Behind the Gemstone Files


INTRODUCTION

The Skeleton Key
Kiwi Files
Torbitt Document

AUTHORSHIP
Caruana-Stephanie
Moore-Jim
 
I-The Early Years
  II-The CIA Years
  III-Mafia-Kennedy Years
  IV-The 1968 Campaign
  V-US Political Prisoner
  VI-War With the CIA
  VII-Iran-Contra Affair
  VIII-The Sunset Years?
  The Rainbow Bomb
Renzo-Peter
Roberts-Bruce


GEMSTONES
Chronological

ALPHA-1775
1776-1899
1900-1929
1930-1939
1940-1949
1950-1959
1960-1969
1970-1979
1980-1989
1990-1999
2000-2009

GEMSTONES
Alphabetical
UNDER CONSTRUCTION

A
Adamo-Michael
Air America
Air Asia
Air Thailand
Air West
Albania
Alioto-Angela
Alioto-Joe
Alioto-Tom
Allegria-
Allenda-Salvadore
American Airways
Anderson
   Foundation
Anderson-Jack
Appalachin Meet
Ashland Oil

B
Bahamas
Bank of America
Barker-Bernard
Bay of Pigs
Beame-Abe
Bechtel
Becker-Atty.
Benavides-Domingo
Bennett-Robert
Bernstein-Carl
Bird-Wally
Black Magic Bar
Black Panthers
Bon Veniste-
   Richard
Braden-Jim
Brading-Eugene
Braniff Airways
Brezhnev-Leonid
Brison
Bull-Stephen

C
Cahill-Police Chief
Cambodia
Cannon
Carl Boir Agency
Carlsson
Castro-Fidel
Cesar-Thane
Chapman-Abe
Charach-Ted
Chester Davis
Chile
China
Chisolm-Shirley
Chou En-Lai
CIA
Clark
Colby-William
Connally-John
Constantine
Council of Nicea
CREEP
Cushing-Cardinal

D
Dale-Francis L.
Dale-Liz
Daley-Richard J.
Dean-John
DeDiego-Felipe
Drift Inn Bar
Duke-Dr. "Red"
Dun & Bradstreet

E
Eckersley-Howard
Ellsberg-Daniel
Enemy Within, The
Erlichman-John

F
Faisal-King
Faisal-Prince
Farben-I.G.
Fatima 3 Prophecy
FBI
Fielding-Dr.
Fiorini-Frank
Ford-Gerald
Ford Foundation
Frattiano-James
Fuller

G
Garcia
Garrison-Jim
Garry-Charles
Gaylor-Adm. Noel
Ghandi-Indira
Giannini
Glomar Explorer
Golden Triangle
Gonzalez-Henry
Gonzalez-Virgilio
Graham-Katherine
Graham-Phillip
Gray-L. Patrick
Greenspun-Hank
Griffin
Grifford-K. Dun
Group of 40
Gulf Oil

H
Hampton-Fred
Harmony-Sally
Harp-
Harris-Al
Hearst-Patty
Heaton-Devoe
Helms-Richard
Heroin
Hoover-J. Edgar
Hughes Aircraft
Hughes Foundation
Hughes-Howard
Hughes Tool Co.
Humphrey-Hubert
Hunt-Howard

I
Irving-Clifford
Israel-1973 War
ITT

J
Jaworski-Leon
Jesus
Jews
Johnson-Lyndon
Joseph and Mary

K
Kaye-Beverly
Kefauver-Estes
Kennedy-John F.
Kennedy-Jackie
Kennedy-Joseph
Kennedy-Edward
Kennedy-Robert
Kennedy-Rose
King-Leslie, Jr.
King-Martin Luther
Kish Realty
Kissinger-Henry
Komano-
Kopechne-Mary Jo
Krogh-Bud

L
Lansky-Meyer
Laos
Lasky-Moses
Liedtke
Liddy-Gordon
Lipset-Hal
Lon Nol-Premier
Look Magazine

M
Mack (CREEP)
Madeiros-
Mafia
Magnin-Cecil
Maheu-Robert
Mansfield-Mike
Marquess of
   Blandford
Mari-Frank
Marseilles
Marshall-Burke
Martinez-Eugenio
McCarthy-Mary
McCone-John
McCord-James
McNamara-Robert
Merryman
Mexico
Meyer-Eugene
Midnight
Mills-Coroner
Mitchell-John
Mitchell-Martha
Mormon Mafia
Mullen Corporation
Muniz-
Mustapha

N
Nader-Ralph
Neal-James
Neilson-Neil
Nero
Ngo Dinh Diem
Ngo Dinh Nhu
Niarchos-Charlotte
   Ford
Niarchos-Eugenia
Niarchos-Stavros
Nixon-Donald
Nixon-Richard
Noguchi-Thomas
Nut Tree Restaurant

O
O'Brien-Larry
Oliver-R. Spencer
Onassis-Alexander
Onassis-Aristotle
Onassis-Tina
Oswald-Lee H.

P
Pacific Telephone
Paraguay Highway
Pavlov-
Pennzoil
Pentagon Papers
Pepsi Cola
Peters-Jean
Phelan-James
Pico
Pope Montini
Pope Paul VI
Pope Pius XI
Pope Pius XII
Portrait of an
   Assassin
Project Star

R
Rand Corporation
Rector-L. Wayne
Reston-James
Roberts-Bruce
Roberts-Mr.
Rockefeller
   Commission
Rockefeller-John D.
Rockefeller-Nelson
Romane-Tony
Roosevelt-Franklin
Roosevelt-Elliott
Roselli-John
Rothschild
Ruby-Jack
Russia

S
Sadat-Anwar
Second Gun, The
Schumann
Scott-
SEC
Selassie-Haile
Seven Sisters Oil
Shorenstein
Silva-
Sirhan-Sirhan
Skorpios
Smalldones
Snyder-Jimmy
Sodium Morphate
Stans-Maurice
Strom-Al
Sturgis-Frank
Sunol Golf Course
Swig
Synthetic Rubies

T
Tacitus
Thomson-Judge
Thieu-Nguyen Van
Thue-Cardinal
Tippitt-J. D.
Tisserant-Cardinal
Tunney-Joan
Tunney-John
Turkey
TWA

U
Unruh-Jess

V
Vatican
Vesco-Robert
Vietnam
Volner-Jill

W
Wallace-Tom
Walsh-Denny
Warner Brothers
Washington Post
Wills-Frank
Woodward-Bob
World Bank
Wyman-Eugene

Y
Younger-Eric
Younger-Evelle
Yugoslavia

Z
Zebra Murders

 

UPDATED June 21, 2002 09:43 PM
The Gemstone Files: 1950-1959

©2002 by Jim Moore

Nov. 11, 1954: Onassis, with Laurence Rockefeller and William Zeckendorf, try to buy Howard Hughes out, offering first $400 million - then up to $500 million. Hughes turns them down and walks out, leaving them sitting - stunned - in a "flophouse." Onassis, Rockefeller and Zeckendorf are outraged at Hughes' insulting behavior. (NOTE: This item is not in the original Gemstone Key.)

1956: Hughes, Texas millionaire, is meanwhile buying his way toward control of the U.S. electoral process—with a view towards his own personal gain. He buys Senators, Governors, etc. He finally buys his last politician: newly-elected V.P. Nixon, via a quarter-million-dollar non-repayable loan to Nixon's brother, Donald.

Early 1957: V.P. Nixon repays the favor by having the IRS-Treasury grant tax-free status (refused twice before) to "Hughes Medical Foundation," sole owner of Hughes Aircraft, creating a tax-free, non-accountable money funnel or laundry, for whatever Hughes wanted to do. U.S. government also shelved anti-trust suits against Hughes' TWA, etc.

March 1957: Onassis carries out a carefully planned event: he has Hughes kidnapped from his bungalow at the Beverly Hills Hotel, using Hughes' own men (Chester Davis, born Cesare in Sicily, et al.). Hughes' men either quit, get fired, or stay on in the new Onassis organization. A few days later, Mayor Cannon of Nevada (now Senator Cannon) arranges a fake "marriage" to Jean Peters, to explain Hughes' sudden loss of interest in chasing movie stars. Hughes, battered and brain-damaged in the scuffle, is taken to the Emerald Isle Hotel in the Bahamas, where the entire top floor had been rented for the "Hughes party"; there he is shot full of heroin for thirty days, and later dragged off to a cell on Onassis' island, Skorpios. Onassis now has a much larger power base in the U.S. (the Hughes empire), as well as control over V.P. Nixon and other Hughes-purchased politicians. L. Wayne Rector, "Hughes" double since 1955, becomes "Hughes."

September 1957: Onassis calls the Appalachin meeting to announce to U.S. Mafia heads his grab of Hughes, and his adoption of Hughes' game plan for acquiring power: buying U.S. Senators, congressmen, governors, judges, en masse, to take control "legally" of the U.S. government. Onassis' radio message to Appalachin from a remote Pennsylvania farmhouse intercepted (reluctantly) by FBI's J. Edgar Hoover, on the basis of a tip-off from some Army Intelligence guys who weren't in on the plan.

Also in 1957: Joseph Kennedy takes John F. and Jackie to see Onassis on his yacht, introduce John, and remind Onassis of an old Mafia promise: the presidency for a Kennedy. Onassis agrees.

1958: Hordes of Mafia-selected, purchased and supported "grass-roots" candidates sweep into office.

1959: Castro takes over Cuba from dictator Battista, thereby destroying cozy and lucrative Mafia gambling empire run for Onassis by Meyer Lansky. Castro scoops up $8 million in Mafia casino receipts. Onassis is furious. V.P. Nixon becomes operations chief for CIA-planned Bay of Pigs invasion, using CIA Hunt, McCord, etc., and Cuban ex-Battista strong-arm cops ("Cuban freedom fighters") Martinez, Gonzalez, etc., as well as winners like Frank Sturgis (Fiorini).

1959: Stirring election battle between Kennedy and Nixon. Either way Onassis wins, since he has control over both candidates.

Late in 1954, Onassis went into business with the Rockefellers - Laurence Rockefeller and William Zeckendorf, the real estate operator. This little partnership, or consortium, had one purpose: to buy out Howard Hughes. The idea came from Johnny Meyer, whom Onassis had hired away from Hughes earlier.

When he had been with Hughes, his job was to make sure Hughes' Aircraft got its fair share of government contracts, and then some. After World War II, he was in the national spotlight when Congress demanded he substantiate some $169,666.17 spent over four years on Hughes' behalf. The money had been charged to the government as business expenses related to the contracts, but some of it had been spent to entertain some of Hollywood's most beautiful women so they, in turn, would entertain the aircraft manufacturers.

After that public appearance, Onassis "stole" him away, impressed with his uninhibited aplomb. His duties for Onassis were less taxing, perhaps, for they included handling invitations to the Christina, making sure Onassis had plenty of his favorite cigars, and sharing countless evenings with him in the world's nightclubs. They became not just employer-employee, but friends, and Meyer gave Onassis lots of details about the inner workings of Hughes' operations.

Onassis was impressed with Hughes, with his attitude, with his wealth and his power. Through an old friend, Spyros Skouras, Onassis learned Hughes was thinking about getting rid of everything except RKO Studios. Thus the Onassis-Rockefeller-Zeckendorf consortium was born, with Zeckendorf named as the negotiator for the group. With Meyer's help, a secret appraisal was made of Hughes' various corporations and the three men made an offer of $400 million for the Hughes Tool Co., Hughes Aircraft, Hughes brewery in Houston and several other of his interests.

Zeckendorf talked to Hughes about it almost daily and at some point, Hughes spoke directly with Onassis and Rockefeller, then told Zeckendorf that, in principle, he would accept the offer. The next day, Zeckendorf was off to Hollywood, contract in hand. Hughes agreed to see him, but had suddenly changed his mind, claiming, "I never agreed, nor had any intention of selling anything to you." (8:105-6)

Nov. 11, 1954 - Venture capitalist Laurence Rockefeller, real estate tycoon William Zeckendorf, and Greek shipping magnate Aristotle Onassis had formed a syndicate interested in purchasing Hughes’ entire empire, and he offered $400,000,000 cash. While the trio had excluded RKO and TWA stock from the deal, they were anxious to sign documents transferring ownership of all of Hughes’ other companies “within days,” according to a statement made by Spyros Skouras, president of 20th Century-Fox studios, who had acted as an intermediary between the parties.

Rockefeller and group expected that Hughes was serious, and later statements suggested they did, they had not allowed for the Hughes mystique. Noah Dietrich testified in deposition that it was “another fishing expedition.” Hughes never was serious about selling anything. His whole [plan] was merely to gain insight into what he was currently worth. And the best way to determine that was by placing the companies in play.”

On November 11, 1954, Zeckendorf and Rockefeller flew to Los Angeles from New York, carrying bank documents confirming the solvency of the syndicate, and actually expected to close the deal. They were met at the airport and taken to the Beverly Hills Hotel, where they checked into adjacent suites on the third floor. The following day, the tank-sized real-estate tycoon and the slim investor went by a Hughes-provided limousine to a pre-determined parking lot where they were met by a driver wearing a red shirt, black pants, and penny loafers, who instructed the two men to accompany him to his waiting car, an old Chevrolet that Zeckendorf described as “something the Okies might have used on the trek west twenty years ago.”

The driver transported the two men to an area of town Zeckendorf described as “about as far away from humanity as I’ve ever been.” It was in a section of downtown Los Angeles off Central Avenue, surrounded by warehouses and deserted factories. They stopped in front of what appeared to be an abandoned building. It was, in fact, the once-proud Mason Hotel, its glory faded behind termite-eaten windows and pad­locked doors, guarded by a squadron of Hughes’ drivers, “rather good-looking men with crew cuts.”

The entrepreneurs were directed to walk up to the fourth floor, and taken to a door at the end of a deserted hallway. There, after an elaborate “pattern of knocks,” the door was opened and Howard Hughes welcomed his guests into a large room, empty except for a sagging sofa and two wooden chairs plus some rusted equipment that resembled boilers or large wash tubs.

Hughes was wearing a soiled white shirt, dirty khaki slacks, stained canvas shoes for the encounter that the real estate tycoon labeled “the strangest meeting—I guess it was a meeting.” There, in the dust, the cobwebs, and the relics from the past, the man who hated germs and refused to shake the men’s hands calmly read through detailed contracts which were tailored to satisfy his list of demands. After sitting silent for over an hour, Zeckendorf finally spoke.

“I think you’ll find everything is exactly as you wanted,” he said.

Hughes looked up slowly from the stack of papers, and nodded his head. “You’re right. Except for one thing.” Zeckendorf raised his eye­brows, as he felt himself suck in air. “The price. You don’t know what you’re talking about. Not enough.”

“‘What is enough?” Zeckendorf asked.

“I won’t tell you,” Hughes said.

“Do you want to sell?”

“Under certain circumstances.

“‘What circumstances?”

“If the price is right.”

“What price?”

“The price you might offer me. If it is enough, I’ll sell.”

“I’m offering four hundred and fifty million; will you take it?”

“No.”

“Howard, five hundred million. Take it or leave it.

“I’ll leave it.Without further explanation, Hughes rose and walked toward Zeckendorf, calmly handed him the unsigned contract and left the room. Zeckendorf and Rockefeller were stunned. Zeckendorf moved from his chair, and rushed as fast as his over-weight, swollen legs could to catch up with Hughes, only to see the dust from an old Chevrolet leaving the parking lot as he reached the threshold of the landing. There, in the filth of what Zeckendorf described as a “flophouse,” he watched as Hughes’ chauffeur opened the rear door of the old car and stood at attention as if this sort of thing happened every day.

The following morning, Zeckendorf gave a news conference in which he labeled the failure of the deal as due to “a completely unpardonable, unilateral and unconscionable reversal on the part of Howard Hughes.”

William Zeckendorf engaged in a real-life game of Monopoly during his career. Among the properties he bought or sold were the site of the United Nations, the Chrysler Building and the Chase Manhattan Plaza in Manhattan, plus the Mile High Center in Denver. As head of Webb & Knapp, the New York-based real estate company, he built $3 billion worth of commercial properties in twenty years. His credo was, “To do less than the ultimate is to do nothing.” (25: 225-27)

What happened literally overnight? Hughes' interests were intimately linked with those of the CIA, and perhaps the CIA had no intention of letting the Hughes empire become a part of Onassis' holdings. Hughes gave Zeckendorf no explanation - just sent him on his way and the matter was never brought up again.

The story does, however, establish two things: (a) the Hughes-Onassis connections go deeper and farther back than Roberts presented, and (b) Onassis was doing business with the Rockefellers on things other than oil, thus giving insight into the depth and height of Onassis' connections in the political world. If he was dealing with the Rockefellers, you can bet he was doing deals with a lot of other people that have never come out, people like perhaps the Roosevelts and Kennedys.

If we were to follow the Roberts scenario closely, one could make a case that Onassis' supposed kidnapping of Hughes was revenge for Hughes' earlier "double cross", but there is every indication that is not the way Onassis did business. In fact, he respected those who stood up to him and even got a big laugh out of those who sometimes conned him out of money (smaller amounts, admittedly). In this case, Onassis didn't lose anything except possibly face with Rockefeller and Zeckendorf. If that had been the case, Onassis would have struck back, if even emotionally, at the source of his bad information - Spyros Skouras. There's no sign their relationship changed because of it.

Johnny Meyer himself pops in and out of the Onassis story, like a shadow. You see him, then you don't.

Early 1957: V.P. Nixon repays the favor by having the IRS-Treasury grant tax-free status (refused twice before) to "Hughes Medical Foundation," sole owner of Hughes Aircraft, creating a tax-free, non-accountable money funnel or laundry, for whatever Hughes wanted to do. U.S. government also shelved anti-trust suits against Hughes' TWA, etc.

In fact, Nixon was bought and paid for long before 1957. "...he [Hughes] was pleased when Dwight Eisenhower was reelected to his second term in the White House for he brought with him Richard Nixon as his vice-president, and a man Hughes thought of as his." (25:241)

Nixon had been involved with organized crime since his military days, when he ran an on-base gambling operation. Once he got into politics, he became a frequent guest of Meyer Lansky and was photographed with Lansky at his private residence in Cuba. Hughes, too, had been sleeping with the Mob, even though his reputation (especially in Las Vegas) was one of a person out to "run the Mob out of town." It was all a charade. Hughes depended on the Mob and they on him.

Nov. 29, 1955 - The Internal Revenue Service denied Howard Hughes Medical Institute a tax-exempt status as a charity. At this point, the institute didn't even exist, except in Hughes' head. Hughes went into a deep depression only slightly eased by Noah Dietrich's employment of the Washington law firm of Hogan & Hartson. Its senior partner was Seymour Mintz, one-time IRS special attorney and the man who had hired Robert Maheu.

March 1956 - Mintz finally filed a protest against the IRS decision. This roused Hughes out of bed, where he had become increasingly reclusive with his headaches, back pain and deteriorating mental state, aggravated by a severe case of syphilis he had contracted years earlier. (Hughes had developed skin blisters from the disease and scraped at them until they bled, hoping the blood would "purify" his system; this is probably what triggered his phobia about germs). His only visitor was Dr. Verne Mason, who brought him Empirin #4 with codeine. His reward: Hughes gave him the directorship of the Howard Hughes Medical Institute. Hughes started courting Florida Governor Leroy Collins, with private tours of Hughes Aircraft and private jet flights to see the sights of Los Angeles. It was Hughes' first time out of his bungalow in two weeks, and the first time off the hotel property in four months. Thus started Hughes' "purchase" of politicians. Collins publicly praised Hughes' plans for putting his medical institute in Florida.

Early April 1956 - Collins was in a tight primary race with Fuller Warren. His payoff from Hughes was (at the very least) an announcement that Hughes was going to build a 30,000-acre aircraft manufacturing plant that would "far transcend in importance, payrolls and future development any industrial development now in the state." Fuller said the announcement was "strictly a hoax" designed solely "to deceive and mislead the people of Florida" into voting for Collins. Pan American, United and American Airlines, who had just placed some $1 billion worth of orders for new jets, were stunned - and terrified that Hughes had plans for a "transonic jet airliner capable of speeds and distances far in excess of anything Boeing or Douglas have in development," according to industry analysts. His rivals' equipment could be obsolete overnight. Hughes himself hadn't been buying the new jets, and his rivals wondered why. In fact, Hughes' latest obsession was a device to keep one's toenails apart so they wouldn't hit as they grew.

Dec. 10, 1856 - Nixon's brother, Donald, was desperately trying to cash in on his brother's name with three restaurants that started selling "Nixonburgers." But he needed money - badly. Hughes had Noah Dietrick transfer $250,000 to Nixon's mother, Hannah, who put up a piece of property at the corner of Santa Gertrudis and Whitter Boulevards in Whitter, Calif. as collateral. It had once been the family home, but after several transformations had been turned into a Union Oil gas station.

At about the same time, Dr. Verne Mason showed up at Dietrich's home and told him, "Noah, I think the time has come for you to have Howard declared incompetent." Dietrich told him to go to hell.

"I am not about to play doctor," he said, and told Mason that as head of the medical institute he was better qualified to make such a move. Mason mumbled something about his $50,000 salary and unlimited expense account and shuffled out the door.

When Hughes heard about it, he was stunned and immediately cleaned up his act - shaved, trimmed his toenails and took a shower. He decided it was time to get married. If he had a wife, one he could control, that might stop any traitors who might think he was going crazy. (25:242-41)

Jan. 6, 1957 - He showed up on the doorstep of Kathryn Grayson looking like a suitor and feeling like a fiance. He proposed - but this time she didn't accept so quickly (as she had once before, only to be snubbed at the last minute). She said she was leaving on a concert tour the next day and they'd talk about it when she got back. Enraged, Hughes said no, they'd talk about it now. When she insisted, he slapped the hell out of her. She walked away from him and told him to leave; she never wanted to see him again. He returned to the Beverly Hills Hotel and his mood darkened. (25:242)

Jan. 8, 1957 - Two days later Hughes proposed to Jean Peters. Impressed more by his "desire" to leave his wealth to medical science than by his money, she accepted. She wanted only one thing - they would live in a house together, as man and wife. Hughes said OK, but he wanted something, too - a promise she would never try to have him declared incompetent. The next day Hughes called Los Angeles tax attorney James J. Arditto to make the secret arrangements for the ceremony in Tonopah, Nevada, a small town 200 miles northwest of Las Vegas, near a farm where he had once gone into hiding with actress Billie Dove.

Jan. 12, 1957 - Hughes and Peters took a TWA Constellation flight in the early morning hours, along with aides George Francom and Roy Crawford, attorney D. Martin Cook, plus a TWA pilot and co-pilot - all sworn to secrecy, and dressed in hunting clothes to perfect the deception. On the second floor of a dilapidated hotel, G. A. Johnson married Marian Evans in front of county clerk Eudora V. Meyley. "Johnson's" age was listed as 46, born June 8, 1910, a resident of Las Vegas. (Hughes was actually 51, born Sept. 24, 1905 and lived in Beverly Hills). "Marian Evans" was listed as 29, born Oct. 15, 1927 and a Los Angeles resident. (She was 30, born Oct. 1, 1926 and a resident of Bel Air). Nevada law allowed false names, but required the other facts be correct; they weren't. Their agreement to live "together as man and wife" lasted five days before Hughes returned them to the Beverly Hills Hotel - he in Room #4 and she in Room #19. Unhappy, she brought up their agreement, so he took her to a rented house in Palm Springs and tried to live out the charade as long as he could, their marriage sexless. (25:243-44)

Feb. 1957 - Donald Nixon was already about to default on his loan, so Dietrich called a meeting to see what they could to do to help.

Mar. 1, 1957 - With Richard Nixon's help (after learning Hughes was trying to "help" his brother out of a tight money situation, the Howard Hughes Medical Institute was suddenly reclassified as a tax-exempt charity; the IRS gave no explanation for its sudden reversal.

March 1957: Onassis carries out a carefully planned event: he has Hughes kidnapped from his bungalow at the Beverly Hills Hotel, using Hughes' own men (Chester Davis, born Cesare in Sicily, et al.). Hughes' men either quit, get fired, or stay on in the new Onassis organization. A few days later, Mayor Cannon of Nevada (now Senator Cannon) arranges a fake "marriage" to Jean Peters, to explain Hughes' sudden loss of interest in chasing movie stars. Hughes, battered and brain-damaged in the scuffle, is taken to the Emerald Isle Hotel in the Bahamas, where the entire top floor had been rented for the "Hughes party"; there he is shot full of heroin for thirty days, and later dragged off to a cell on Onassis' island, Skorpios. Onassis now has a much larger power base in the U.S. (the Hughes empire), as well as control over V.P. Nixon and other Hughes-purchased politicians. L. Wayne Rector, "Hughes" double since 1955, becomes "Hughes."

Actually, Hughes had already been married for three months before the alleged "Onassis kidnap scheme" (Jan. 12, 1957). This would seem to blow the whole premise of Roberts' story out of the water, if the phony marriage took place "a few days later" - after the March kidnapping. Was Roberts' own paranoia (and brain tumor) getting the better of his judgment and fact-finding ability? Or was he just mistaken in his timeline?

As for Chester Davis being "Chester Cesare" or even "Cesare Davis" (I've checked it out both ways), there seems to be no evidence that Chester Davis was anyone but Chester Davis. Even finding information on Chester Davis has proven difficult. The high-powered attorney is more of a mystery than Hughes hmself.

The Onassis-Hughes kidnap story has become a legend in Hollywood and was even the plot of the James Bond movie Diamonds Are Forever, which featured an evil tycoon (Blofeld) who has himself cloned and kidnaps Willard Whyte (played by Jimmy Dean) from his secretive bungalow atop one of the Las Vegas casinos. The comparison is obvious and even makes allusions to evil schemes involving gemstones (diamonds, though, not Roberts' "artificial rubies") as well as hints that the US moon landing was a hoax, set up and filmed in a Las Vegas area studio owned by "Willard Whyte." It makes for a nice movie, perhaps, but is it true? The movie angle takes up a significant portion of the book Inside the Gemstone Files, which is long on speculation and woefully short on facts.

Certainly, Hughes' behavior did take a strange turn at about this same time; he was never seen again by the outside world. But a scuffle that leaves Hughes brain-damaged and whisked off to some hotel in the Bahamas? Roberts offers absolutely no proof, no evidence even - just his word that it is so.

For more details, read The Disappearance of Howard Hughes.

Last known photo of Howard Hughes before he disappeared.

Howard Hughes in 1947.

It would be interesting for a photographic expert, such as Robert Groden who worked with the House Select Committee on Assassinations, to analyze the photographs of the known Howard Hughes to determine which photos are indeed of Hughes and which are of his various doubles, such as Wayne Rector (below).

This March 1972 photo taken in Vancouver, B.C. is said to be Hughes, but is believed to be one of his doubles, Wayne Rector.

Twelve years later, the world started to wonder if indeed Hughes was dead. In 1969, rumors were flying that Hughes was dead. Vegas' responses were numerous.

"He's got a gambling license don't he? Well, he wouldn't get it without my approval. . . . I wouldn't grant a license to anybody in a deepfreeze - draw your own conclusion. We checked his signature in the F.B.I. files. Yes, yes, I have [talked to Hughes] but I'm not bragging about it; just routine business, period." - George Franklin, District Attorney of Clark County

Hughes' Mormon Mafia quickly went to work to dispel those rumors, even as they acknowledged they were widespread:

You have to consider the purchase of the hotels and casinos as an interim step to something else, but what that is, he hasn't yet said. And that's what they all want him to explain: What are you going to build here? What are you going to bring here? Why are you here? And he really doesn't feel obliged to tell us what he has in mind until he's ready to do so. Nor does he feel obliged to come and take a bow on the balcony to prove he's alive. People are always asking if he's alive. Even the lawyers said this in the TWA case. This is what led to the phone conversation with Governor Laxalt. Every now and then he recognizes the importance of reestablishing that he is indeed alive. They said he gave up TWA because he wouldn't make a court appearance, but the fact remains that it was a propitious time to sell. He got $86 a share and it's now at $40.

Hughes gives employment to 50,000 people, but there is nobody in it who knows everything he does - he never feeds every bit of information to any single person. Nobody knows the whole picture. Mrs. Hughes also stays out of the limelight. He doesn't need the publicity and neither does she, so why do it? Everybody in the world is interested in Howard Hughes, and if he ever decides to make a public appearance, I can assure you it will be a mammoth press conference indeed." - Dick Hannah, public relations for Howard Hughes (Carl Byoir Agency)

All rumors were supposedly discounted when Esquire magazine had pictures of "Hughes" on its cover stating "Howard Hughes We see you!" But was it really Hughes? The photos are taken from too far away to be of any analytical use. "Hughes" spots the photographer and his bodyguard, who had been lounging by the pool ogling the girls, jumps into action. This "Howard Hughes" looks a lot different from the old man photographed above (double Wayne Rector?) just three years later.


In 1957, Vito Genovese plotted an unsuccessful attempt on Costello's life. Later the same year, he was the key man behind the barbershop rubout of Anastasia. Genovese was assisted by Anastasia underling Carlo Gambino, who seized control of the Anastasia crime family, but then maneuvered against Genovese. Gambino conspired with Costello, Meyer Lansky and the exiled Luciano, all of whom had come to hate and fear Genovese's ambitions to become a new "boss of bosses."

May 2, 1957: Frank Costello (right) was returning from an elegant restaurant on New York's east side. His wife and some friends went on for a nightcap at another watering hole, but Frank, as usual, had phone calls to make. He climbed out of a taxi at his Central Park West apartment building. As he said goodbye to a friend, he failed to notice a hulking figure exit a Cadillac and precede him into the lobby. When Costello entered, the man leaped from ambush and shouted, "This is for you, Frank." He fired at Costello's head. Costello dropped, his assassin ran.

The bullet, though, had only creased Costello's skull. When confronted in court with his alleged assailant, Vincent "the Chin" Gigante, Costello claimed he had seen nothing. But he wisely heeded the not-so-subtle message and retired from his underworld business. ("How America Met the Mob" by Jack Kelly, American Heritage, July-August 2000)

September 1957: Onassis calls the Appalachin meeting to announce to U.S. Mafia heads his grab of Hughes, and his adoption of Hughes' game plan for acquiring power: buying U.S. Senators, congressmen, governors, judges, en masse, to take control "legally" of the U.S. government. Onassis' radio message to Appalachin from a remote Pennsylvania farmhouse intercepted (reluctantly) by FBI's J. Edgar Hoover, on the basis of a tip-off from some Army Intelligence guys who weren't in on the plan.

As events leading up to September showed, it was Vito Genovese who had his heart set on becoming the "boss of bosses." His lust for power led to his assassination attempt (or do we just call it a "hit"?) on Frank Costello.

In 1957 Vito Genovese made an overt effort to seize overall mob leadership. he was to fail almost as ignominiously as Maranzano did, although he ended up being "taken out" by the feds rather than by bullets.

In many respects Genovese, who preferred being called "Don Vito," had all the qualifications for being the boss of bosses. He was one of the most feared of the Mafia dons, killing as readily as Albert Anastasia, but possessing the cunning to plot his foes' downfall - a quality the slow-witted Anastasia did not possess. As much as any single person, he can be credited with keeping the Mafia in the narcotics business, a move that some other mafiosi, such as Frank Costello and, despite the contentions of federal narcotics authorities, Lucky Luciano, at times strongly opposed.

Genovese started out in Luciano's shadow in the 1920s and in the course of knocking off many rivals rose to the top with Lucky. After World War II he started a murder campaign to gain new status for himself, with Luciano in exile in Italy. He is known to have ordered the deaths of Willie Moretti in 1951, Steve Franse in 1953, and Albert Anastasia in 1957. And he was the obvious mastermind behind the attempt on the life of Frank Costello, which eventually led to Costello's retirement.

This bloodbath, instigated by Genovese, was the reason for the Apalachin meeting, where he planned to announce that he was the "new boss." ("Meet the new boss, same as the old boss.")

Where Bruce Roberts came up with substituting the name Aristotle Onassis for Vito Genovese, we will never know. There certainly are occasions where Roberts has confused names (such as confusing John Meier for John Meyer among the Onassis-Hughes lieutenants), but confusing Genovese with Onassis is far beyond just a simple identify error.

Here are the facts, as we know them, on what happened at Apalachin - and why.

Nov. 13, 1957: As Sam Giancana's brother, Chuck, and his wife, Anne Marie, sat down to catch the evening news with cake and coffee, they were amazed to see what Joseph Amato of the Bureau of Narcotics had told the McClellan Committee earlier that day:

"We believe there does exist ... a society, loosely organized, for the specific purpose of smuggling narcotics and committing other crimes. ... It has its core in Italy and it is nationwide. In fact, international."

"Oh, my God!" Anne Marie exclaimed. She looked at Chuck and asked, "Is that true?"

"No! Mafia? What the hell is that? It's just a name some government guys made up, that's all."

At that moment, his brother, Sam, was on his way to the New York Apalachin meeting. (1:351)

Nov. 14, 1957: The gathering was at the 150-acre estate of Joe Barbara in Apalachin, NY. That same day, a New York state police and federal Treasury Department raided the place and netted a dozen union officials, one Buffalo civic leader and 58 known gangsters.

Of those 58, 50 had arrest records, 35 had convictions, 18 were suspected murderers, 15 had narcotics arrests. and 30 had gambling arrests. Of the same group, 22 were involved in labor union activities, 22 in import-export ("olive oil and cheese"), 19 were involved in major grocery businesses, vending machines and construction, and 17 were involved in the ownership of bars, restaurants and hotels.

Police believed another 50 or so had escaped into the woods; Sam Giancana was one of those. Two days later, back in Chicago, Sam stopped by the Thunderbird Motel (which Chuck operated) and sidled up to the bar, grinning like the canary that had swallowed the cat. He made a big show of shaking one of his silk-suited pants legs.

"What the hell's wrong with your leg?" Chuck asked.

"I'm shakin' those goddam New York backwoods burrs off my pants," he roared with laughter. He and his brother went into the office to share the story over a cup of coffee.

"Burrs?" Chuck said with a chuckle. "Damn it, I knew if anybody could outfox the coppers up at the conference, it was you."

"Yeah, you heard about Apalachin? It's all over the news, right? Well, I wasn't even gonna go originally ... but I did it as a favor to Lansky and Costello. They didn't go because they had a good idea what pitch [Vito] Genovese was going to make. But somebody had to be there. Shit, I had to run like a fuckin' rabbit through the goddam woods. The place was full of briars. ... I tore up a $1200 suit on some barbed wire, ruined a new pair of shoes."

"Jesus, it sounds crazy ..."

"It was crazy. And man oh man was it ever cold! Did you know leaves get real slippery when they're wet? Well, they do ... out in the backwoods this time of year. You should've seen some of the guys slippin' and slidin' down on their asses, splittin' out their pants. Some of them went right down through the trees, right down the hill."

"It sounds like it must have been a zoo. The news said the coppers were everywhere."

"Like ants," Sam said.

"Well, I guess a lot of guys didn't get away, huh?"

"Yeah, and they're ready to kill Genovese. ... They blame him for gettin' pinched. Shit, Chuck, that Genovese, the cocksucker, thought he was gonna make himself 'boss of bosses' ... and after he tried to kill Costello and had Anastasia hit, if you can believe that."

Giancana told his younger brother that he, Lansky, Luciano, Costello and Gambino talked before the meeting, anticipating Genovese' move. "Gambino and I would go and we'd lay back. We'd play both sides ... find out what the sneaky bastard was up to ... that's all. No way was the sonofabitch gonna be my boss. The man's fuckin' crazy if he thinks I'd let him get away with that. Look what he's done to Frank Costello!

"Genovese is a total fuckin' ass ... but he's ruined now. Nobody will ever listen to him again. Any boss worth his salt would have had the place protected. And I'm gonna make damned sure every guy in the country knows that." (1 :353-54)

Yet, according to Bruce Roberts, it was not Vito Genovese intending to announce that from now on he would be "the boss of bosses" - but Aristotle Onassis. That simply doesn't match any known facts about Apalachin from anyone who was there.

It is true that J. Edgar Hoover had deliberately ignored the "Mafia." (Actually the word is one coined by the government, not by "the Outfit" as they called themselves. Likewise, "la Cosa Nostra" was a government phrase few of the mobsters themselves had ever heard before. The "mafia" was a generic word, with an entirely different meaning for centuries.)

Hoover had been on the take - in two ways - and so he was glad to look the other way. In addition, Hoover got good press by going after kids who stole cars. To him, that was crime-fighting. First, Hoover had his J. Edgar Hoover Foundation - and many of the top donors were mobsters and ex-bootleggers such as the Bronfman Brothers (Seagram's Distilleries). It provided Hoover with a good public image and it provided a money-laundering pipeline from the foundation back to Hoover in the form of money for speeches, consulting, etc. Second, Hoover got his horse racing tips from the mob - and they never let him down.

"Costello worked the whole thing out," Giancana said. "He knew Hoover was just like every other politician and copper, only meaner and smarter than most. Hoover didn't want an envelope every month - that offended his sensibilities ... so we never gave him cash outright; we gave him something better. Tips on fixed horce races. It was up to him how much money he wanted to make on the information. He could bet ten thousand dollars on a horse that showed 20-to-1 odds, if he wanted ... and he has."

It was easy getting the tips to Hoover. Costello would get a phone call from Frankie Erikson, the country's biggest and most powerful bookie, about an upcoming fixed race. Costello would then tell columnist Walter Winchell and Winchell would call Hoover. Hoover would jump in his car and head to the track claiming he was "working on a case."

"He'd place a $2 bet at the window while one of his flunkies put the real money on the sure thing at the $100 window," Giancana told his brother. Hoover won every time.

"Nice and neat, for sure, and you can call it anything you want ... but a payoff is a payoff is a payoff." (1 :356)

Even after Apalachin, Hoover continued to insist there was no such thing as "a Mafia" (when mobster Joe Valachi testified before Congress, he confirmed what Hoover had been saying: the Mob never referred to themselves as "the Mafia." Instead, Valachi came up with a new term - la Cosa Nostra.)

The FBI picked up word of a meeting that was held four days before the Apalachin convention. This get-together, "reportedly larger than that held later in Apalachin," took place at the estate of Genovese lieutenant in New Jersey. It covered the topics usually attributed to Apalachin, which may have been a continuation of this earlier gathering. ...

The Justice Department got into the act in the spring of 1958 when Attorney General William Rogers established a Special Group on Organized Crime in response to Apalachin. This band of 20 government lawyers, with no investigators assigned, ran into a bureaucratic jungle of conflicting jurisdiction and jealous turf protection. J. Edgar Hoover said bluntly that the group was only after "nest-feathering publicity," and refused to cooperate.  ("How America Met the Mob" by Jack Kelly, American Heritage, July-August 2000)

Hoover had been upstaged and embarrassed with the Apalachin bust. However, no one in the press dared suggest - or even look into - possible "Mafia"-Hoover ties. Instead, even to this day, writers have gone easy on Hoover, suggesting other possibilities for why he "looked the other way." Some say he did it because he knew how corruptive the mob was and didn't want his own agents compromised.

J. Edgar Hoover understood that Apalachin made a mockery of his long-held position that no Mafia existed in America. His claim that the Bureau lacked jurisdiction proved a skimpy fig leaf for his agency's utter dearth of intelligence about mob activities, now so clearly seen to have an interstate dimension. A few days in the wake of Apalachin, Hoover set up a "Top Hoodlums Program," using the bureau to consolidate information on leading gangsters.

Various explanations have been put forth as to why Hoover demonstrated such a blind spot when it came to gangland realities, including a theory that the mob was blackmailing him. It's more likely that Hoover's reasoning was closer to what he so often stated: a notion that crime was a local problem. He told Kefauver that if state and local laws were properly enforced, gambling would be eliminated "within forty-eight hours." Having kept his agency clear of the debacle of Prohibition, Hoover had long preached against turning the FBI into a national police force. He also understood that it was harder to win convictions against insulated gang bosses than it was against bank robbers and kidnappers.

Hoover's instincts as a bureaucrat told him that effective action against organized crime meant cooperation with other federal agencies, a prospect he loathed. It also meant diverting resources from his obsessive hunt for domestic communists. Hoover might have feared that the big money available to gangsters would threaten his pristine agents with corruption. What's more, to accept the mob was to bow to the theory of his rival Anslinger.

Whatever the reason, even after Apalachin, Hoover continued to drag his feet on organized crime. He squashed a Bureau report that detailed the history of the underworld because it admitted the existence of a syndicate. In 1959 the Bureau's New York office still had more than 400 agents assigned to domestic security details, only 4 looking into the mob. ("How America Met the Mob" by Jack Kelly, American Heritage, July-August 2000)

How did it happen? Did it happen as Bruce Roberts claims "on the basis of a tip-off from some Army Intelligence guys who weren't in on the plan"? Here's how author Jack Kelly told the story in an article for American Heritage in 2000:

"The day was mild for November; the blanket of sodden clouds promised rain. By noon the hilltop estate was fragrant with the prehistoric aroma of roasting meat. The visitors, dressed in silk suits, white-on-white shirts, fancy pointed shoes, and lush camel hair coats, looked distinctly out of place in the tiny upstate-New York hamlet known as Apalachin. "A meeting of George Rafts," an observer would note.

The seventy men standing around the barbecue were preparing to feast -- a week before, the host had ordered $432 worth of fancy steaks, veal chops and hams from Armour & Co. in Binghamton. The 220-pound shipment had to be sent in specially from Chicago.

As the men circulated and renewed acquaintances, a car containing two police officers and two treasury agents rolled up the dirt road toward the open compound. Neither the lawmen nor the guests at the house realized that the events about to unfold that day in 1957 would stamp the name Apalachin on the history of crime in America and would shape for all time the public's perception of the underworld.

Sgt. Edgar D. Croswell was a tall, severe 44-year-old State Police veteran. Divorced, he lived in the trooper barracks and devoted himself to his work. He was a meticulous and thorough investigator. The day before, he and his partner Vincent Vasisko had stopped by the Parkway Motel in Endicott to follow up on a bad-check investigation. While Croswell conferred with the motel manager in a back room, a young man entered the lobby. Croswell stepped out of sight and listened to the customer reserve three rooms for that night and the next, requesting keys but not naming the occupants.

Croswell recognized the young man as the son of Joseph Barbara, who was president of the local Canada Dry Bottling Co. Barbara had a reputation as a bootlegger and a man of shady associations. On a hunch, Croswell and Vasisko, patrolling in an unmarked car, drove past Barbara's lavish home a few miles away in the Apalachin (pronounced Ap-a-LAY-kin by the locals). They noted two strange cars -- a coral and pink Lincoln and a blue Cadillac with Ohio plates. Croswell, his instincts honed by 12 years in the Criminal Investigation Division, thought the matter merited further probing. He checked the Barbara place again after dark. He talked the matter over with two investigators from the Alcohol and Tobacco Tax Unit in nearby Binghamton. He resolved to inquire further in the morning. ...

Dropping by to jot down the license plate numbers of Barbara visitors became part of Croswell's routine. Out-of-town cars as well as the vehicles of local gamblers often showed up there. "Somehow I felt he was the big mobster in our area," Croswell said.

In 1956, after police stopped New York gangster Carmine Galente nearby for speeding, Croswell decided to check all the local hotels. He found that Barbara had made a number of reservations for what, it was suspected, had been a gangland meeting in Binghamton.

Around the area, Barbara was known as a businessman with connections. He gave heavily to charity. He lived in an 18-room quarry-stone house. The Endicott police chief had personally recommended him for a pistol permit. His franchise to distribute Canada Dry soft drinks and Gibbons beer was a lucrative one. During 1957 Barbara, at 51, had been weakened by several heart attacks. His son, Joseph, Jr., was overseeing the Canada Dry plant while another son attended college. ...

At noon on Thursday, November 14, Sgt. Croswell, Trooper Vasisko, and the two Alcohol Tax men drove up to the Barbara home to pursue what they continued to think was a bootlegging investigation. They found eight vehicles in the parking lot outside of Barbara's four-car garage. As they wrote down license numbers, a dozen men strolled from behind the building, where they had been eating sirloin sandwiches, and stared at the officers. A few more broke into an anxious trot as they headed for the big ranch-style house.

Croswell and his men started to leave, but their curiosity was further piqued by the sight of another two dozen cars parked in a field behind Barbara's horse barn. What was going on here? They retreated down the hill to an intersection a half mile from the house and stopped to talk over the situation. Because a bridge was out, the road past Barbara's place was a dead end. Croswell decided to set up a roadblock and check anyone who left. He sent Vasisko and one of the federal men back for reinforcements. ...

At Apalachin, Croswell was now watching an odd sight. At least a dozen well-dressed men were running from Barbara's house across an open field, heading for a stand of pine trees. At the same time the small truck of a local fish monger, as it left Barbara's property, suddenly turned and rushed back to the house. The driver, Bartholo Guccia, was a retired Endicott-Johnson tanner with a criminal record. Like Barbara, he was a Castellammare native. Guccia would later say that he had returned to ask about a fish order, not to raise an alarm.

In any case, a black 1957 Chrysler Imperial soon approached the roadblock. Croswell ordered this car to stop. He asked the men inside to identify themselves and submit to a search. Among the occupants was Vito Genovese. Croswell knew the name. The newspapers had labeled Genovese "King of the Rackets." He was one of the most powerful gang leaders in the country. ...

Genovese -- again according to Valachi -- wanted to hold the conference in Chicago, neutral ground for the contentious New York gangs. "Big Steve" Magaddino, the Castellammarese boss of Buffalo and a man of considerable clout among the mob's top echelons, convinced him that the Barbara estate would be a more secluded site. The Mafia Commission had held a meeting in nearby Binghamton the year before with little incident. For Magaddino the 1957 conclave was a chance to demonstrate his influence and further boost his prestige. Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana was later heard on a wire tap chewing out Magaddino for the fiasco. "I hope you're satisfied," he said. "Sixty-three of our top guys made by the cops." Magaddino replied, "I gotta admit you were right, Sam. It never would have happened in your place."

Indeed, the carefully planned event was now going terribly wrong. One of the enduring questions about the Apalachin incident is why these men, veterans of bloody mob wars and of numerous encounters with the law, panicked. They were committing no crime; the police never closed in. Maybe the unfamiliar wide-open spaces threw them off. Maybe the dynamics of the crowd took over. Whatever the reason, they ran.

Croswell knew now that he had uncovered something big. As additional troopers arrived he sent them to track down the men who had scurried into the woods. Other officers helped ferry the carloads of gangsters to the station. After the first flurry, the participants of the thwarted meeting tried to exit a few at a time. Each car was detained as it left.

In one was Joe Profaci, the "Olive Oil King" and top man in one of the five New York "families." Another held Carlo Gambino, whom Genovese had installed as head of Anastasia's faction, a reward to Gambino for betraying his boss.

Croswell's men picked up some of the nation's most notorious hoodlums in humbling circumstances. Long-time Brooklyn mob boss Joe Bonanno was nabbed in a cornfield. He would later claim that it wasn't him at all but someone who happened to have his driver's license -- but the detainee also carried a social security card in Bonanno's name. Ohio gang boss John Scalish and his pals made it all the way back to the Parkway Motel, their shoes covered in mud, their coats embroidered with burdock. Police stopped them as they tried to drive out of town. Two other hoodlums paid a farmer $10 to take them to the train station in Binghamton but were apprehended by police. Tampa kingpin Santos Trafficante, Jr., was more at home in the nightclubs of Havana, where he played a key role in the mob's gambling empire, than in the dank woods of upstate New York. He emerged from the woods with a couple of confederates only to see a State Police car approaching. The group turned tail; the troopers fired several warning shots; the gangsters gave up.

Police took all the detainees to the substation in nearby Vestel. "We gave them a rough time at the station house," Croswell declared, "but we couldn't even make them commit disorderly conduct." The gangsters had to empty their pockets and take off their shoes. Police found no guns or contraband on any of the participants. The men did carry a great deal of cash, a total of $300,000. One man, who had a roll worth close to $10,000, listed his occupation as "unemployed."

The final tally wasn't complete until one o'clock the next morning, when the last of those who had run for the woods was brought in from the rain. "One by one we rounded them up," Croswell said, "bedraggled, soaking wet, and tired." Croswell described the comic sight of these "Damon Runyon characters" trying to escape in the rugged terrain. "There are no sidewalks in the woods," he noted.

Fifty-eight gangsters were taken at the roadblock or in the surrounding area. Other men were observed traveling by cab to the train station and were presumed to have been at the meeting. Speculation placed as many as forty more men on the attendance list. Barbara's house was never searched -- any who did not flee could have waited out the raid inside.

"We broke up the meeting because we were convinced it was being held for unlawful purposes," Croswell declared. About the reaction of those nabbed he noted, "these guys are never indignant." None demanded their rights, all answered questions politely and left the station quietly. They were advised to "get out of town and stay out."

By the time Croswell had processed the last of the men, he was being swamped by calls from reporters. The following day, headlines blossomed in newspapers throughout the country. Here at last was proof positive of what Kefauver and Anslinger had warned about. Here was the "Grand Council" of the Mafia, the nerve center of crime in America. The enemy had finally been flushed into the open.

The police were immediately excoriated for releasing the biggest catch of mobsters in history. Croswell's critics ignored the fact that the men, none of whom was a wanted fugitive, were peacefully assembled on private property. The police action was itself of questionable legality since there was no legitimate cause for suspicion.
Almost all of the men stated they had dropped by to pay a sick call on Barbara. Their simultaneous arrival on a Thursday morning had been sheer coincidence. John C. Montana, a taxi company owner and former city councilman from Buffalo, was one of the few to give a more complete explanation. Montana had been named "Man of the Year" by a police club in his hometown the year before and claimed to know New York Governor Averell Harriman and Vice President Richard Nixon "well." The silver-haired politician told police he had been on his way to New York City when his car's brakes had failed in Ithaca. He thought Barbara could help fix them. While drinking tea in Barbara's home he had noticed "some kind of party" going on but didn't inquire about it. At the shout of "Roadblock!" he ran for the woods. He explained, "It was just human nature that I would say to myself, 'What am I doing here?'" When his arboreal jaunt was interrupted by police, he tried to bribe Sgt. Croswell to save himself embarrassment.

Others were more accustomed to police roundups. Only nine of those captured had no record. The remainder boasted 253 arrests among them, 100 convictions. Their sheets contained busts for gambling, narcotics, weapons violations, bootlegging and union rackets.

Almost a third of the guests were from upstate cities like Utica and Rochester. These spear-carriers may have been drawn by the magnetism of power, invited as a kind of Greek chorus to stroke the egos of the more powerful bosses. New York City, New Jersey and Pennsylvania also sent hefty delegations. But mobsters came from far afield, too. James Colletti traveled from Pueblo, Colorado. Frank Desimone, a lawyer, ran mob interests in Los Angeles. Joseph Civello was a top gang leader in Dallas. Later investigation found that Detroit boss Joe Zerilli had rented a car in Endicott on the day of the meeting. Steve Magaddino was not picked up, but police found his luggage in one of the cars. Top-level Brooklyn boss Thomas "Three Fingers Brown" Lucchese was also spotted in the area that day.

The list of attendees gave a snapshot of the underworld of the time. The mob was aging. Al Capone had reached the pinnacle of power while still in his 20s. The men at Apalachin were survivors. Many were in their 50s and 60s. They were wily veterans of Prohibition who had used their capital, clout and connections to continue raking in the easy money.

The meeting was emblematic of the ascendancy of the Italian gangs in post-war organized crime. About half of the Apalachin guests were natives of southern Italy or Sicily, the rest were born in America of Italian heritage. Non-Italians, including Meyer Lansky, Moe Dalitz in Cleveland, and Chicago's Murray "The Camel" Humphreys, still held powerful positions in organized crime, but their influence was circumscribed by the more widely organized Italians.

Apalachin also illustrated the degree to which kinship formed a glue that held the underworld together. Twenty-five of those picked up were related to one or more of the other guests. The cousins, brothers, sons, nephews and in-laws at the meeting formed a complicated web. For example, Joe Profaci's two daughters had wed Detroit boss Joe Zerilli's son and nephew, while his niece was married to Joe Bonanno's son. He himself had driven to Apalachin with his mob-connected brother-in-law.

The business interests of the attendees provided a clue about the movement of the mob into legitimate business. The garment trade was the most common occupation detainees gave to police. State investigators reported that Natale Evole, a Brooklyn cousin of Joe Barbara's wife, "is believed to exercise control over the shoulder pad industry" through a trade group. He was later indicted as a major narcotics dealer. Eleven men listed their occupation as olive oil and cheese importation. Others operated bars and restaurants, beer distributorships, produce markets, and funeral homes. ...

The papers speculated that the crime bosses had called the conference to "divide up" the rackets of the slain Anastasia. No one who attended the meeting ever offered a detailed agenda, but it's become clear since that a number of pieces of business were on the table.

-The meeting would have given Carlo Gambino, Anastasia's successor, a chance to break bread with his colleagues and receive gestures of respect for his new position.

-The "books" or membership roles of the Italian gangs had been opened in 1954 after a hiatus of twenty years. Some greedy bosses had sold membership for up to $50,000. There was strong sentiment that the books be closed again as a protection against informers.

-The Narcotics Control Act of 1956, targeting high-level importers, had just taken effect and was surely a key item of business. The specter of stiff penalties and of Anslinger's dogged pursuit, along with the peril to the mob's image and political contacts from the dirty trade in drugs, had some bosses worried. Low-level drug dealing became a forbidden activity among many mob factions during ensuing decades even as the bosses arranged wholesale smuggling deals.

-Genovese intended to use the occasion to set himself up as a man of pre-eminent influence. He needed to explain the shooting of Costello and Anastasia and lay out plans for future peace.

-Issues of more local interest may have been up for discussion as well. One was conflict in the mob's non-union garment industry in the Scranton, Pa., area. A New York City Police lieutenant later claimed that the Apalachin mobsters also considered the case of New York wise guy Carmine "The Doctor" Lombardozzi, who had been stepping on toes in the juke box business. Lombardozzi supposedly waited in Barbara's garage while the bosses commuted his death sentence to a $10,000 fine.

While Apalachin was the most famous mob convention ever held, it was not the first. Police grabbed twenty-one armed Sicilian gangsters, the so-called "Cannon Mob," in a Cleveland hotel in December of 1928 when a room clerk alerted detectives. Apalachin visitors Joe Profaci, Vito Genovese, and Joe Magliocco all attended that meeting 29 years earlier. The Cleveland meeting was one of the first attempts to introduce rationality into the contentious underworld. ...

Joe Barbara, plagued by health problems, never testified about the meeting, though he lost his pistol permit and his beer license and soon after sold both his house and business. When he died in 1959, only four of the hoards of "well-wishers" from two years earlier made it to his funeral.

In May of 1959, following a publicized round-up, the Justice Department indicted 21 of the Apalachin guests, including the gang boss Joe Profaci and the embarrassed politician John Montana, on charges of obstructing justice. Although the government won convictions on the basis of its jerry-built legal theory, the sentences were all overturned on appeal.  ("How America Met the Mob" by Jack Kelly, American Heritage, July-August 2000)

Robert Kennedy lambasted the Eisenhower administration that same year for its failure to prosecute gang bosses. "The proof is the Apalachin convention," he said. "Sixty top gangsters were there, but no local, state or Federal officer knew about it. It was discovered only by chance."

So, in some respects, Roberts was right - it was "discovered by chance" and not through any efforts by J. Edgar Hoover. Somewhere, in my vast archives, I recall seeing one brief published item years ago that would confirm Roberts' claim that the first word indeed came from Army intelligence. But since I can't find it, I'm afraid I can't legitimately use it to either credit or discredit Roberts' specific allegation. If I can locate it, I will include it in a future revision.

NEXT: HUGHES BUYS A WIFE & A VICE PRESIDENT

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