the Lord spoke to Moshe and Aharon, Because you did not believe in me, to sanctify me in the eyes of the children of Yisrael, therefore you shall not bring this congregation in to the land which I have given them (Num. 20:12-3)
As we have seen in the version of the Exodus there had been no hint of a verbal persuasion of the rock and the command of smiting had been quite explicit. The other two versions (Num.27:12-4 and Deut.32:48-52) confirm the association between the happening at Meriva and the punishment enacted on Aaron and Moses. Moses, therefore, smote the rock with the rod, was punished and could not enter the Promised Land: this was the perception and the message of the story, but since the original significance of the aggression versus the rock had been removed, a rationalization was necessary, in order to explain the link between the aggressive act and its consequences.
However, as every rationalization, it contains elements which give us a hint of the real reason of the divine punishment. The element is the affront to the Lord and this was indeed there. However, not an insult represented by an alleged disobedience, but an outright act of aggression against the holy body of the Father-god, which is the sacrilege par excellence. The rod is the instrument through which the sacrilege is perpetrated.
We have found four examples, in which Moses used his rod, to enact miraculous deeds, commanded by the Lord himself. In three of them, the association with the water is explicit, and only in the first case, dealing with the rod transforming into a serpent, the association seems lacking. However, is it really so?
As Robertson Smith has demonstrated (20), snakes and dragons are often associated with rivers and springs : the Orontes’ source was a dragon. The Arabs believed snakes and dragons to be the spirits of sacred springs; rivers and sources of water originate by marine serpents and give birth to goddesses as Atargatis and Afrodite. Also in this case, therefore, there is a direct association between the rod, transforming into a snake, and the water. The biblical text itself, hints at this equation, mentioning snake and water in the same verse: “Get thee to Par’o in the morning; lo, he goes out to the water; and thou shalt stand by the River’s brink to meet him; and the rod which was turned to a snake shalt thou take in thy hand”.  Moses’s rod is always mentioned, therefore, in relation to the water and to some magic act: smites the water, separates the water, and makes it spring from the rock. As Freud showed to us, the rod is a male phallic symbol easily recognizable (21). As for the water he says:
Birth is regularly expressed in dreams by some connection with water: one falls into the water or one comes out of the water - one gives birth or one is born (22)
The water, pars pro toto, being the symbol of the amniotic liquid and the mother, represents therefore the woman. Also the myth of biblical cosmogony hints at the association water = mother. While in Greek cosmogony the world is created from the union between Ouranos and Gea , the Hebrew parallel finds its expression in the verse: “ […] and a wind from God moved over the surface of the waters” (Gen. 1:2). The Biblical myth, through the censorship of the Redactor, repressed the figure of the mother-goddess, parallel to Greek myth, but the traces of the repression remain in this verse, and the mother goddess emerges in her symbolic representation, this time in the form of “waters”.
Moses’ rod strikes a blow on the waters and those transform into blood: as the childish perception projects into the father some secret knowledge through which the magic act of defloration is acted out and he is able to possess the body of the mother, in the same way God acts out the magic deed through Moses’ rod, phallic symbol of this Son-god, envoy and first among equals of the brothers’ horde. The biblical myth ascribes this magic knowledge to Father-god, but the concrete doing is ascribed to the envoy of the brothers, through his phallic symbol: the blow of the rod makes the defloration's blood to flow. Identifying with Moses and his rod, the tribe of the brothers enacts the symbolic coitus. In front of the Red Sea Moses' rod does not strike the water, but bends it to his will, satisfaction of the childish desire of omnipotence versus his libido's object. At Meriva, Moses' rod enacts the ultimate sacrilege. In this story the ambivalence and the conflict linked to the satisfaction of infantile incestuous drives are acted out in a condensation: in one unique act Moses extracts the water from the rock, and at the same time assaults God and signs his own death penalty. In this way the contradiction of the Biblical narrative is explained: The Lord commands Moses to smite the rock, since only the father has the formula for the defloration and possession of the mother. However, the erotic aggressive act condenses in one action the libidinal discharge versus the maternal body (the water), and the sacrilege act of the parricide, and it is the latter aspect of the magic act which triggers the divine wrath. We find a similar condensation of an aggressive act and an act of profanation by the erotic connotation, directed this time versus god-rock himself, and therefore homosexual in its contents, in the verse:
And if thou wilt make me an altar of stones, thou shalt not build it of hewn stone: for if thou lift up thy tool upon it, thou hast defiled it. Neither shalt thou go up by steps to my altar, that thy nakedness be not exposed on it (Ex. 20:25).
The biblical interdiction is very clear: you shall not commit aggression versus the stone, being it God himself, and you shall not commit any erotic genital act versus him.
 

Joshua

The Book of Joshua is the less truthful, from an historical perspective, of all the books of the Exateuch (23). We can reach an understanding of the historical happening, as for the conquest, only looking in Book of Judges, which preserves lively flashes of the slow and relentless penetration of the Hebrews into the Holy Land. The importance of the Book of Joshua relies on its representation of the mental modus, which created the tradition, transferred from generation to generation, as for the violence and the desire of the original invasion of the thirsty tribes storming the land from the Eastern desert. The Book of Joshua is not an historical source: it is the poem of war of the Hebrew tribes and is the story of the perpetrated incest: so will be narrated the deeds of Jahve and Joshua his servant.
His first dispositions are to send spies to explore the Promised Land, exactly as the text had attributed to Moses, in the trial to give some credibility to the mystification that had been the first Moses, prince of Egypt, to push for the invasion: “And Yehoshua the son of Nun sent out of Shittim two men to spy secretly, saying, Go view the land and Yeriho” (Joshua 2:1), as had done his master before: “And the Lord spoke to Moshe, saying, Send thou men, that they may spy out the land of Kena’an, which I give to the children of Yisrael” (Num.13:1). In contrast to Moses, who had sent twelve explorers, one for every tribe, Joshua sends only two. Of the twelve men sent by Moses only two had returned with a positive opinion of the country. The other ten were terrorized by the size of the inhabitants, and had demoralized the people. Therefore this time only two explorers were sent, who indeed returned with a positive message: “Truly the Lord has delivered all the land into our hands; and moreover all the inhabitants of the country do melt away because of us” (Jos. 2:24). After a single incursion into Jericho, the men for sure could not make such a complete report to Joshua. We may assume that all the story of the incursion into Jericho, the two spies and their brief report, is only a repetition of that of the Numbers with the purpose of making an undoing of the sin of Moses’ explorers: now the people are no more demoralized and believe in Jahve’s promises, earning the right to conquer the Land.
Joshua’s second deed is the dividing of Jordan’s waters, as Moses had divided the Red Sea. The text tries to make of this deed a miracle:

And the feet of the priests that bore the ark were dipped in the brink of the water, (for the Yarden overflows all its bank throughout the time of harvest) that the waters which came down from above stood and rose up in a heap (Jos. 3:15-6)
However, anyone who knows the Jordan knows that it is not such a big river, and this is only a pallid repetition of Moses’ miracle. It is not casual that the text emphasizes: “overflows all its bank throughout the time of harvest”. The Redactor was afraid that his audience would smile at hearing such an overstatement. The collective circumcision of the children of Israel, after the crossing of the Jordan, is the repetition of the previous initiation rite, performed by Moses on the Hebrews, at the foot of Sinai, after the crossing of the Red Sea. At this point the divine epiphany is repeated. Even with the exact same words, used when Moses was standing in front of the burning bush: “ Put off thy shoe from off thy foot; for the place on which thy standest is holy” (Jos.5:15, cfr. Ex.3:5).
Only the sequence of the events is changed, because god appeared to Moses on the Horev before the crossing of the Red Sea, while here, in Joshua, the epiphany is after the crossing of the Jordan. The exposition of events, as described in Joshua, is a repetition of Moses’, in a scala minor, and it confirms what had been the right sequence also in the saga of the Exodus, and which in the biblical synthesis had been changed, in order to disguise the existence of two different Moses: the first who had extracted the Hebrews from Egypt, and the second who had been the protagonist of the divine epiphany on the Horeb in front of the burning bush. Moses had met Jahve on the Sinai after the Exodus and the crossing of the Red Sea. Indeed it had been not the prince of Egypt who met Jahve and who put off his shoe in front of the burning bush, but Yitro, priest of Midian. The epiphany in front of the burning bush, the mask with which Moses covers his face, Jahve’ attack against him to kill him, and defused only by the circumcision, are all part of an initiation rite, as are performed even today by savage tribes, and as were acted out in the Sinai tribe of Moses, priest of Midian, Therefore, we see how the figure of Joshua is construction, whose purpose was to continue the mission of Moses-Yitro, after the myth had left him dying on the threshold of the Promised Land.
 

Different are men, but similar their needs

In the same century in which the Hebrews were living their epos and were giving expression to their saga of conquest, that finds its catharsis in the biblical narrative, the West was living its own epos, last and ultimate of Achaean tribes' songs .
Troy’s war may be easily compared to the conquest of the Promised Land.  The Greek myth is much less hermetic and condensed, but the existential unconscious contents are the same. The Achaeans gather to act out the conquest of the fortified city and to take her queen. The incestuous intention is double-expressed since Helen of Troy and the city itself represent the repetition of the same symbolic concept as Helen and the fortified city represents the woman. Achilles is the real hero: the son-god, who undertakes the mission  of killing  the Father in the figure of the strongest of the Troians: Hektor, Tamer of Horses.  He represented the figure of the Father, inhibiting the Greek horde from taking possession of the city. After Hektor's death, as after the assassination of Moses, the way to the incest was open. Achilles, as Moses, condensation of Son-god and Father-god, was to die before the incest of the brother’s horde could be consummated. Achilles died before the fall of the city of Troy, and as a direct consequence of his sacrilege, as his mother Tetis had said explicitly: "Then, my son, is your end near at hand- for your own death awaits you full soon after that of  Hektor” (Iliad, XVIII: 94).
The task of perpetrating the incest, that the biblical myth bestows to Joshua, is acted out  by the second “Achilles”: the shrewd Ulysses penetrates the city with his own phallic symbol, the horse. Part of the wall is demolished to let the horse, which is bigger than the gate, enter the city. A very clear hint to the defloration act of a mother (the city) still perceived as virgin. The Greek heroes pour from it in a liberating orgiastic coitus. Ulysses is not punished by death, since this is the destiny of the parricide. His sin is considered less grave.  The belief of being able to substitute the father and lying with the mother, distillated from the parricide, which had already been committed by another, represents a sin of hybris (24).  Its punishment is a long wandering. Greek myth rationalizes Ulysses’ wandering as the consequence of an insult to Poseidon. This god in Orphic myth, which is also the more ancient, is only another epiphany of Zeus, the Father-god, in a unique condensation with Ades, the archaic Zeus Katachtonios (25). The Greeks, in this way, split into two separate heroes not only the figure of the son, one committing the patricide and the other perpetrating the incest (26), but also the figure of the father, against whom the two sacrileges are perpetrated. The Hebrews, constrained in the frame of their monolatry could not split the figure of the Father, but separated between the son committing the parricide and the one perpetrating the incest. Moses-father is killed, Moses-Yitro substitutes him and as son-god smites the rock, commits sacrilege and is condemned to die on the threshold of the Promised Land, being inhibited from perpetrating the incest. In the same way Achilles desecrates Hektor’s body and dies before Troy’s fall (27). In both cases the death of these son-gods remains foggy and unclear. Achilles’ death is not reported in the main text (the Iliad), but is attributed in later legend (28) to an arrow cast by Paris, the Trojan anti-hero. Hitting Achilles in his famous heel, it is parallel to a casual death, whose only reason is Fatum’s will.  The message of the legend is the same as Moses’. No one is stronger than the Hero, first of the brothers’ horde, and chosen by Destiny to perform the parricide and to suffer the consequences of the sacrilege. Moses and Achilles had to die, but their death remains  in an aloe of god induced mystery.
The “third Moses” who perpetrates the incest, is Joshua. In his saga, as in Troy’s, there is a repetition of the object of the incest in the conquest of Jericho and the fall of all the Promised Land, conquered by storm, parallel to the capture of Helen and the fall of the city. As we shall see below in the Hebrew story a further repetition emerges in the figure of Rahab, the prostitute. In both sagas the fall of the city is not the result of an act of force and military virtue, but the product of a magic, which traces the foggy childish perception  of defloration. Childhood fantasy perceives the act of defloration as the product of a magic knowledge: only the omnipotent father knows the precise formula that allows the possession of the craved mother.
This is the reason why the device, invented by Ulysses in order to deflower the city of Troy becomes a sin of hybris against Poseidon, the other face of the Father-god Zeus. The Greek legend tells us that the destiny of Ulysses is the consequence of his hybris against Poseidon, and the god curses the Hero (29), but the real sense of the sacrilege had been removed, and what remained in its place is a foggy and senseless sin without any inner logic. Every rationalization contains also the nucleus of the real sense of the events, but discloses a face whose exterior features have been changed with the aim of concealing the repressed contents. Under the new aspect the narrative loses its inner logic and becomes unrecognizable. But once decoded, the original sense becomes clear again.
Both in the Hebrew and the Greek saga the horde of the brothers cannot conquer the city by force, but only by an astute expedient. In the case of Troy the incest is perpetrated through a device invented by the most astute of the horde, and in the case of Jericho through a magic formula revealed by God himself. As Troy was hermetically closed before the horde, so “Yeriho was closely shut up because of the children of Yisrael: none went out, and none came in” (Joshua 5:15). The Hebrew myth emphasizes “none went out, and none came in”: the act of defloration will be a privilege of the Israelites. The magic connotation of the penetration is emphasized by its exclusivity. The myth, as in childish fantasy, is ambivalent and confused. The Greek story had told us that Helen had gone after Paris by her own will, but here the myth implies a liberation. Helen, instead of being punished because of her treason, becomes queen of the conquerors. All becomes clear if we ignore the first part of the story, in which she is presented as the wife of Menelaos and queen of Sparta, as an explanation for the reason of Troy’ war. Without this rationalization, that “explains” the reason for the war, the sequence of events becomes clear: the horde of the brothers’ coalition perpetrated the incest in the capture of the city and the queen inside its walls, after having committed the parricide in the figure of Hektor, the strongest of Troy’s heroes. The main text itself, the Iliad, indeed opens the saga telling us of the band encircling the city, and the wrath of Apollo, the initiator god of all Western civilization. All the stories “explaining” the previous deeds, which would have caused the war, are part of later addictions, as rationalizations introduced to disguise the real sense of the saga. The main text does not mention them.
Nevertheless the posterior rationalizations are not void of significance. Telling us that the Greek heroes went to war in order to re-take what was their in the first place, the myth translates the incestuous fantasy in a new reconstruction of reality: the body of the mother belonged to the father of the brother’s horde, but in the reconstruction of reality, induced by desire, it should have been theirs: the Achaean heroes go to war to re-take what belonged to them by right.  In the same way the biblical myth explains that the Promised Land belongs by right to the Hebrew horde, as Helen belonged by right to the Achaean horde. In the Greek myth, because she had been abducted, in the Hebrew myth by divine promise. The Bible tells us of a Covenant between Jahveh and his sons, by whose right they can claim the Promised Land: the Father himself gives her to the sons. In both cases, the former because of a previous abduction, the latter by divine right, the incestuous possession of the craved body is established de iure. The different elaboration of the saga reflects the different psychic structure. The Greek heroes reflected the transfiguration of human reality in a world where the differentiation between Divine and Human had not yet been defined: Greek fantasy was crowded by gods, semi-gods, above-natural heroes and humans, and the roles were often interchangeable between them. The tension was running high in the interaction between them. The perception was of a divergence of interests between the Olympus and Earth, that found expression in all the stories of gods, heroes and men. The Achaean right is not, therefore, because of a Divine Will, which, because of the conflicts between gods and men, would not have represented per se an ultimate right. Greek mythology is permeated by the sensation that divine will, stronger than human, is based on gods’ arrogance more than on justice. Therefore the promise of one of the numerous gods who populated Olympus would have been a poor guarantee of legality. Theirs had to be an uncontestable human right: the woman had been abducted, and therefore was their right to fight to have her back. The means is a blood covenant between the brothers and as such transforms the right in a duty which nobody is allowed to evade (30). In contrast, for the Hebrew, organized in a different psychic-social structure under the compelling Covenant with the Father, the Divine will was the best legal alibi. “Submitting” to the Divine Promise they presented at the same time the best legal document (31). In this way the incest is perpetrated with the blessing of the Father himself, allowing the removal of the aggressiveness related to it.
 
 

Queens and Harlots

The Hebrew myth is much more hermetic than the Greek, and no woman is apparently mentioned as aim of the war, but there is nevertheless an enigmatic feminine figure in the biblical story who condenses the two aspects, the whore and the merciful woman who saves the two explorers  sent by Joshua: Rahav the harlot.
The biblical commentator had a difficult time in trying to make a sense out of this strange figure, which seems completely out of context in the rest of the biblical narrative of the heroic days of the conquest:

And they went, and came  to the house of a harlot named Rahav, and lodged there. And it was told the king of Yeriho, saying, behold, there came men in here tonight of the children of Yisrael to search out the country. And the king of Yeriho sent to Rahav, saying, Bring forth the men that are come to thee, who are entered into thy house: for they are come to search out all the country. And the woman took the two men, and hid them, and said thus, There came men to me, but I know not from where they were: and it came to pass about the time of shutting of the gate, when it was dark, that the men went out; whither the men went I know not: pursue after them quickly; for you shall overtake them (Jos.2:1-5).
Then the story tells us how she had hidden them in the stalks of flax and later “she let them down by a rope through the window: for her house was on the town wall, and she dwelt upon the wall” (Jos.2:15). What a strange story! What a strange king, who begins arguing with a harlot, instead of sending his soldiers to put her house upside down. Why should the Israelite explorers have entered the city in the first place, its having been already condemned to be conquered by Joshua’s exorcisms ?!
Through the discoveries of psycho-analysis we know children’s fantasy creates the double image of the mother as an unreachable queen and a prostitute at the same time (32). The double image finds expression in the myths of the virgin goddesses and the sacred prostitutes, both as expression of the sacred.
As in the saga of Troy’s war, in the biblical myth there is a woman inside the walls of the unconquered fortified city. In the former a queen, in the latter a harlot. As in the Christian myth we have the same pattern and the Virgin Mary interchanges with Mary of Magdala, the harlot, and the two complete each other (33), in the same way the craved woman, in the Book of Joshua appears in her transfiguration as a prostitute. In the ancient Semitic East the sacred was connected to prostitution and not to virginity, as in Greek culture. In the biblical story the woman saves the two Israelites from death and so discloses her maternal merciful nature. The Israelites, at their turn, will save her in the sack of the city, as the Achaeans save Helen and make her their Queen. The Hebrew myth, which had repressed any fantasy of a mother-goddess, to allow room only for an omnipotent Father-figure, not to let the craved feminine figure emerge, discloses nevertheless the repressed fantasy in her transfiguration as a prostitute. In the story of the storm of the Conquest, the repression does not succeed and the story of a salvation associated to a feminine figures finds a way to emerge. In the Greek myth the heroes penetrate the city through an astute device. In the Hebrew story they exit through a similarly astute deception. The Bible will tell us how Jericho’s walls fall through the magic exorcism of the Israelites, and, if we turn over (inversion) the chronology of events, here it tells us how they retreat, after the coitus has been consummated.
As we have seen above the two sons-heroes, Moses and Achilles, are punished by death, in direct association with their parricide: Moses for his smiting the rock, Achilles for having killed Hektor. Ulysses is punished by a long exile, in association with his sin of incest-hybris (34). There is something lacking in the biblical saga: Joshua seems not to suffer any punishment because of the perpetrated incest. Even if we search attentively, he seems having been the only Hebrew hero who never aroused God’s wrath. This lack may indeed be explained by arguing that in the Hebrew archaic psyche only the parricide is considered sacrilege, while the heterosexual act is not to be considered as such. Reik, explaining the original sin, described in the Genesis’ tradition of the Fall, sustains that it was not a sin related to a sexual act, and that the association sexual = sinful is relatively late in Jewish tradition (35). Accordingly, the substance of the original sin was an act of cannibalism directed against the Father-god, in the form of tree with the prohibited fruit since, to the primitives, the tree was the personification of God himself.  In this instance we may presume that there was a difference between Greek and Hebrew perception at the end of the second millennium B.C. as to the sinfulness of the heterosexual act. The second possibility is that the divine wrath, aroused by the incest, was successfully repressed and removed from the text. However, as Freud taught us, every repression leaves a trace after it. And the trace is very feeble but is there.
In the 20th chapter of the Book of Joshua, he is commanded to assign for the children of Israel cities of refuge “that the slayer that kills any person through error and unawares may flee there” (20:1-3). The exile is associated therefore to Joshua, even if indirectly. He is some sort of  “patron saint” to those who must take the road to the exile.
Therefore, in a feeble way, the name of Joshua is connected to a sin whose consequence is the exile and a peregrination far from home. As Ulysses, his Greek parallel.
 

After three thousands four hundred  years

A people have vitality as long as they are compelled to repeat their own destiny. If Freud had been living today, he could not believe his own eyes and ears. He understood, or, if  his own theory of inheritability of human experiences is accepted (36), he knew, that the Jewish people owned its own peculiarity to having repeated in the father-figure of Moses the primeval crime common to all mankind (37). If mankind’s unconscious contains the traces of the primeval crime, having repeated it in an historic context made of the Jewish people the deicide par excellence and the most suited scapegoat, since instead of repressing it to the deepest layers of the psyche, they had repeated it. To repress a crime perpetrated in “adulthood” is a much harder task than repressing a drive which had operated in a prehistoric context, and can be much more easily removed.  Other peoples were able to elaborate the crime through religious rites and their “catharsis”. For the  Hebrews, at this point, there remained only the solution of the most intransigent repression. However, as we know, the more the latter is ferocious and the more energetic investment is enlisted to this aim, the stronger is the destiny that, released temporarily the guard or under the influence of a particularly strong stimulus, the defenses collapse, the repressed drive emerges, and the crime is repeated.
As Freud pointed:

The repressed  retains its upward surge, its effort to force its way to consciousness. It achieves its aims under three conditions: 1) if the strength of the anticathexis is diminished by pathological processes….2)  if the instinctual elements attaching to the repressed receive a special reinforcement (of which  the best example is the process of puberty); and (3) if at any time  in recent experience impressions or experiences occur which resemble the repressed so closely that they are able to awaken it. In the last case the recent experience is reinforced by the latent energy of the repressed, and the repressed comes into operation behind the recent experience and with its help (38).
As we shall see, the third case is relevant to what happened to the Jewish people after they came again in contact with the stimulus of the Promised Land.
Nothing easier for Western culture, once it became Christianized, to accuse the Jews of Deicide. Since they had a “penal file”, the murder of their own god is also attributed to them, as when a crime is committed, the police first search for those who have just come out of prison. The Jews had removed, under the heavy burden of the sense of guilt, Moses’ assassination and for three thousand four hundred years it had been assumed that they will never perpetrate again the crime of parricide. The sublimation of the aggressive drives into high spirituality served as a guarantee, along with the sophistication achieved by the Jewish people in more than two thousand years. Generations of Rabbis had erected barriers after barriers against the resurgence of parricide and incestuous drives. Against parricide the Jews had repressed any bellicosity and transformed into a non-belligerent people. Against incest the Promised Land had passed a process of Transfiguration into an abstract concept: Jerusalem of Heaven (Jerushalaim shel M’ala) had taken the place of the earthly capital of Judah. We had all been feeling safe. However, as after two thousands years the skin of “meek sheep” was easily peeled off, as if it had never had been there, and the Jews returned to be freedom fighters for their own independence, so the stimulus of the physical contact with the Promised Land reversed the process of abstraction from the spiritual to the concrete, and the sensuous possess came in place of the ideal aspiration. As Moses had been murdered because he wanted to inhibit the children of Israel from the physical possession of the Promised Land, and put his own body as a barrier between them and their incestuous drive, so the people of Israel on the 30 November 1995 repeated the crime of parricide against the Father-figure of the man who threatened to return parts of the Promised Land, transubstantiation of the Holy body of the mother, to the enemy.
After Rabin’s assassination feeble voices dared to utter the word “patricide”, as the writer Smilanski Izhar, who expressed the word in a television interview, but nobody dared to unfold the discourse further. Soon a public consensus prevailed that the crime had been an isolated act, perpetrated by an unstable fanatic. The public repressed and removed the delegation committed to him before the murder, and has already begun the process of latency and denial (39), as after the assassination of Moses.

Links:
The Assassination of Rabin and its Consequences for the Israeli Palestinian Conflict
Exodus and Intrauterine Regression. The Genealogy of Jewish Monotheism
The Israelites and the Quails
Freud and Reik. Was Moses an Egyptian?
Hamlet. The Puberty Rite of a Danish Prince and His Companions

Medusa, the Female Genital and the Nazis


Addendum:

After the essay was completed and published, I found a chapter of Josephus' Antiquities where he unconsciously discloses to us how the real events had unfolded in the desert, and he confirms our thesis that Moses did not want the Hebrews to fight the Canaanites, namely, he wanted to keep them in the wilderness. We shall never know what material truth is, namely, the actual unfolding of events, but we can understand what Freud called the historical truth, namely, the psychological interpretation of those unknown events, which is the relevant issue, because it is the interpretation, and not the event itself, which actually dictates the behavior of singles and peoples. From the following citation, we can see that there was a version, which had been removed from the canonic text, but pressed for recognition, and found its expression in the story narrated by Josephus.

1. NOW this life of the Hebrews in the wilderness was so disagreeable and troublesome to them, and they were so uneasy at it, that although God had forbidden them to meddle with the Canaanites, yet could they not be persuaded to be obedient to the words of Moses, and to be quiet; but supposing they should be able to beat their enemies, without his approbation, they accused him, and suspected that he made it his business to keep in a distressed condition, that they might always stand in need of his assistance. Accordingly they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, and said that God gave them his assistance, not out of regard to Moses's intercessions, but because he took care of their entire nation, on account of their forefathers, whose affairs he took under his own conduct; as also, that it was on account of their own virtue that he had formerly procured them their liberty, and would be assisting to them, now they were willing to take pains for it. They also said that they were possessed of abilities sufficient for the conquest of their enemies, although Moses should have a mind to alienate God from them; that, however, it was for their advantage to be their own masters, and not so far to rejoice in their deliverance from the indignities they endured under the Egyptians, as to bear the tyranny of Moses over them, and to suffer themselves to be deluded, and live according to his pleasure, as though God did only foretell what concerns us out of his kindness to him, as if they were not all the posterity of Abraham; that God made him alone the author of all the knowledge we have, and we must still learn it from him; that it would be a piece of prudence to oppose his arrogant pretenses, and to put their confidence in God, and to resolve to take possession of that land which he had promised them, and not to give ear to him, who on this account, and under the pretense of Divine authority, forbade them so to do. Considering, therefore, the distressed state they were in at present, and that in those desert places they were still to expect things would be worse with them, they resolved to fight with the Canaanites, as submitting only to God, their supreme Commander, and not waiting for any assistance from their legislator. (Ant., IV:1)


Iakov Levi[email protected]

NOTES


* The Bible quotations are according to The Jerusalem Bible (Koren Publishers Jerusalem LTD, Jerusalem 1998)
 

(1) Theodor Reik, "The Shofar" in Ritual, Psycho - analytic Studies, Farrar & Straus, New York 1946, pp. 309-361

(2) S. Freud, "Moses and Monotheism: Three Essays" (1939), in The Standad Edition of the Complete Pychological Works of Sigmund Freud, London 1964, vol. XXIII, pp. 36-53

(3) Ibidem

(4)   It is very interesting to notice that Freud did not mention the most compelling evidence of all in favor of his thesis that Moses was an Egyptian: Manetho himself tells us explicitly so (Josephus, Against Appio, I: 31-2). Josephus, who reports the version of Manetho, had no motivation to make up such a story, since he was out to confute  Manetho’s thesis: “ It now remains that I debate with Manetho about Moses. Now the Egyptians acknowledge him to have been a wonderful and a divine person; nay, they would willingly lay claim to him themselves, though after a most abusive and incredible manner, and pretend that he was of Heliopolis, and one of the priests of that place, and was ejected out of it among the rest, on account of his leprosy” (Against Appio I:31, Eng.Tras. Willialm Whiston, Christian Classics Ethereal Library[ CCEL] )
The meaning is that the Egyptians themselves held a tradition that Moses had been one of them. To them either did non make any sense to invent such a story, since Moses had “passed to the enemy”, and should have had all the interest in disparaging him, instead of defining him “ a wonderful and a divine person” .
Between the Hebrew version of Josephus, that Moses had been an Hebrew, and the Egyptian one, that Moses had been a priest of Heliopolis, we must obviously chose the second, since this one had no reason of having been invented. The only explanation is that Freud did not know Josephus’ Against Appio. Amazingly also Reik did not know this uncontested evidence, because he strives to prove that Moses had been an Hebrew and not an Egyptian, in contrast to Freud’s opinion (Theodor Reik, “Mystery on the Mountain”, Harper & Brother, New York 1959, pp.11-14). Freud mentions Josephus’ Antiquities (Freud, op.cit. pp.29 and 32) and the same does Reik (op. cit. p.14), but neither refers to Against Appio, in which Josephus mentions Manetho.

(5)   On the murder of the primeval father, the cannibalistic act, and the consequent cohesion  between the horde of the brothers see:  S. Freud, Totem and Taboo (1913) Chap.4 , par.4 -5

(6) S.  Freud, Moses and Monotheism  in op.cit. p. 48

(7)  Ibidem, p.47.

(8) Johannes Lehmann, Moses- der Mann aus Augypten, Hoffmann und Campe, Hamburg 1983, pp. 183-7

(9)   On the bull and the ram as ancient totems of the Hebrews see: T.Reik, "The Shofar", in Ritual,  op.cit. p.253.

(10)  On how the primitive tribes and the savages have a tendency to some sort of primitive monotheism, see the works of Father Wilhelm Schmidt: Der Ursprung der Gottesidee, Munster (1912-1955); High Gods in North America, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1931; The Origin and Growth of Religion, Methunen, London 1931

(11) Reik, Mystery on the Mountain, Harper & Brother, New York 1959, p.53.

(12)   Joseph is called “Hebrew” by the butler of Paraho and by the wife of Potifar. In both cases the connotation is despising.

(13)  In the book of Jonah the Prophet self-defines as an Hebrew (Jonah 1:8), because he is explaining who he is to the Gentile sailors.

(14)  On the ‘Apiru as bandits, shepherds and donkey drivers see: William Foxwell Albright, The Amarna Letters from Palestine,in Cambridge Ancient History, Vol. 2, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1966, pp.8-17.

(15)  As for the sequence of events on the Sinai, see T Reik, Mystery on the Mountain, op.cit.

(16)  William F. Albright, The Biblical Period from Abraham to Ezra,Anchor, New York 1963, p.27

(17)  T.Reik, "The Shofar", in op.cit. pp.344-350.

(18)  Speaking of the erotic drive to watch Freud says  “The eyes perceive not only alterations in the external world which are important for the preservation of life, but also characteristics of objects which lead to their being chosen as objects of love – their charms” (Freud, "The Psycho-analitic view of Psychogenic Disturbance of Vision", (1910), in op.cit.,vol.XI, p.216)

(19)  Sefer Ha'Aggadah, Devir, Tel Aviv 1948, p.76.,(in Heb.)Free translation of Iakov Levi
According to the perception, as is reflected in the tradition of the Gospels, Jesus lives surrounded by women, but dies a virgin. The Christian myth is a repetition the same leit-motive of parricide and death, without conceding the possibility of incest. It is enlightening the difference between these “archaic” heroes, who commit parricide but not incest, and those more “recent”, who are part of the Apollonian world, like Oedipus, who acts out both.
Even if chronologically the Christian myth is more recent than the Apollonian  (Oedipus) , is nevertheless part of the mental modus of the more archaic rites, since it represents an evolutional regression vis a vis Olympic myths. Christ’s death and Resurrection reconnect, through an evolutional regression, to Orphic archaic mythology, the death and Resurrection of Dionysus. Therefore The Christian myth is part of a psychic modus, which had been overtaken since the times of  Sophocles’ tragedy. shall return on this point below.

(20) William Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites, Shoken, New York 1972, pp.171-9

(21) S.Freud, “Symbolism in Dreams”, 1916, in op.cit, Vol.XV, p.154.See also: Karl Abraham, "Dreams and Myths": A Study in Folk-Psychology,1909, in Clinical Papers and Essays on Psycho-Analysis, Basic Books Inc. Publishers, New York 1955, (Translated by Hilda Abraham and D.R.Ellison)Vol. II, p.203: “The process of erection has obviously stimulated fantasy activity to an extraordinary degree. The turning of the road (phallus) into the serpent stands for the return of the erect penis to the flaccid state”.
Theodor Reik, Pagan Rites in Judaism, Farrar, Straus & Co, New York 1964, pp.84-5) describes how the women of primitive tribes directly associate between the first menstrual occurrence and the snakes. Reik sustains that that points to the belief that the snake represents an erected penis, causing the flood of blood of defloration, which is equated to the first menstrual blood.
We have before us some confusion: Freud and Abraham consider the snake the symbol of male penis in a flaccid status, while Reik interprets it as the symbol of penis erection. The solution, however, is simple: the snake cannot be the symbol of male penis, as the rod, because does not represents something hard and erected. The problem may be solved if we interpret the snake a the symbol of the female penis, i.e. the clitoris, which even while is erected, remains nevertheless somehow flaccid and more reminiscent of a snake. In this key , the symbolism of Moses’ rod, which transforms into a serpent becomes clear, since, as the rod smites the water, which is the female symbol par excellence, so it becomes serpent, which is also the symbol of female erotism. Freud, who loved so much Rome, for sure had occasion to visit the Sistine Chapel and Michelangelo’s representation of the serpent wrapped around the tree of the forbitten fruit. This serpent is represented as a female body.
Apparently, the founding fathers of psychoanalysis fell victims to their own defenses. Interpreting the symbol of the serpent as that of the clitoris straighten all the difficulties, which arise instead  otherwise. Moreover, it seems that all the erotic acrobatic exercises of women with snakes, represent female masturbation. As we learn from psychoanalysis, the major defenses are enacted exactly with the aim of denying the explicit significance of the representation. Freud, Abraham and Reik, these giants of psychoanalytic penetration, stumbled in their own male narcissism and paradoxically were not able to recognize the obvious, which they had before their own eyes.

(22) Freud, ibidem, p.160

(23) We adopt Wellhausen’ definition (Julius Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur Gesschichte Israels, Berlin 1899, pp.1-13), which, instead of separating the Pentateuch from the rest of the Bible, adds to it also the Book of Joshua and calls the first six books “Exateuch”. According to W. this book is part of the same mental context of the first five books of the Bible, as they do not represent an historical narrative.

(24)  Arrogance, lack of respect versus the gods.

(25)  K. Kerenyi, Die Mythologie der Griechen, Zurich 1951, pp.207-8.

(26) The split between  the figure of the Hero committing patricide and the one perpetrating the incest runs as a thread in all Western culture. For instance in Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, Brutus, representing the leader of the son’s band, kills the Father and invites the horde to immerge their hands into the blood of Caesar’s cadaver, repeating in this way the main feature of the totemic meal. Brutus, “the noblest of the Romans”, will die out of a decision taken only by himself, repeating the pattern of Moses and Achilles, who cannot be overcome by any other hero, being themselves the best of the horde. Mark Antony will perpetrate the incest in the figure of Cleopatra.

(27)  “And fate has destined thee, Achilles, peer of gods, to die beneath the wall of Troy's Proud lords, fighting for fair haired Helen's sake”. (Aeschines, Speeches: speech 1, section 149 [Against Timarchus] ).

(28)  Apollodorus, Library and Epitome (ed. Sir James George Frazer): book E, chapter 5, section 1

(29)  It is very enlightening to compare Poseidon’s curse with that of Reuben by Jacob, who is cursed by his father for having laid with Jacob’s concubine: “[…] unstable as water, thou shalt not excel; because you  wentest up to thy father bed; then thou didst defile it: he went up to my couch” (Gen. 49:4)

(30)  Achilles had tempted to evade the war disguising as a woman (Apollodorus 3.13.8), and Ulysses pretending to be mad (Apollodorus E.3.7). But both had been exposed and compelled to join the war. As Freud explained in Totem and Taboo (par.5), speaking of the importance of all the members of the clan sharing the killing of the father and the totemic meal, also the sense of the legends associated to Troy’s war is that none of the sons’horde can be absent from parricide and incest.

(31) Rashi, the most important biblical commentator, who lived in France in the 11th century A.D.,  in his comment to the first chapter of the Book of Genesis, explains that the reason why the Torah opens with the Creation and not with the first precept, is to justify legally the conquest of the Land of Israel by the Hebrew tribes and the slaughter of her inhabitants. The justification is that the Lord has created all the world, he is its Master and therefore is entitled to give the Land to his chosen people, at his will.

(32)  Karl Abraham, "Two Contributions on the Study of Symbols", (1923), in op.cit, Vol II, p. 84;   S.Freud, "Dostoevsky and Parricide", (1928), in op.cit., Vol. XXI, p.193.

(33)  In many paintings the two women are represented together at the foot of the Cross, as if they had equal importance. The Gospels tell us how after the Resurrection the dominant figure is that of Mary Magdalene and no more that of the Virgin (Matt.,28:1;  Mark,  16:9; Luke, 24:10;  John,  20:1-18)

(34)  The Bible tells us that Josef  was punished  by exile,in connection with a sin of hybris” […] Behold, I have again dreamed a dream; and, behold, the sun and the moon and the eleven stars bowed down to me. And he told it his father, and to his brothers: and his father rebuked him, and said to him, What is this dream that thou hast dreamed? Shall I and thy mother and thy brothers indeed come to bow down ourselves to thee to the earth?”  (Gen. 37:9-10). According to Rabbinical tradition the exile to Egypt and and the time in prison are a lesson for Joseph’ arrogance. Ulysses and Joseph are at last pardoned and are allowed to reunite to their beloved. The ancients were ready to pardon arrogance and incest: Ruben, Joseph and Ulysses are not punished by death, and there are no traces in the text of a punishment for Joshua.  Parricide is, on the contrary, a sacrilege whose only consequence is death.

(35)  T. Reik, Myth and Guilt, G.Braziller, New York 1957,pp.161-7

(36)  On the archaic heritage see: Freud, "Moses and Monotheism", in op. cit, pp.94-98

(37) &bbsp;Ibidem, pp. 84-6

(38)  Ibidem, p.95

(39)  The denial is not as for the crime itself but as for its real substance. As the Bible tells us that there were in the desert followers of Moses, truthful to his legacy, so today part of the public in Israel has elevated  Rabin to a concept, independently of a real objective evaluation of the person, whose stature, whatever his qualities might have been, was in our opinion very far from that of a cultural giant, as he is depicted today.
 
 

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