John received £5 a head from the government for wolves
he had killed in Andover in 1656.
On 3 May 1662 John signed a petition to the General
Court to put an embargo on the export of corn.(3)
After Anne died in 1680 he went to live with his son
Deacon John Frye.
XIII. Tabitha- b. 13 July 1722, d. 12 July 1738
Ref:
(1) Essex Co. Deeds- Vol.18, p.75; Vol. 32, p.119
(2) MA Archives- Vol.11, p.264
(3) Essex Co. Deeds- Vol.53, p.249
(4) Essex Co. Probate- No.10303
Frye Genealogy- p.50
Return to Home Page
4IX. JOSEPH (JOHN 1, SAMUEL 2, JOHN 3)
b. 19 Mar. 1712 Andover, MA
m. 20 Mar. 1732 MEHITABLE POOR (b. 4 Apr. 1714 Andover, d. 4
Jan. 1788 Fryeburg, ME)
d. 25 July 1794 Fryeburg, Maine
bur. Pine Grove Cemetery
Most of the information on Joseph is from the thesis
"Major General Joseph Frye of Maine" by Kenneth E. Thompson
of Portland.
As a younger member of a large family Joseph did not
inherit a large portion of his father's estate and
consequently he became a surveyor. He built his house on
part of his father's land and praticed his trade in Andover.
In 1738 the Great Throat Distemper struck the Frye
family killing all of their children. Over the course of
this epidemic of diptheria or scarlet fever 5,000 children
and young adults died in New England with 1,400 deaths in
Essex Co. alone.(1)
In 1744 the War of the Austrian Succession finally
dragged England and France into conflict. This war was known
as King George's War in the Colonies and the prime threat in
the area was from the French stronghold at Louisbourg. In
1745 Gov. William Shirley of Massachusetts pushed for an
attack on the fortress. The General Court agreed and
enlisted 3,000 men. On 7 Feb. 1745 Joseph was commissioned
an ensign in Col. Robert Hale's 5th Massachusetts Regiment in
the 5th Co. commanded by Capt. Jonathan Bagley with Lieut.
Caleb Swan.(2)
The soldiers were put on board the transports in Boston
in Mar. awaiting departure. On 22 Mar. Col. Hale ordered his
regiment ashore and "Drawed up in a Battalion & Exercised
till about 2 in the afternoon"(3) Then the men "Returned on
Bord to be Refrest & Rest our weary Bodeys."(4) The
expedition left on the 24th and arrived at the Sheepscot
River in Maine on the 26th. They stayed there until a
favorable wind arrived on the 29th but encountered more
stormy weather. The ships "Lay Rowling in ye Seas with our
Sails Furl'd with Prodigious wave."(5) Major Seth Pomeroy
stated: "All yt I Took To Eat or Drink vomit up again Sick
Day & night So bad yt I have not words To Set it Forth, nor
Can I give any Body an Idea of it yt hath not Felt ye Same or
Some thinge like it..."(6)
The ships arrived at Canso, NS during the first eleven
days of April with Commodore Warren arriving from the West
Indies on the 23rd.(7) The expedition sailed from Canso on
the 29th and arrived at Gabarus Bay near Louisbourg the next
day.(8)
The troops landed and met only minor resistence from the
French. Hale's regiment set up camp at Green Hill to protect
several artillery batteries set up in the area before finally
moving to the fifth battery known as Titcomb's battery. The
French had not finished the land defenses as they did not
expect a siege from this direction due to the terrain.
Besides this error the French garrison had mutineed the
previous fall and was too small to withstand a prolonged
siege. On 1 May the French foolishly abandoned the Grand
Battery after trying to destroy the cannon which the
provincials easily repaired and turned towards the city. The
next battery was constructed on Green Hill, 1500 yards from
the city but, this was too far for their artillery and
another battery was constructed 900 yards from the fort on
Rabasse Heights on 10 May. On 16 May another battery was
built only 440 yards from the West Gate. Another stoke of
luck at this time was the discovery of 23 cannon in the
harbor which had been left there years before. The next day
the Advanced Battery was constructed 230 yards from the West
Gate and with the large guns from the Grand Battery succeeded
in penetrating the West Gate and the adjoining wall.
Commodore Warren captured the Vigilant with her 64 guns,
500 man crew and provisions for the city thus sealing the
city's fate. Hale's regiment then built Titcomb's Battery
800 yards from the West Gate and on 4 June this battery fired
red-hot shot into the city setting fire to many buildings.
Col. Hale's troops then moved closer to Titcomb's Battery:
"Our men finished our Camp, fenced in the Colls Garden, and
our men Brought Garden Roots from the gardens Below and set
out the Colls garden."(9)
Further warships arrived and a combined land/sea assault
was planned for the 16th but, the French seeing the hopeless
situation surrendered on the 15th. On the 17th: "our Army
Marcht To ye Citty the Colours were flying the Drums Beating
Trumpets Sounding Flutes & Vials Playing Colo Bradstreet att
ye Head of the Army The Genl Lt Genl and Gentry in ye
Rear."(10)
During the first of July the French were placed on
transports and sent home as were many of the Provincials.
On 7 Aug. Lieut. Col. Eveleth left Louisbourg for the
garrison at Canso, Joseph probably was among these men.
Conditions here were primitive at best. Eveleth wrote to
Pepperrell on 9 Sept. that: "we are the greatest part of us
in health but hope you will now Release the men they have not
cloaths to ware sum of them have not a Shoe nor Stocking to
ware & Few provisions we have not any bread & no rum but we
hope for relief soon."(11) Three days later he wrote that:
"at present there is not Barracks suitable for men to Lodge
in- the rain beats in so that we can Scarcely keep the
Ammunition dry there must be Boards & Shingles & a prety deal
of work done if men Live here the Winter... We have here
Eleven Barrels of Burlington Pork in the Store. We opened
one Barrel but it was such that no body would touch
it..."(12) The troops here stayed until the late fall, Joseph
being one of those who left at that time.
On 14 June 1746 Joseph was commissioned a lieut. in Maj.
Titcomb's company in Brigadier Gen. Waldo's new regiment.(13)
Many men were sent to Crown Point, NY to capture the French
Fort there. Joseph remained in Boston at this time awaiting
his assignment. Things had gone badly for the English in
Nova Scotia and the expedition to Crown Point was postponed.
The threat of invasion became greater and Joseph was sent to
Falmouth, ME to pursue the marauding Indians and stayed there
until the fall of 1747. On 16 Mar. 1748 Joseph was
commissioned a Captain of a company stationed at Scarborough
to protect the area from the Indians. The Treaty of Aix-la-
Chapelle was signed on 18 Oct. and the garrison at
Scarborough was reduced in size to 13 men. During his time
at Scarborough Joseph was evidently scouting around Sebago
Lake and was: "pursued by a band of Indians, the Captain fled
to the end of the Cape coming out upon the cliff... He let
himself drop from the top of the jagged rock into the snow
which covered the frozen lake, whence he crossed to the
island that bears his name. The Indians were so astonished
at his daring leap when they saw him crossing the ice, that
they abandoned the pursuit."(14) The rock is now known as
Frye's Leap and the island is called Frye Island and is
located at the end of Raymond Cape in Sebago Lake. It is
interesting to ponder how Joseph got himself in such a
predicament alone. Joseph remained in Scarborough until
discharged in June 1749.
During his time at the Scarborough blockhouse Joseph was
forced to provide subsistence for: "Himself and Some of his
Company a Considerable part of the Time Otherwise Should have
been Oblig'd to Draw off with His men."(15) He applied for
compensation from the Commissary General in Boston but, he
could only deliver the balance in provisions without an order
from the General Court. On 29 Jan. 1751 Joseph was paid
£73/11/3.
At the Andover town meeting in May 1750 Joseph was
elected as the town's representative to the General Court
which consisted of the House of Representatives of about 100
members and the Council of 28 members. The session opened on
30 May and Joseph was appointed to his first committee
assignment on 5 June to discuss two petitions of minors
requesting to sell their land.(16) On 14 June he was on the
committee to examine the accounts of the Province Treasurer
and the Commissary General.(17) On 22 June he was appointed
Tax Collector for Essex Co. on "Tea, Coffee, Arrack, and on
Coaches, Chariots, & C."(18) He again was on a minor
committee on 27 June to consider a petition before adjourning
on 3 July. The House reconvened on 26 Sept. and on 10 Oct.
Joseph was again on the committee to examine the petition
considered in his committee of 27 June. Adjourning on 11
Oct. the House reconvened on 10 Jan. 1751. Joseph submitted
his petition for payment for his expenses while at
Scarborough as noted above. He was also on several
committees at this time including a committee to assess
property values in order to compute each town's taxes.(19) He
was also on a committee to prepare a list of the member's
travel expenses and attendance at the session.(20) The term
ended on 23 Apr.
At the town meeting in May, Joseph was again elected
representative. Joseph was again Tax Collector for Essex Co.
for Tea, Coffee, etc. before adjourning on 22 June. Joseph
was on several committees at the next session which began on
2 Oct. and ended the 11th. At the last session beginning on
27 Dec. Joseph was on the committee to consider the Nantucket
Indian's petition concerning the encroachments on their
land.(21) On 22 Jan. 1752 the House directed that the Act of
Parliament of 1751 be incorporated into the laws of the
Province. This act corrected the errors in the calendar
which was by this time 11 days out of line, as well as put
the beginning of the year at 1 Jan. instead of 25 Mar.
During this session Joseph was again appointed to prepare the
attendance and expenses list.(22)
Joseph became a land speculator at this time receiving a
grant of five square miles on the Kennebec River from the
Kennebec Purchase Company along with Ephraim Jones and
Eleazer Melvin of Concord. The grant above the mouth of the
Cobbosseecontee River in Gardiner, ME would be confirmed:
"provided they get one Hundred men of twenty one years of age
to inhabit on said lands within three years from ye 4th
March, 1752, Each man to build a House of twenty feet long &
eighteen feet wide & clear five acres of land in said time,
No inhabitant to sell to any other inhabitants when their is
but fifty families, but may sell to any other to be come
inhabitants."(23) Because of the wars and lack of interest
Joseph lost his grant which was given later to Dr. Sylvester
Gardiner (see Vol. 1, p. 249ff).
Joseph was elected to another term as representative and
went to Concord to the first session on 27 May because of a
smallpox epidemic in Boston. On 2 June Joseph was on a
committee to prepare a draft of: "a Bill in Addition to an
Act Intitled An Act further to exempt Persons commonly called
Annabaptists witihin this Province, from being taxed for and
towards the Support of Ministers."(24) The next session
opened on 22 Nov. and Joseph was on several committees.
before being dissolved on 13 Apr.
During the early 1750's Joseph changed the spelling of
his name from Frie to Frye, a change which most of the family
adopted.
Joseph returned to the House for another term on 30 May
1753. On 5 Sept. Joseph was on a committee to discuss
publishing Cornelius Douglas' map of New England. The
committee reported that the map was "very erroneous" and that
"no countenance be given to its being made publick..."(25) At
the annual town meeting in Andover in March Joseph was
elected as a selectman. Joseph returned to the Court and
served on several minor committees before it adjourned on 23
Apr.
Problems with the French and Indians increased and an
invasion from the north was feared. Because of all the enemy
activity at the headwaters of the Kennebec it was proposed
that a fort be constructed in the area to protect it. This
was most important to the members of the Court as many of
them were involved with the Kennebec Purchase Company
including Gov. Shirley. John Winslow of Marshfield was to
command the expedition with Jedidiah Preble of Falmouth, ME
as Lieut. Col. and Joseph as Major. In the midst of the
preparations for the expedition Joseph was re-elected to
another term in the General Court. On 31 May the men were
mustered into service and camped at Castle William in Boston
harbor. More men were needed for this venture and Joseph was
left behind to attend to this when the major part of the
force left Boston on 21 June. On 1 July Joseph was promoted
to Lieut. Col. because of the increase in the size of the
force. The Governor accompanied the expedition and
negociated with the Norridgewock Indians at Cushing for
permission to cross their lands and construct the needed
forts. The expedition proceded to Cushnoc (Augusta) and
built a fort there named Fort Western (a reproduction of this
early fort has been built in Augusta and is open to the
public).
Everyone was waiting for Joseph to arrive with the
additional troops and supplies. Gen. Winslow wrote to Capt.
Lithgow at Richmond Fort: "By Delay of Maj. Frye's Comeing,
we are in Camp quite out of Rum, if you have any in the Truck
House, supply us with Two Hnds or if scarce one, will
Replease what we have when Stores arrive."(26) Joseph left
Boston on 15 July with the last 83 recruits arriving at
Cushnoc in a few days. Joseph remained at Cushnoc to
consolidate their position while the remainder of the force
marched upriver to Taconnet to construct Fort Halifax.
Joseph arrived at the new fort on 30 July leaving 100 men to
work on Fort Western. Joseph stayed at Fort Halifax while a
group was to proceed upriver to hunt for the French. Nothing
occured on this expedition and the troops returned. On 22
Sept. most of the men left the Kennebec leaving 100 men at
Fort Halifax and 20 at Fort Western. Joseph was carried on
the rolls until 8 Nov. to pay for his time preparing accounts
and muster rolls.(27)
Joseph took his seat in the House on 18 Oct. and was
involved in the discussion concerning the Albany Plan of
Union of the colonies which was defeated due to fears that
such a union might be a means of extending British control
over the colonies. Joseph was on several committees during
this term.
In 1755 the French were on the move in Nova Scotia and a
campaign was organized to drive them out. Col. Robert
Monckton of the Annapolis Royal garrison was appointed
commander in chief with Capt. George Scott of the Regulars as
Lieut. Col. of the Second Battalion and Joseph as senior
major.
Joseph was in the process of recruiting men when he was
approached by Robert Rogers who offered to enlist New
Hampshire men for the expedition to Nova Scotia. However,
Gov. Benning Wentworth of New Hampshire soon learned of this
and would not allow it as New Hampshire was pledged to send
men on an expedition to Crown Point, NY. Besides that Rogers
was under indictment for counterfeiting. Joseph wrote to
Gov. Shirley stating that: "Rogers was then under bonds to
appear at the next Superior Court in that Government at the
trial of some persons for counterfeiting their Bills of
Credit, and that he is strongly suspected of being concerned
in the affair, of which your memorialist was entirely
ignorant when he employed him... he is so intimidated that he
is gone to Portsmouth with a design to secure the men he had
enlisted as aforesaid to serve his Majesty as soldiers of
that Government; thereby to ingratiate himself to be admitted
as evidence for the King, in order to clear himself of
further trouble."(28)
On 14 Apr. 1755 the troops were mustered into service
but, they did not leave until 19 May. They arrived at
Annapolis on the 26th and set sail for Chignecto on the
isthmus between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick on the 31st.
On 2 June a Council of War was held aboard the Success.
They resolved that the troops would land and proceed to Fort
Lawrence on the south side of the Missaguash River. The
French at Fort Beausejour, two miles from Fort Lawrence
across the river, offered little resistence. On 3 June
another Council of War decided to lay siege to the French
fort the next day. The army marched three miles up river to
the crossing at Pont a Buot. The French had destroyed the
bridge and fired at the English but, were driven back after
being hit with cannon fire. The troops marched to Fort
Beausejour that evening without any resistence. The next day
the French burned all the surrounding buildings. Artillery
and stores were landed from ships to supply the army but,
work was slowed by bad weather and the lack of draft animals.
On 12 June a hill was taken before the fort and the artillery
was put in place. As larger guns were dragged into position
the bombardment of the fort became heavier and the people in
the fort began to panick. The French soon surrendered. On
17 June the fort was renamed Fort Cumberland and Joseph with
150 of his men were ordered to fill in the trenches. Col.
Monckton then demanded that the commander of Fort Gaspereau
at Bay Verte, 15 miles away surrender which he did. Joseph
and 500 men went to take possession of that fort. They were
relieved on the 22nd by Capt. Speakman and Jones. The French
then blew up another fort on the St. John's River and fled.
The Acadians had refused to sign an unqualified oath of
allegiance to England and therefore on 28 July Gov. Lawrence
of Nova Scotia agreed to deport the Acadians "to be
distributed amongst the several Colonies".(29) As part of
this directive all the houses, farms, and other buildings not
to be used by the English were to be burned. Joseph and 200
men left the fort on 28 Aug. and burned 181 buildings at
Shepardy and proceeded up the Petitcodiac River burning
everything on each side of the river. A detachment was in
the process of destroying a church when about 250 French and
Indians attacked. The men retreated but, were not close to
the ships. This resulted in 23 men killed or captured before
Joseph could come to their assistance. Col. Monckton
commented that: "Major Frye returns but with very bad Success
for having divided his Party;... However they burnt upwards
of 300 Houses and brought in about 30 women and
Children."(30) This incident received a great deal of
publicity and accounts were printed in the Boston Gazette
as well as the London Magazine.(31)
Col. Winslow issued an order for all male inhabitants to
meet at the church at Grand Pre on 5 Sept. when he would
deliver his order: "The duty I am now upon, though necessary,
is very disagreeable to my natural make and temper... and
therefore without hesitation I shall deliver to you His
Majesty's instructions and commands, which are that your
lands and tenements and cattle and livestock of all kinds are
forfeited to the Crown, with all your other effects, except
money and household goods, and that you yourselves are to be
removed from this province."(32) The men were put on board
ship were they waited weeks before being sent off with their
families. This incident was the focal point of Longfellow's
poem Evangeline.
On 10 Sept. the first of the French men were put on
board the transports to stay until final arrangements for
their deportation could be made.(33) On 13 Oct. about 1,100
of the Acadians finally left Fort Cumberland.
Duty in the fort could not have been too tiresome for on
18 Sept. Capt. Willard writes in his journal: "I stayed all
Night in the tents with Maj Frye and past the time with
pleasure with him and Never Slept one wink this night."(34)
Most of the time was spent cutting wood, garding the
fort, and picking up the straggling Acadians. On 28 Sept.
Joseph along with Capt. Stephens and 200 men went to Fort
Gaspereau with provisions.(35)
On 10 Nov. Joseph and 106 men were sent to Fort
Gaspereau to relieve the garrison there. They stayed there
until 1 Apr. the following year.
Col. Monckton was not very satisfied with some of the
provincial officers for in his journal he wrote: "As to the
New England Troops The Men in General are good; But for the
Offrs I can't say much... Majr Frye & Majr Bourne always
active in their several dutys."(36) On 7 Dec. Fort Gaspereau
was renamed Fort Monckton in honor of the commander in chief.
On 2 Jan. 1756 Capt. Willard left Fort Cumberland with
100 men and went to Fort Monckton with provisions for Joseph
and his men: "Stayed with Majr frye & Jones who was both Ill
but Revived much att our Coming to bring them sumthing that
was fresh."(37)
Disciplinary problems occupied much of Joseph's time at
Fort Monckton and these problems had tragic results: "Whereas
(notwithstanding the care, caution & Order of Major Frye to
restrain the Soldiers belonging to the Garrison from going
out of the Command of the Fort) many of them have been so
obstinate as repeatedly to do it during the time he has been
confined (by sickness) to his Quarters till the 27th January,
on which day the Indian Enemy finds a number of them without
their arms so far from the Fort they could not have immediate
relief, falls upon them and kills and scalps 5 of their
number and captivates ye 6th which was what Maj. Frye was
apprehensive would be the consequence of such unadvised
straggling, and therefore not only ordered and cautioned
against it but set an example of carefulness by ordering a
Covering Party of 1 Officer, 1 Sargt. and 20 Private men at
all times when he sent any Party for woodcutting or upon any
business beyond the Command of the Fort, and really thought
by so doing he had sufficiently guarded against any danger of
that nature nor ever did he know any belonging to the
Garrison had violated his orders or set so light by his
example, till the news was brought him (on that unhappy day)
the Indians had attacked some of the Soldiers in the woods,
which news was matter of greatest surprise, as he knew not
that there was a man belonging to the Fort absent. Now
seeing the Soldiers conduct shows such an unaccountable
carelessness of their own lives therefore Majr. Frye orders
that no one belonging to the garrison presume on any pretense
whatsoever to go farther from the Fort than to the wells
without leave of the Commanding officer."(38)
On 22 Feb. Joseph issued more orders concerning soldiers
exchanging duties, directing the sargents to make a list of
men for guard duty with no substitutions allowed.
On 1 Apr. Joseph and his men were relieved of garrison
duty at Fort Monckton and returned to Forts Cumberland and
Lawrence.
The enlistments were to expire in April but, not relief
troops were available. General Winslow wrote to Joseph on 10
May from Boston: "I now have the pleasure to acquaint you that
transports are taken up and will follow this to bring off
your Battalion, am this day setting out for Crown Point
Expedition... Am sorry to hear that your people are so uneasy
hope all things will be set right, as I am certain Col Scott
will do all the justice to the men that lays in his
power."(39)
The men, however, did not begin to leave until June with
the first group arriving in Boston on the 18th. The rest of
the men stayed on into the summer. This prompted Joseph to
write a letter to the General Court on 23 July: "It is a
matter of great grief to me to be a spectator of the effects
of a raging sickness among the remainder of the troops sent
here from New England last year for the removal of the French
encroachments in this province, and daily to hear their just
complaints of their being detained here so long after the
time is expired they enlisted for, and not to have it in my
power to extricate them out of their troubles and anxieties
of mind. I am well assured in my own mind His Excellency
Governor Shirley must be absent from his Government,
otherwise he would certainly have taken such measures before
this time as would have brought us to New England."(40)
Joseph and the final 141 men arrived in Boston on 29 Aug. and
Forts Lawrence and Monckton were demolished.
The next objective in the war against the French in
North America was to take place in New York. To facilitate
this England replaced Gov. Shirley as commander in chief with
John Campbell, the Earl of Loudoun. On 23 Oct. Lieut. Gov.
Phips wrote to Lord Loudoun: "I have commissioned Colonel
Joseph Fry and Colonel Ebenezer Nichols to the command of the
two regiments raised in the County's of Hampshire and
Worcester, they have my orders to obey your Lordships
commands, wherever they may meet them, to whom therefore,
your Lordship will be pleased to Direct your orders with
regard to their March and Destination." (41) Because of the
time of year "the season" for war was over and Joseph did not
go to New York and was released from service on 2 Dec.
The next year Thomas Hutchinson, a leader of the
Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun on 7 Mar. 1757 that: "I
perceive that one Fry who was a Lt Colonel of the forces that
went last to Nova Scotia is intended to be the first Officer
and I suppose will have a Commission as Colonel."(42) On 25
Mar. Hutchinson again wrote to Loudoun: "The person that I
mentioned before to your Lordship, Col Frye has a Commission
to command the whole, & from the little acquaintance I have
with him he appears to be a sensible well behaved man, & not
likely to give your Lordship any trouble."(43)
Lieut. Gov. Phips died suddenly and the government fell
to the Council. Preparations were being made for another
attack on the French in New York. Sir William Pepperrell,
president of the Council, wrote to Lord Loudoun in April that
Col. Frye: "assures us that the First Division shall begin
their March in two or three days and that the rest shall
follow from day to day as fast as they can be accommodated
with Quarters on the road."(44) On 18 Apr. Joseph petitioned
the General Court to convey his and the other officers'
baggage to Kinderhook, NY which was granted on the 22nd.
Joseph deposed 9 Apr. 1757 to having helped a neighbor,
John Wright, buy two parcels of land (200 acres) at Tuisset,
Maine in 1749 and recalled the conversation in which Wright
agreed to pay the owner Daniel Eames £500.(45)
While preparing for this campaign in New York Joseph was
given a silver tankard by the officers who served under him
in Nova Scotia. The tankard was engraved by Thomas Dane of
Boston and is now owned by the Maine Historical Society.
"To Joseph Frye, Esq.
Colonel and Commander in Chief of the Forces in the Service
of the Province of Mass. Bay, and late Major of the 2d
Battalion of General Shirley's Provincial Regiment
THIS TANKARD
From a Just Sence of his Care & Conduct of the Troops while under
his Command at Nova Scotia and a proper Resentment of his
Paternal Regard for them since their Return to New England
Is presented by
Boston April 20th, 1757................His Most humble Servants
The Officers of sd Battalion"
Joseph continued to petition the Court for assistance in
sending supplies and in purchasing the supplies. The first
troops left Boston on 25 Apr. Joseph left later, stopping at
Springfield to settle accounts with the commissary. He
reached Greenbush on the Hudson, below Albany, on 24 May. He
met with Gen. Webb the following day who informed him that
all 1800 Massachusetts troops under Joseph's command were
encamped at Scocook above Albany.
This campaign was the basis of James Fenimore Cooper's
book: The Last of the Mohicans. A Narrative of 1757.
Joseph was still having problems with supplies and wrote
again to the General Court on 2 June requesting additional
armorers, armorers' tools, clothing and shoes.(46) He then
proceeded to Scocook and then the force went to Saratoga.
The army then marched to Fort Edward on the Hudson River 66
miles above Albany , arriving on the 14th. Regiments from
Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, New
Jersey as well as Regulars completed the army of 7,500.
On 26 July Joseph wrote that: "We keep our Camp Clean
all filth is Carried twice a day and thrown into the River
that there is no offensive Smell in it. Effectual Care is
taken by the Doctr In all respects and Whenever the Small Pox
is Discovered among us he Immediatly Informs the person that
has it Sent over to the Hospital on the Island."(47)
On 23 July 300 Indians attacked some carpenters killing
several. A force was sent out of the garrison to attack the
Indians: "in Sight of the whole Incampment for about the
Space of 5 Minutes; when the Enemy set up their hideous
Yells, and retreated into the Woods; our People following
them engaged the second Time; and a continual Fire lasted on
both sides about 15 Minutes."(48) "Our Men were scalped and
mangled in a most barbarous Manner; some of their Throats cut
& c. one of Captain Arbuthnot's Company had his Head cut off
and carried 30 yards off behind a Tree in order to scalp it,
but being pushed on so hard, they were obliged to leave both
Head and Scalp, which our People took up and put in a
Handkerchief, and buried it with the Body."(49)
On 1 Aug. General Webb ordered the Massachusetts men and
some Regulars to march to Fort William Henry on Lake George
to protect the area from Montcalm and his army. On 3 Aug.
the French and Indians landed three miles from the fort and
soon got around to the south of the fort, on the road leading
to Fort Edward, almost completely surrounding them. The
French demanded surrender but Col. Monro, the commander of
the fort, refused. By the 6th the French constructed a
battery 700 yards from the fort and the bombardment began. A
sentry at Joseph's tent door had his thigh shot off by a
cannon ball. On the 7th another battery was constructed and
again the French demanded surrender. Capt. Louis Antoine de
Bougainville delivered the message as well as an intercepted
letter from General Webb dated 4 Aug. stating that the
General: "does not think it prudent... to attempt a junction,
or to assist you till reinforced by the militia of the
colonies, for the immediate march of which repeated
expressions have been sent... in case he should be so
unfortunate as, from the delay of the militia, not to have it
in his power to give you timely assistance, you might be able
to make the best terms left in your power."(50)
To receive a
letter of this sort was bad enough but, to have it delivered
by the enemy was completely demoralizing.
The enemy fire continued and they finished construction
of another battery only 150 yards from the fort and camp.
The Massachusetts regiment told Joseph: "that they were quite
wore out, & would stay no longer; and that they would rather
be knock'd in the head by the Enemy, than stay to Perish
behind the Breast Work..."(51) A Council of War was called
and the officers recommended that Col. Monro surrender.
Montcalm was to allow the men to march out of the fort with
their arms and were to be able to retain one cannon in token
of respect for their honorable defense. The sick were to be
cared for by the French physicians until they were able to
travel.
After the soldiers marched out of the fort the Indians
rushed in and scalped the wounded and sick who were left
behind in full: "view of the French officers who did not
attempt to hinder or prevent it."(52) As the soldiers were
preparing to leave the encampment on the 10th Dr. Miles
Whitworth saw the Indians: "drag the said seventeen Men out
of their Hutts, murder them with their Tomehawks & scalp
them, That the French Troops posted round the Lines were not
further than forty feet from the Hutts where the said Wounded
then lay, that several Canadian Officers particularly one
Laccorne were present, and that none either Officer or
Soldier protected the said wounded Men."(53) The Indians then
carried off all the Indians and Blacks belonging to the
provincial units and plundered the heavy baggage of the
troops. The Indians then seized the soldier's packs and Col.
Monro ordered the men to throw down their packs in hopes that
they would be satisfied. The French troops were of no
assistance and the officers advised that they give everything
to the savages. The Indians then took the arms,
accoutrements and clothes. They then began killing and
taking captives. Joseph described the scene: "the Savages
were let loose upon us, Strips Kills & Scalps our people,
drove them into Disorder, Render'd it impossible to Rally.
The French Guards we were promised should Escort us to Fort
Edward Could or would not protect us so that there Open'd the
most horrid Scene of Barbarity immaginable. I was strip'd
myself of my Arms & Cloathing that I had nothing left but
Briches Stockings Shoes & Shirt, the Indians round me with
their Tomehawks Spears & c threatening Death. I flew to the
Officers of the French Guard for Protection but they would
afford me none therefore was Oblig'd to fly and was in the
woods till the 12th in the Morning of which I arriv'd at Fort
Edward almost Famished."(54)
After being stripped Joseph: "took a course to the
right, out of the way, to avoid the savages and strike
Hudson's River, westerly, and from thence go to Fort Edward.
Accordingly, he executed the plan, but in the course and
progress of his run, another Englishman found him and helped
him up a hill. Then being too weary to trace the hill they
ventured alongside some brook or most passable place, and the
Colonel being foremost saw Indians coming right towards them.
Then the case was ticklish, but Colonel steped aside and they
both dropped, the Colonel expecting a tomahawk in his skull
every moment, but the enemy not seeing them passed them by.
Then Colonel and his fellow traveler rubbed dirt on his white
shirt that it might look like ground. Then they walked for
the Fort and recovered it in about two and a half days from
the beginning of their tedious and dangerous run and march,
tired and faint enough."(55)
Most of the garrison fled down the road or into the
woods or returned to the fort. Montcalm was able to save a
few hundred captives from the Indians but, they left for
Montreal with over 200 captives who were later returned by
the French. It is estimated that 100 to 150 men, women and
children were killed. Cannon were fired at Fort Edward to
assist the men in finding their way back. The only reasons
that New York did not fall to the French after this
disasterous defeat was that Montcalm was overextended, his
Indian allies had left for home, and the militia was arriving
in the area.
Joseph arrived at Fort Edward on 12 Aug. and proceded to
Albany on the 14th. Robert Sanders described Joseph's
arrival in Albany: "Last night came to my house the Honorable
Joseph Frye Esquire who I scarce knew when I first saw him he
is so meager and he is still a bed, so know not whether he
will write you or any body... he talks of staying here some
time to collect his regiment."(56)
Joseph was back in Boston by 4 Sept. when he submitted
his "Journal of the Attack on Fort William Henry" to Governor
Pownal. In Monro's account of the massacre he was not very
impressed with the New Englanders' performance: "I'm sorry to
say it, tho with great truth, that in general, the
Provincials did not behave well." He added that the
Massachusetts men: "did their duty better, than either the
Jersey or Hampshire men, who could never be brought to do
their duty, with regularity, or resolution. The provincials
in the Fort behav'd scandalously, when They were to fire over
the Parapet, they lay down upon their faces and fir'd
straight up, in the Air. I sent orders to the Captn who
Commanded in the Fort, to take the first Man, that behav'd in
that Manner, and hang him over the Wall to be shot At, by the
Enemy."(57)
Joseph petitioned the Court on behalf of his regiment
for extra pay due to their hardships. The House directed:
"That in Consideration of the good Behaviour of the
Memorialist, and those under his Command in the Defence of
Fort William Henry, and of their Suffering after the
Capitulation, there be allowed and paid out of the public
Treasury two Months Wages to the said Officers and private
Men, over and above the Allowance already made them."(58)
Joseph then petitioned the Court on his own behalf for
additional money due to the extensive work he had to perform.
He was therefore allowed wages until 14 Apr. 1758.
Joseph returned to Andover until being commissioned a
colonel 12 Mar. 1759 to command at Fort Cumberland on the
Chignecto Isthmus in Nova Scotia.
Nova Scotia was relatively quite during this phase of
the war as most of the French had been driven out. Sporadic
incidents occured between groups of French and Indians
against the English but, no major battles took place. On 24
Apr. 1759 the regiment left Boston arriving at Fort
Cumberland on 5 May. The Regulars at the fort were not
impressed with the new arrivals: "The privates are a poor,
mean ragged set of men, of all sizes and ages; their Officers
are sober, modest men, and such of them as have been upon
service express themselves very distinctly and sensibly; but
their ideas, like those who have not been out of their own
country, or conversed much with Europeans, are naturally
confined; they make a decent appearance, being clothed in
blue faced with scarlet, gilt buttons, laced waistcoats and
hats; but their ordinary soldiers have no uniforms, nor do
they affect any kind of regularity."(59)
Joseph issued orders on 18 May against straggling and
firing their weapons a great distance from the fort to
prevent the waste of ammunition and possible capture by the
French. On 25 July Joseph ordered that: "not more than 3 men
of each company to go out in a day, the captains to insure
that the men do not take any of the King's ammunition, that
sentrys would not allow any one to pass without written
tickets from Major Indicott, and that soldiers must not go
beyond the protection of the fort... All shooting at game,
either flying or sitting near the fort, is forbidden." (60)
During haying season the soldiers hired themselves out
to the settlers to mow hay. This reached a point where it
became difficult to find men to mow hay for the garrison. An
order was issued that all soldiers would be confined to the
fort until a: "sufficient number of men are secured for
getting hay for his Majesty's Use."(61)
Besides these problems the: "soldiers have accustomed
themselves to gameing at cards in ye Barracks which keeps
them up late in the night. Which of course unfits them for
duty and is likely may be the means of leaving their fires in
such a careless manner as to endanger burning their
barracks... by reason of the obstinacy of the privates, the
orderly sergeants are put to great difficulty in getting
their respective quota of men for fatigue."(62)
Gov. Charles Lawrence of Nova Scotia was granting land
to prospective settlers and on 8 Oct. a grant was made: "by
His Excellency Governor Lawrence with the Advice and Consent
of His Majesty's Council for this Province to Joseph Frye,
John Indicott, Thomas Cheever and a Number of other
persons... giving, granting, and confirming unto them in the
proportions hereafter specified Ninety-five Shares or Rights
of Two Hundred Shares or Rights whereof a Tract of Land
already erected into a Township by the Name of the Township
of Cumberland doth consist..."(63)
Joseph never settled his lot and a new grant was made to
settlers in 1763.
Joseph applied for another grant but, this was denied on
26 Oct.: "Colonel Frye, Mr. Jonathan Randall and others
having made application for lands for a township situated on
the Basin of Chignecto, upon searching the old records of the
Province it appears that a part of the said lands had been
granted away in the year 1736 to Brigadier General Richard
Phillipps, Lieutenant Governor- Lawrence Armstrong and
others..."(64)
On 21 Oct. the garrison received the news that Quebec
had surrendered on 17 Sept. On the 22nd a celebration was
held to salute the victory and the King's anniversary of his
coronation: "at 12 o'clock 76 great guns were fired... every
officer met upon the fort parade, and drank his Majesty's
good health during the firing- after which they sang God Save
the King, and they, with the whole garrison, who were all
assembled, save they on duty and sick, gave three cheers, at
which time 20 gallons of rum was made in good toddy and given
to the soldiery; at night about 6 o'clock, from the alarm
posts, every man discharged his firelock three times..."(65)
The merriment did not last long as the enlistment period
was over on 1 Nov. and the troops were anxious to go home now
that Quebec had surrendered. The situation became worse as
the men refused to do duty and were behaving disorderly.
Joseph issued an order that the captains seize the troop's
guns. The fact that the soldiers did not have the means nor
the money to return home nor would they be paid until they
reached Massachusetts saved the garrison from mutiny.
Few soldiers arrived to relieve the troops and the
General Court voted to give them another six months bonus to
stay until spring. As noted the troops did not have much
choice.
After the surrender of Quebec the Acadians began coming
to the fort to ask for terms as well as food. In a letter to
Gov. Lawrence on 10 Dec. Joseph wrote: "Being fully satisfied
since their Canada is taken from them, there was no danger
but their necessitous Circumstances would keep them under
Command, I thought it might not be amiss to use my
Endeavours, to make the Collecting them into a Body, as cheap
to the Government as possible. Therefore told them I would
Support no more of their number through the Winter, than
exceeded the reach of their own Provisions. They then begged
I would allow Provisions for one third part of them, assuring
me they told the Truth at first, and if I would not keep that
number, they must all die by Famine; upon which I agreed that
they should send Sixty three of their People to Winter here,
and that the remainder of them might come out of their
obscure Habitations into the french Houses remaining on
Pitcoudiack and Memoramcook Rivers, where they should live in
Peace till Spring, and Ordered that they all be here to
attend Your Excellency's Orders concerning them..."
Concerning another group of Acadians: "their Business and
Circumstances with regard to Provisions, was the same as
those mentioned before, So I agreed that they should send two
hundred and thirty of their People to Winter here; and upon
informing me that they had Twelve Vessels in their Custody,
that were Taken on the Coast of Canso the Summer past, I
ordered the remainder of them to come with their Effects in
those Vessels to Bay Verte, as soon in the Spring as the
Navigation opened, when they should know Your Excellency's
pleasure concerning them."(66)
Joseph along with John Huston, keeper of the King's
ordnance stores at the fort, were elected the first two
representatives from Cumberland Township on 4 Dec. 1759.
Joseph's name does not appear anywhere within the journal of
the second Assembly of Nova Scotia. He probably did not take
much part in their proceedings given his military
responsibilities.
The Indians also began arriving at the fort to
surrender. Joseph provisioned these people as well before
sending them to Halifax to sign a peace treaty. On 15 Jan.
1760 an Indian got drunk in the barracks and Joseph ordered
that: "no non-commissioned officer or soldier belonging to
the garrison presume on any account whatsoever to give or let
any of the Indians now here or that may here after come to
this place any sort of spiritous liquors of any name or
nature whatsoever."(67) This order was repeated again on 19
Feb.
With all these people in the area fire wood became
scarce and Joseph ordered that: "a list made up of the French
people from Merimishe (Riteherto) and Petticodiac
(Memromcook) and make a list of those that desire to return
to place of abode, and another of the able bodied men and
persons who are to go and incamp in the woods where they may
supply themselves with fuel and the rest to be moved out of
the fort and spur into the hospital and hutts."(68)
Joseph mentioned the Indians in a letter to Gov.
Lawrence on 7 Mar.: "was in hopes (which I mentioned to Mr.
Manach) I had no more treaties to make with savages; but he
told me I was mistaken, for there would be a great many more
here upon the same business as soon as the spring hunting was
over; and on my enquiring how many, he gave me a list of
fourteen chiefs... all of one nation... of Mickmacks;
amounting to near 3000 souls;... I know this province, as it
abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast advantage
by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the
French."(69)
On 10 Mar. Joseph related that he did not trust the
intentions of the French people: "in the articles of
Submition of this Brittanick Majesty made by mr. Manack and
other Prinsabel men for them selves and other french People
Residing at Pette Coud Tack and memoram Cook I have Setteld a
Quantaty of Provision these People are to have... which I
take the utmost care in my power the quantaty Should not
Exced the Real Necessety of the Indigent People att the
Several Places above mentioned which I lookt upon my
Indispencable Duty to Doe- not only the Colecting those
People in to a body as Cheep to the government as Possible
But to Prevent any Supplys going to the french att Restiqush
and other places... as appears to me Remains obstinate as I
can hear no News of their Inclination as a People to make
their Submission as the others have Done... some had the
Front to apply to me for Provisions to Carrey away I have
Cause to Suspect there may be Sum scheem Laid among them to
supply those obstanate People... therefore Its my Express
orders that no Person or Persons What Ever Belonging to this
garrison or What is or are Inhabitents Within the Command of
this Place Presume Either Directly or indirectly to Send any
Sort of Provision from this to any of the Places above
Mentioned or to Supply those People with any Sort of
Provision more than what they may want for their Subsistance
while here."(70)
Besides his problems with his troops, the French, and
the Indians he also had a problem with pigs running loose and
digging in the earthworks of the fort. On 18 Mar. Joseph
issued an order for the owners to put rings in the pig's
noses. This was not complied with and on 2 May Joseph
ordered the sentries: "whenever they see any swine digging in
the earthworks they are directed to kill them if they can
possibly."(71)
With the end of the additional enlistment time
approaching, the men began to imbibe a great deal. Joseph
ordered that the soldiers were not to have any liquor except
between 11 AM and 3 PM. Also all trading with the French and
Indians for any valuables was forbidden.
The date for the end of their enlistment came and went,
and the soldiers became mutinous again. General Amherst
wrote to Gov. Lawrence on 17 May: "I have this, by express, a
letter from Governor Pownall, accompanying one from Colonel
Frye, complaining of the perverseness of the men under his
command, and that notwithstanding the Bounty granted them by
their Government, they were bent on returning home, and
quitting Fort Cumberland, threatening all to thirty-five, to
go off by land."(72)
Again it was a long walk home and the men were persuaded
to stay through the summer.
Things went on as they had the previous summer. In late
July Joseph wrote to Gov. Lawrence that there were still over
300 French at the fort and that he expected 700 more.
The situation became more tense at the fort and on 26
Aug. 38 men seized the sloop Prosperous, which had brought
supplies to the fort, and sailed for home. These men were
never prosecuted as their enlistments had long ago expired.
On 8 Sept. an alarm was issued: "word to be passed by
the sentries every 10 minutes after tattoo beating; patrols
to pass hourly every night among and round the huts and
hospital... no light, no fires after tattoo beating are
allowed either English or French... no soldiers to sleep out
of his barracks except such as are ordered so to do, nor to
be out of the fort after tattoo beating on any pretence
whatever except ordered; all officers and non-commissioned
officers appointed to their alarm post shown them yesterday
to hold themselves in the utmost readiness so they may take
their post at a minutes warning... a discharge of three
cannon is settled as a garrison alarm by which all might know
that an enemy is discovered."(73) The alarm passed and,
unknown to the garrison, Gov. General Vaudreuil had
surrendered Canada to General Amherst at Montreal the day
before.
Most of the men were sent back home over the course of
the fall. Joseph remained until December when Capt. Roderick
MacKenzie arrived with his company of Regulars to replace
him. After transfering all the papers and duties to him,
Joseph sailed for Boston on 17 Dec.
Joseph returned to Andover and at the town meeting on 21
May 1761 he was elected moderator. He then turned his
attention to obtaining a land grant on the Saco River at the
Indian village of Pequawket.
On 11 Nov. 1761 Joseph petitioned the General Court to
be able to purchase land on the Saco River. On 18 Nov. the
petition was read in the House and then tabled. On 29 Jan.
1762 the petition was refered to a committee which accepted
it on 3 Mar. The House of Representatives, with consent of
the Council and the governor, granted Joseph six square miles
of land on the Saco River. He was required to submit a plan
of the town within six months and: "to settle the same with
Sixty good familys, each of which in the term of five years
from the grant to have built a good house of twenty feet by
eighteen and seven feet stud, and have clear'd for pasturage
or tillage seven Acres each, and that they also, out of the
premises grant one sixty fourth part to the first ordain'd
protestant minister, One sixty fourth part for the use of a
parsonage forever, One sixty fourth part for the Use of
Harvd. College in Cambridge forever and One other sixty
fourth part for the use of a School forever within the said
town, and further that the said Joseph Frey give bond with
sufficient security to the Treasurer to pay to him or his
successor for the use of the Province One Hundred pounds
Lawful money within twelve months from the date of the
confirmation of the grant, and that the said Town shall
within ten years have a protestant minister settled among
them."(74)
At the May town meeting Joseph was elected as Andover's
representative to the General Court. On 28 May he was
appointed to a committee to look at which laws were going to
expire and issue a report. On 1 June he was appointed to two
other committees. Before adjournment on 15 June Joseph
served on three more committees.
During this break in the sessions of the Court, Joseph
went to his grant to survey it. He submitted this when he
returned for the next session of the Court on 8 Sept. He
served on one committee during the eleven day session. The
Court reconviened on 12 Jan. 1763 and Joseph was on the
committee to examine the muster rolls for the previous year.
He was on several committees as well as one: "to project some
proper Method for the Settlement of the Line" between Maine
and New Hampshire. On 24 Feb. 1763 Joseph's land grant was
confirmed.
Joseph then began soliciting settlers for his town. He
kept eight parts for himself, one for his son Joseph Jr., one
for his nephew Simon Frye, and one for Caleb Swan of Methuen
who had served with Joseph at the capture of Louisbourg and
who had married Joseph's niece Dorothy Frye. The other 49
parts went to 39 non-relatives.
Joseph was not re-elected to the House due to his new
project in Maine but, he did serve on the committee to settle
the boundary between Maine and New Hampshire. They submitted
their report to the House on 28 Jan. 1764 and the House
agreed with the report but, New Hampshire had not taken any
part in the survey therefore the issue remained unresolved.
At the annual town meeting on 5 Mar. Joseph was chosen
moderator as well as selectman. At the May meeting he was
again chosen as the town's representative to the General
Court.
The General Court convened on 30 May in Concord due to a
smallpox outbreak in Boston. The major subject of this
session was the Sugar Act which the House wanted repealed.
They sent a letter to Jasper Mauduit, the province agent in
London telling him to work for its repeal and to work against
the proposed Stamp Act. They also sent him a "Brief State of
the Rights of the Colonies" by James Otis Jr.
The Court adjourned on 15 June and Joseph went to his
township. In July Joseph dined with Rev. Timothy Walker in
Concord, NH and the Reverend went to Joseph's town in Sept.
On 23 Sept. he preached to about 45 people. He went back
home on 1 Oct. and Joseph returned to Andover and then to
Boston to be at the opening of the next session of the Court
on 18 Oct.
During this session of the court the Sugar Act was
debated and a petition was sent to the King and Parliament
requesting that the colonies continue to enjoy the privilege
of internal taxation. Joseph served on the committee to
prepare the travel and attendance list for the members at the
session before it's adjournment on 3 Nov.
Joseph then headed back to Maine, stopping at Rev.
Walker's in Concord on 18 Nov.
Joseph was back in Boston for the last session which
began on 9 Jan. 1765 and served on several committees. This
session adjourned on 9 Mar. Joseph was appointed by the
Governor and the Council as a justice of the peace for Essex
Co. on 3 Apr.(75)
On 13 Feb. 1765 the Kennebec Co. granted 1010 acres of
land to General Winslow and 506 acres to Joseph near the
Kennebec River.(76) Joseph's connection with the company had
ended in the mid 1750's therefore the reason for this grant
is unknown. Probably it was for some past service. Joseph
and the General sold the property 25 June 1772 to William
Sever of Kingston, MA for £450 of which Joseph received one-
third.(77)
On 16 Feb. 1765 Joseph was one of three signers of a
bond for £2,000 as a guarantee for Capt. Henry Young Brown to
fulfil the terms of his grant of land next to Joseph's which
became Brownfield.(78)
By summer Joseph was back on his land grant. In July
Rev. Timothy Walker Jr. of Concord visited the township and
stayed six weeks. Joseph probably went home in August as his
daughter Mehitable was married to Dr. Josiah Chase on the
22nd in Andover.
On 2 Feb. 1766 the proprietors petitioned to call a
meeting of the proprietors on 23 June in the township which
was granted.(79) The meeting was held at Ezekiel Walker's
house at Pequawket and Joseph was chosen moderator and clerk.
Prior to this first town meeting at what was to become
Fryeburg, Joseph was chosen moderator of the Andover town
meeting on 3 Mar.(80)
Joseph was looking for a minister for the town in 1767
and contracted with Grindall Rawson of Sutton. Rev. Rawson
had been unemployed prior to going to Fryeburg and had
previously resigned from one pastorate under fire and had
been fired from another. He also had gone through a messy
divorce. Needless to say the good Reverend returned to
Sutton the next year and became a school teacher.
The next meeting of the proprietors was on 29 June 1767
at Ezekiel Walker's house and Joseph was again chosen
moderator. The meeting was adjourned until 27 July when they
met at Joseph's house and finished their business.
Rev. Paul Coffin of Buxton passed through the town on 4
Oct. 1768 and had: "a pleasant and instructive chat" with
Joseph and noted that he: "saw the gentle declivity where the
Col. is about to raise his house, having the timber already
hewed. The house is to be 40 and 30."(81) Evidently the
earlier meetings had been held in a temporary residence.
On 2 Jan. 1770 Joseph and Mehitable sold several pieces
of land including their house and barn to Samuel Carlton for
£306.(82) He also directed his nephew Simon to sell Carlton
his share of his mother's land as she had given Carlton a
verbal promise to extend his lease to this land on which he
had made several improvements. Joseph also told Simon that:
"Lt. Col. James Frye, always pregnant with ill nature,
watched for your Brother Isaac's coming to Town and a few
days ago catched him before Carlton knew he was in Town and
Bargained for his part in this land and yesterday I wrote a
Deed of it to James so he has got it and I am sorry. And
now, he seems to undervalue your part (as I am told) which I
suppose he thinks he may do safely, since he has got Isaac's
part and thereby pleases himself with the thoughts that no
body will buy of you besides himself, so he shall get it very
cheap."(83) No love lost between Joseph and his cousin!
About this time Joseph wrote his poem Calm Content:
No more the court nor martial themes
Delight me like the verdant groves,
Whence I concert my rural schemes
'Midst singing birds and cooing doves.
These sylvan songsters' tuneful lays
In innocence and free from fear,
So smoothly chanted on green sprays,
Both soothe my mind and charm my ear.
I would not change these rural scenes
For what in court is to be found,
Nor quit these groves and purling streams
For highest rank on hostile ground.
But thus retired I'll spend my days
In hymning praise to God on high,
Joining the birds' sweet warbling lays
To honor Heavenly Majesty.
And when from hence I take my flight,
My sins, O God, through Christ forgive,
And bring me to the realms of light
In endless peace and bliss to live.(84)
Joseph was appointed a justice of the peace for York Co.
by acting Gov. Hutchinson and the Council on 21 June
1770.(85) He had by this time moved his family to the
township.
On 18 Oct. 1771 Joseph petitioned the General Court for
a license to sell liquor, stating that he was opening a
store. The petition was eventually approved and he was
granted a license to sell spiritous liquors in
"Fryburgh".(86)
The boundary dispute between Massachusetts and New
Hampshire caught up with Joseph by 1771 and on 31 May he
petitioned for compensation for: "a Tract of Land granted to
him, which by the running of the Line falls within the
Province of New Hampshire."(87) After much petition writing
the trade of the disputed 4147 acres was obtained to the
north of Fryeburg and was surveyed in Mar. 1774, however, due
to the political problems the land swap was not resolved.
Joseph was also concerned with the lack of a road to the
seaport at Falmouth. In Nov. 1771 he went to Falmouth to
obtain assistance in opening a road from Pearsontown
(Standish) to the great falls of the Saco River. The
resulting petition to the General Court for a grant of
wilderness through which the road would pass was denied but,
the road was completed.
On 19 Sept. 1774 the proprietors held their first
meeting in seven years. Joseph was chosen moderator and
clerk and the meeting was held at his house. On 5 Oct. at
another meeting, the proprietors voted to give Rev. William
Fessenden: "a call to settle in the Ministry of the Gospel".
Another meeting was held on 16 Jan. 1775 at Joseph's house to
swear in several town officials and Rev. Fessenden's letter
accepting his new post was read.
By this time the war had started and on 25 May Joseph
left town to try and obtain power for the town but, he:
"could hear of none in Falmouth, Portsmouth, Newbury, nor any
other Trading Towns in the Eastern Country, in the County of
Essex nor any where else."(88) He went to Watertown where the
Provincial Congress was held and petitioned for some powder
and lead to protect the town from Indian attack from Canada.
He then went to Andover to await the arrival of the powder.
Upon hearing of the battle of Bunker Hill Joseph left Andover
and went to General Ward's camp at Cambridge arriving on 19
June. Joseph noted that he: "found the Hon General Ward
Commander in Chief of the Forces that were in the Field, also
many other Gentlemen some of whom were officers who had been
with your Memorialist in the wars with the French & Indians,
and other Men that were privates, who had been under his
particular Command in those wars, all of whom appear'd very
Desirous of his Company in the army, and not only those, but
Several of the Honorable Gentlemen belonging to the Congress
then sitting at Watertown desired the Same. Your
Memorialist, finding his Service so generally desired,
Consented to Serve his Country accordingly, the distresses of
his Exposed Plantation notwihtstanding. Whereupon the
Honourable the Congress of this Colony were pleas'd to Honour
Him with a Major General's Commission."(89)
Boston 1775-1776
Joseph was commissioned a Major General on 21 June 1775
by the Provincial Congress, however the Continental Congress
then absorbed the provincial forces around Boston and
appointed George Washington as commander in chief. Because
of the poor communications of the time the Congress in
Philadelphia were unaware of Joseph's commission and
therefore he was without an assignment. Washington arrived
at Cambridge on 2 July and assumed command. Because of
Congress' and Washington's restructuring of the officers,
Joseph ceased to hold any official position in the army. On
22 July the General Court sent a letter to each of the
officers who were affected by this turn of events: "This
House approving of your Services in the Station you were
appointed to in the Army by the Congress of this Colony-
Embrace this opportunity to Express Their Sense of them, and
at the Same time to desire your Continuance with the army if
you Shall judge you can do it without Impropriety till the
final determination of the Continental Congress Shall be
known with regard to the appointment of Genl officers. We
assure you that the Justice of this House will be Engaged to
make you an adequate Compensation for your Services. We have
such Intelligence as affords us Confidence to Suppose that a
few Days will determine whether any such provisions shall be
made for you as is consistent with your Honor to accept, and
shall give you Encouragement to remain in the Service."(90)
Joseph remained on the staff of General Ward. Since
there was no longer a Massachusetts army and he did not have
a Continental commission, Joseph served in an advisory
position to General Ward after he assumed command of the
right wing of the army at Roxbury on 25 July.
On 26 July John Adams wrote to James Warren, speaker of
the House requesting information on: "the Characters and
biography of the officers in the Army. I want to be
precisely informed when and where, and in what Station,
General Ward has served, General Thomas, the two Fry's,
Whitcomb, etc., and what Colonells we have in the Army and
their Characters."(91) Joseph was asked to give an account of
his service in the French wars so that his record could be
presented to Congress.
On 3 Aug. Joseph sent a recommendation to the Council
for commissions in the militia or the Continental Army for
three men who had served during the last war.(92)
General Preble arrived from Falmouth in mid summer and
on 5 Aug. he stated: "In ye morning I waited on President
Langdon... I then proceeded to Roxbury, met Gen'l Ward, who
invited me to his Tent Quarters. I excused myself, and
visited Gen'l Thomas. He received me very complaisantly and
wrote a billet immediately to Gen'l Frye to come and dine
with me at his table, which he did. We dined very
agreeably..."(93)
Washington was trying to fill the vacant brigadier
position. On 31 Aug. he wrote to John Hancock: "As the
filling up the place of the vacant Brigadier General will be
of the first Business of the Honble. Congress, I flatter
myself it will not be deemed assuming to mention the names of
two Gentlemen whose former Services Rank and Age may be
thought worthy of attention on this occasion. Of the one I
can speak from my own Knowledge of the other only from
character, the former is Col John Armstrong of Pennsylvania..
The other Gentleman is Col Frye of Massachusetts Bay he
entered into the Service as early as 1745, and rose through
the different military ranks to that of Colonel, until last
June, when he was appointed a Major General by the Congress
of this Province; from these circumstances together with the
favorable report made to me of him, I presume he sustained
the Character of a good Officer, tho' I do not find it
distinguished by any peculiar Service. Either of those
Gentlemen or any other whom the Hon. Congress shall favor
with the Appointment will be received by me with the utmost
Deference and respect."(94)
The appointment of a bridgadier general was deferred and
with no provision for his remaining with the army Joseph left
Roxbury on 12 Oct. and went to Andover where he stayed until
Nov. He wrote "A brief account of the Military Services of
Joseph Frye" for the Court.
On 30 Oct. General Ward wrote to John Adams at
Philadelphia: "I wish General Frye might be provided for, I
think him a good man for the service, and am very sorry he
has not been provided for by the Continental Congress before
this time."(95)
On 15 Nov. 1775 John Adams wrote to General Ward's aide,
Samuel Osgood: "The true Cause why General Frie has not recd
from me any particular Intelligence is that the Matter has
been hitherto suspended, and I am under such Engagements of
Secrecy that I could not in Honour acquaint him with any
Thing that has pass'd in Congress.
As soon as I arrived in Philadelphia, I made it my
Business to introduce General Fries Name and Character into
Conversation in every private Company where it could be done
with Propriety, and to make his long services and Experience
known. But I found an Interest making in private Circles in
Favour of Coll. Armstrong of Pensilvania, a Gentleman of
Character and Experience in War, a Presbyterian in Religion,
whose Name runs high for Piety, Virtue, and Valour. What has
been done in Congress I must be excused from saying, but
nothing in my Power has been omitted to promote the Wishes of
our Colony or the Honour and Interest of General Frie. It is
sufficient to say that nothing has as yet been determined.
But it will be settled soon. And let it be decided as it
may, every good American will acquiese in the Decision."(96)
Joseph stayed in Andover during this time taking care of
some private business. On 14 Nov. the Court chose Joseph to
command the men at Falmouth who were to defend the coast
after that town had been burned by the British: "That Joseph
Frye be, and he hereby is appointed to take the command of
the whole of the men stationed in the said County of
Cumberland, for the defence of the sea-coast... and that he
be empowered to order such intrenchments or fortifications to
be erected at Falmouth, for their defence and protection, as
he shall think absolutely necessary."(97)
The commission was signed by James Otis Sr., President
of the Council. Joseph settled his affairs and left Andover.
He arrived on the 25th and used Rev. Samuel Deane's home next
to the First Parish Church on Congress St.
James Sullivan of Biddeford, who was temporarily in
command at Falmouth, wrote to the Court on 26 Nov.: "We much
rejoice at the appointment of General Frye, who arrived here
yesterday, and have the highest expectation, from his
acknowledged ability and integrity, provided he was in such a
situation as would render him active; but I am sorry to say
the General Court has commanded him to fight with his hands
bound. In his appointment over the Militia, he is confined
to the County of Cumberland, and all his operations are
limited to that place, while the County of York are as much
interested in, and anxiously concerned for the defence of
Falmouth-Neck, as the County of Cumberland... In his other
department, as commander of two hundred and fifty sea-coast
men, whose time expires within one month, he can do nothing
to the purpose... Besides this, when he calls the Militia
(and if they should obey him), he has no way to find them
provision, or any authority to provide one single necessary
for his formidable army."(98)
In December Joseph wrote to the Council requesting more
funds stating that the price of provisions had risen because
of the shortage. Besides this the men's enlistments were
going to expire. Fortunately the Court voted to raise 400
troops to defend Falmouth. There was also a shortage of
housing for the men as most of the town had been destroyed by
the British. Joseph wrote to Falmouth's representative in
the Court, Samuel Freeman on 6 Jan.: "That Effectual Care
must be taken to provide Barracks... That in making Provision
for the Subsistence of those men, I hope Fire-wood will not
be omitted... that Provisions of all kinds, which may be
allow'd the men must be sent, except (perhaps) some Beef... I
hope a Commissary & Quarter master will be appointed & vested
with ample authority to Provide all the Necessaries."(99)
Joseph's rank had never been officially established. He
was refered to as "general" but not specifically what type.
On 1 Jan. 1776 the Court made him officially a colonel but,
he was still addressed as "general".
Joseph had command of five companies of men at Falmouth.
One was posted at Cape Elizabeth, one at the Lower Battery
(in the area of India St.), one at the Upper Battery (at Free
St.), and two at the Magazine Battery near the County Court
House and Jail (now Monument Square). Besides this, the men
were working on "the Great Fort on the Hill" which was
located in what is now Fort Sumner Park on Munjoy Hill.
On 10 Jan. 1776 the Continental Congress elected Joseph
as Brigadier General for the army in Massachusetts Bay and
Benedict Arnold, Brigadier General for the army in the
northern department.
Joseph's election to this post created jealousy among
the rivals for this position particularly Col. Armstrong:
"The New England vacancy is filled up with a certain Mr. Frye
who has not before been in the Continental Service, at which
appointment our friend Coll. Thompson is much Chagrinned and
has resigned the Service at least in that part of the
country. I am sorry for the occasion of this warmth, as the
tories are ready to catch up every occasion against New
England in order to promote a division."(100)
Joseph recieved a letter from Washington in early
February telling him of his appointment. When Gen. Ward
heard that Joseph was finally commissioned he wrote to John
Hancock on 3 Feb.: "Am very glad to hear that Colo Frye is
appointed A Brigadier General, doubt not he will do good &
great Service for his Country."(101)
Joseph left Falmouth on 10 Feb. leaving Major Ilsley in
command and went to Cambridge arriving on 15 Feb. On 16 Feb.
Joseph was presented his commission by George Washington.
The General Order stated: "The Congress have been pleased to
appoint Joseph Fry Esqr. a Brigadier General in the
Continental Army; he is to be obeyed as such and his
Excellency the General orders that he shall take the command
of the vacant Brigade commonly called the Cambridge
Brigade."(102)
Joseph's brigade consisted of four regiments. The 14th
Continental Regiment, commanded by Col. John Glover, was
posted at Beverly to protect that harbor and was known for
their boat handling skills (they were the men who escorted
Washington across the Delaware River the following
Christmas). Two other regiments from Massachusetts and one
from Connecticut were posted around Cambridge commanded by
Col. John Paterson, Col. Israel Hutchinson, and Lt. Col. John
Durkee.
Preparations were being made to move against the British
in Boston and Charlestown. Col. Henry Knox had retrieved 60
cannon from Ticonderoga and these were being placed around
Boston particularly at Dorchster Heights. Washington had
about 14,000 men fit for duty whereas Howe had only 8900
including sick and wounded.
The enemy's attention was to be diverted by a heavy
bombardment for three nights. During this time men and
material was to be secretly moved to Dorchester Heights,
concealed behind bales of hay placed along Dorchester Neck.
On the third night Gen. Thomas would take 2000 men, tools,
and material to the proposed fortifications. At 0300 this
force would be relieved by a fresh force of 3000 men. If the
British attacked the Heights, Washington ordered that Gen.
Putnam and 4000 men would attack the west side of Boston by
boat.
"Genl. Heath's, Sullivan's, Green's and Fry's brigades
are in rotation, to march a Regiment, an hour before day,
every morning into the works on Letchmores point and Cobble
Hill... they are to remain in the works until sunrise."(103)
The bombardment began on 2 Mar., continued on 3 Mar. and
on the 4th Thomas and his men constructed the forts on the
Heights. On the 5th the British awoke to this formidable
battery on the hill which they could not reach with their
guns. They were going to storm the Heights but, because of
the weather and the fact that this action would be too
costly, Gen. Howe decided to evacuate Boston.
On 8 Mar. Washington received a letter from the Boston
Selectmen informing him that the British were going to
evacuate the town and would not destroy it if they would not
molest them during their departure.
During this time Joseph was suffering from rhumatism and
this promted Washington to write to Joseph Reed, a member of
Congress, on 7 Mar.: "The bringing Colonel Armstrong into
this army as major-general, however great his merit, would
introduce much confusion. Thomas, if no more, would surely
quit, and I believe him a good man. If Thomas supplies the
place of Lee, there will be a vacancy for either Armstrong or
Thompson, for I have heard of no other valiant son of New
England waiting promotion, since the advancement of Frye, who
has not, and I doubt will not, do much service to the cause;
at present he keeps his room, and talks learnedly of emetics,
cathartics, & c. For my own part, I see nothing but a
declining life that matters him."(104)
Reed replied on the 15th: "Poor Frye! Heaven and earth
was moved to get him in- he was everything that was great and
wonderful; now, I suppose we shall hear no more of him."(105)
The British evacuated Boston on the 17th and the
American troops entered the town.
Realizing that his health would not allow him to
continue in his position, Joseph sent his resignation to
Washington on the 18th only four and a half weeks after he
had arrived: "The Ministerial Troops having (yesterday) taken
their departure from Boston, will, I presume, occasion the
removal of the Continental Army to some distant part of the
Continent. And as I find myself in such an infirm state of
health as renders me unable to bear the fatiggue of such
march as that manoeuvre will require, I cannot think it
laudable to continue in the Army and pay of the Continent,
without being able to merit the pay by my service; therefore
take leave to desire I may resign the command in the Army I
have been honoured with. And as I am at present unable to
travel, and being one hundred and forty miles from my family,
I take leave, also, to request that my resignation may take
place the 11th day of April next."(106)
Washington wrote to Reed on 1 Apr.: "Nothing of
importance has occurred in these parts, since my last, unless
it be the resignations of Generals Ward and Frye, and the
reassumption of the former, or retraction, on account as he
says, of its being disagreeable to some of the officers. Who
these officers are, I have not heard. I have not inquired.
When the application to Congress and notice of it to me came
to hand, I was disarmed of interposition, because it was put
upon the footing of duty, or conscience, the General being
persuaded that his health would not allow him to take that
share of duty that his office required. The officers to whom
the resignation is disagreeable, have been able, no doubt, to
convince him of his mistake, and that his health will admit
him to be alert and active. I shall leave him till he can
determine yea or nay, to command in this quarter. General
Frye, that wonderful man, has made a most wonderful hand of
it. His appointment took place the 11th January; he desired
ten days ago that his resignation might take place the 11th
April. He has drawn three hundred and seventy-five dollars,
never done one day's duty, scarce been three times out of his
house, discovered that he was too old and infirm for a moving
camp, but remembers that he has been young, active and very
capable of doing what is now out of his power to accomplish;
and therefore has left Congress to find out another man
capable of making, if possible, a more brilliant figure than
he has done; add to these the departure of Generals Lee and
Thomas, taking some little acount of S and H (Spencer and
Heath), and then form an opinion of the Genls of this army,
their councils, & c."(107)
Poor Joseph had the misfortune to be old and sick and
thus incurred Washington's wrath.
Washington and most of the regiments left for New York
with Joseph and Gen. Ward remaining in Boston. On 6 Apr. the
body of Joseph Warren was exumed from a hole dug by a British
detail. On the 8th Joseph and General Ward were two of the
pall bearers at the elaborate funeral.
Ward changed his mind again and decided to resign. On
23 Apr. the Continental Congress accepted his and Joseph's
resignations: "The Congress having received your Letter of
Resignation, I am commanded to acquaint you, that they have
been pleased to accept the same. While they lament the cause
that obliges you to retire, they cannot but acknowledge it to
be a sufficient one. The reputation and Honour with which
you have conducted yourself on all Occasions, in the
Continental Service, must always afford you the most pleasing
Satisfaction."(108) Joseph recieved this letter from John
Hancock on 4 May and went to Watertown to settle his affairs
before returning to Maine.
Washington was still seething with disgust over these
two officers and wrote to General Lee: "General Ward, upon
the evacuation of Boston, and finding there was a possibility
of his being removed from the smoke of his own chimney,
applied to me and wrote to Congress, for leave to resign. A
few days afterwards, some of the officers, as he says,
getting uneasy at the prospect of his leaving them, he
applied for his letter of resignation, which had been
carefully committed to my care; but, behold! it had been
carefully forwarded to Congress, and, as I have since
learned, judged so reasonable, (want of health being the
plea) that it was instantly complied with. Brigadier Frye,
previous to this, also conceiving there was nothing
entertaining or profitable to an old man, to be marching or
countermarching, desired, immediately on the evacuation of
Boston, (which happened on the 17th of March) that he might
resigne his commission on the 11th of April. The choice of
the day became a matter of great speculation, and remained
profoundly mysterious till he exhibited his account, when
there appeared neither more nor less in it than the
completion of three calendar months, the pay of which he
received without any kind of compunction, although he had
never done one tour of duty, or, I believe, had ever been out
of his house from the time he entered till he quitted
Cambridge. So much for two Generals."(109)
Washington's bigotry and sarcasm was notorious and his
remarks about these two capable men attest to that. Ward
confronted Washington years later after learning about one of
these letters. He asked him if he was the author of the
letter. Washington made no reply and Ward said: "I should
think that the man who was base enough to write that, would
be base enough to deny it."(110) Such was the anamosity
between New Englanders and Southerners.
On 24 Apr. the General Court ordered the Joseph be paid
£41/7 for: "his service as Major General one month and twelve
days in the Colony Army, and also for his service as superior
officer on the sea-coast establishment at Falmouth, two
months and one day."(111)
Joseph felt as though his pay was not enough for the
service he had provided and therefore he submitted a lengthy
petition to the Court on 30 May outlining his service. The
Court agreed with Joseph and allowed him an additional £44
for his service as a major general from 31 July until 15 Oct.
and £4 for his expenses.
Joseph left Watertown and probably went to Andover
before going to Falmouth where he was on 30 June. He then
returned to Fryeburg and did not take any other part in the
war. Although many of the men of the town took part in the
Revolution, Fryeburg itself was removed from the hostilities.
On 22 Nov. 1776 the people of Fryeburg petitioned the
General Court to incorporate into a town.(112) This petition
was approved 10 Jan. 1777 with the exception of the
unresolved land swap. Col. Tristram Jordan J.P., issued a
warrant for the first town meeting which was held on 31 Mar.
Joseph took little official part in town affairs from this
point. Perhaps he felt as though enough of his relatives
held office to negate any need of him holding any post. On
28 May 1777 a meeting of the Proprietors was held and Joseph
was chosen moderator. At another meeting on 15 Sept. Joseph
resigned as clerk. The only other office Joseph held after
this time was that of moderator of the town meeting in Aug.
1779.
During this time Joseph was still trying to settle the
boundaries of his town. On 25 Sept. 1778 he wrote a long
letter to the General Court requesting that the matter be
settled stating: "If after all the Pains I have taken and the
expense that has fallen upon me in this unhappy affair, the
Land must be Resurvey'd, I must beg of you it may be done
this fall, for the further neglect of it (if I should live)
will put me to great Trouble, and if I should be Taken out of
Life before it is done, the Consequences will be very bad for
my Family."(113)
On 18 Aug. 1779 Joseph was chosen moderator of the town
meeting and was one five men chosen: "to draw a remonstrance
and petition to the General Court showing the inability of
the inhabitants to pay the heavy tax of 5975 Pounds, 15
Shillings & 9 Pence 3 Farthings and to pray abatement of so
much as to bring the tax to such a sum as they are able to
pay."(114)
Joseph was chosen to present the petition to the General
Court which he did and the Court decided on 7 Oct. to abate
£2443/12/5/3 which still left an impossible tax burden on the
town.(115) Joseph was reimbursed £4 for his services two and
a half years later in Apr. 1782.
In June of 1780 Joseph was appointed a Justice of the
Peace and of the Quorum for York County.
"A genealogical account of the family of the Fryes in
Andover, in the County of Essex and Province of Massachusetts
Bay in New England, taken by the Subscriber from Captain
Nathaniel Frye who kept in remembrance the Lineage of the
family down to Anno Domini 1769.
The Progenitor of the Family was named John. He came
from a Town or Borough or Parish called Andover near
Basingtoke, in Hampshire, in Old England, and landed at
Newbury in the aforesaid county of Essex (but the time of his
arrival is lost), and from Newbury he came to Andover in Its
infant State. His children were: 1ly John, 2ly Benjamin, 3ly
Samuel, 4ly James.
1ly John, of these children in particular was born in
old England, and after he had lived in Andover some time, and
being esteemed a good sort of a man was made a Deacon of the
first church in said Town, and lived to considerable age
there but died childless.
2ly Benjamin. His children were John, Joseph,
Nathaniel, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, Esther, Hepsibah. John is
dead but left children, Joseph, Mary, Anne, Mehitable, all
died young Nathaniel (from whom this account if principally
taken) has had three wives who are dead. He had no children
by them and as he is now an aged man, its likely he will die
childless. Esther and Hepsibah married but left no children.
3ly Samuel. His children were John, Ebenezer,
Nathaniel, Samuel, Benjamin, Hannah, Mary, Phebe, Deborah-
all married and all left children.
4ly James. His children were James, Lydia, Dorothy,
Sarah, Mary, Jonathan, all married and had children except
Jonathan, who, in A.D. 1725 went chaplain of a company of
volunteers under the command of Captain John Lovewell after
the Indians who were then at war with New England. This
company (who consisted of but thirty-four men), met and
fought three score Indians on the bank of a pond at
Pigwacket, on the 8th day of May in said year, when the
captain and the greatest part of his men were killed, and the
said chaplain received a mortal wound. He was able to get
off of the place where the battle was fought but died in the
wilderness. Jonathan being dead, and his elder and only
brother James being dead sometime before, the old gentleman,
their Father, gave his estate to his Grandson James, the son
of his deceased son of that name. As this account was taken
by the subscriber in order to show his children from whence
and from whom they descended, he now confines his account to
that branch of the Family he Sprang from, which was from
Samuel the 3d son of the Old Gentleman, the Father of the
Family as before shown. The subscriber's father was John
(the oldest son of the said Samuel) who was the 3d son of the
Progenitor of the Family, the account of whose family now
follows-
John- His children: 1 John, 2 Isaac, 3 Joshua, 4 Abial,
5 Mehitable, 6 Anne, 7 Phebe, 8 Joseph, 9 Hannah, 10 Anne, 11
Samuel, 12 John, 13 Tabitha. The subscriber now proceeds to
particularize concerning this family (of which he is the 8th
child in the course of Birth), all which particulars have
occurred within his memory and are as follows, viz:-
1 John died at the age of twenty-one, not married; left
no child nor children behind him.
2 Isaac. His children were 1 Naomah, 2 Martha, 3
Dorothy, 4 Dorcas, 5 Susanna, 6 Huldah, 7 Tabathy. The
Father of these children and his youngest Daughter Tabatha
died within a few hours of each other and were both buried in
one grave; the other three children lived to marry and have
children. N.B. The mother of these children died about a
year before the death of their Father.
3 Joshua- His children by his first wife were Mary,
Joshua, Jonathan; the two last died young; Mary married and
is the mother of several children. His children by his
second wife were Joshua and John.
4 Abiel. His children were Abigal (who died young),
Abiel, Simon, Abigail, Isaac- all married (except Abiel) and
have children.
5 Mehitable married and lived to considerable age but
died childless.
6 Anne died young, not of age to marry.
7 Phebe married and lived to considerable age but died
childless.
8 Joseph- His children were Joseph, Samuel, Mehitable,
all died young and within a few days of each other, with a
terrible distemper, called the throat distemper in A.D. 1738,
which swept off a great number of children in many parts of
New England. His next child was Mehitable, who lived but
sixteen days. After which his children were Mehitable,
Joseph, Tabitha, Hannah, Richard, Nathaniel, Samuel.
9 Hannah- married, is now a widow and mother of several
children.
10 Anne married, is now a widow and mother of several
children. She was named Anne to bear up the name of her that
died young as above shown.
11 Samuel died in the thirteenth year of his age.
12 John was so named to bear up the name of John who died
about twenty-one years of age as above shown, but he died
unmarried about nineteen years of age; left no offspring.
Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was
born on the 17th of July, 1733. Samuel Frye, the son of
Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was born on the first day of
January, 1735; Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and
Mehitable Frye, was born on the 16th day of April, 1738;
Mehitable Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was
born on the 12 day of May, 1739, and died on the 28th of the
same month; Mehitable Frye, the daughter of Joseph and
Mehetable Frye, was born on the 8th day of April, 1741.
Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, was
born on the 10th of July, 1743. Tabitha Frye, the daughter
of Joseph and Mehetable Frye, was born on the 11th day of
October, 1744. Hannah Frye, daughter of Joseph and Mehetable
Frye, was born the 23d day of March, 1748/9. Richard Frye,
son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehitable Frye, was born on the
5th day of August, 1751.
Nathaniel Frye, son of Capt. Joseph Frye and Mehetable
Frye, was born on the 22d day of April- 1753.
Samuel Frye, son of Col Joseph Frye and Mrs. Mehetable
Frye, was born on the 5th day of July, 1758
Joseph Frye, the son of Joseph adn Mehetable Frye, died
on the 27th day of August, 1738. Mehitable Frye, the
Daughter of Joseph and Mehitable Frye, died on the 9th day of
September, 1738. Samuel Frye, the son of Joseph and
Mehetable Frye, died on the 10th day of September 1738.
Dear Children:
Being sensible the foregoing genealogy neither is or can
be of any public benefit, it cannot be worthy of public
notice. I therefore have no other meaning than to hand it
down to you, to the end that you and your descendants may (if
you or any of them have or may have the curiosity) look back
to the first of the family in Andover, from whom you derived
your nativity, and may continue it along to many generations,
if you or any of them think proper to do it; with that view
(and no other) it is presented to you by your
Affectionate Father
March 19, 1783.....................Joseph Frye."(116)
Joseph was evidently not satisfied with his situation as
he wrote to Rev. Benjamin Parker of Haverhill on 9 June 1783:
"After spending near twenty years in publick life, viz in
Camp & Court, which gave me the advantage of the Company &
intimate acquaintance of many of the most Sensible Gentlemen
of this Country & many such from Europe,- my lot has been to
retire and fix myself in this remote place, where I am
destitute of such Company as I wish might have succeeded the
former. Being now advanced to old age, and exercised with
such Bodily maladies as has much impaired my Constitution and
rendered me inevitably Liable to a disorder which subjects
the mind to such a melancholy gloom as has rendered the life
of many Persons, even in a time of Publick & private
Prosperity, very unhappy.- And if so what must I feel when
musing upon the loss of many Sensible Friends, some by death
and some by the late unhappy war, and seeing that... moral
rectitude & social affection which rendered mankind Blessings
to each other are so Obliterated that they exist in the
breasts of but few, and the amazing debt the war has brought
upon us, and no prospect in view of its being paid by any
means but such as will bring the greatest part of the People
in this Country into the utmost distress and no understanding
friend (except C. Swan) to afford a word of
Consolation."(117)
Joseph still did not have his boundary settled. A
committee of the House had been appointed in Mar. 1781 but
they did not issue their report until Mar. 1784. They stated
that Joseph's plan was unreasonable and they proposed an
alternate swap. Unfortunately their alternate proposal
interfered with the grant of New Suncook (Lovell). No
further progress was therefore made concerning Joseph's
problem.(118)
During this time the issue of separation from
Massachusetts became prominent. A convention was held at
Falmouth on 4 Jan. 1786 and consisted of 33 delegates, five
of whom were from Fryeburg, one of them being Joseph. A list
of grievances was prepared to support the separation from
Massachusetts including: the fact that the interests of the
two areas were different and Maine's interest was not being
properly promoted; proper handling of business before the
Supreme Judicial Court was difficult because of the vast
distance involved; present trade regulations reduced the
price of lumber; a portion of the inhabitants were denied
representation in the House because the towns were not of
sufficient size; the present system of taxation by polls and
estates was unfair to Maine residents; excise and impost acts
were also unfair; and the duty on deeds was inequitable
because of the more frequent sale of property in Maine than
in Massachusetts.(119) At the reconvened town meeting on 10
Mar. the town unanamously voted to separate from
Massachusetts, however they were in the minority.
Joseph sold to his sons Richard and Samuel Frye of
Fryeburg, Husbandmen for £414/14: "my Farm I call my
Homestead Farm on which I now dwell being two first division
upland lots laid out for forty acres each... two first
division intervale Lots of land laid out for twenty acres
each... adjoining each other together with my Dwelling House
& Barn standing on the Southernmost of said Upland Lots...
except... a small piece lying on the Northerly side of and
adjoining to a creek near the North side of my son Josephs
Dwelling House..." 6 Aug. 1786. The deed was witnessed by
William Fessenden and Jonathan Dresser.(120)
On 8 Jan. 1787 a town meeting was held during which the
townspeople voted to adopt a set of recomendations prepared
by Joseph. He wanted an equitable solution to paying off the
securities that were given to Massachusetts soldiers during
the Revolution instead of pay. Many had sold their bills of
credit to others for a greatly reduced sum and now the
government was going to redeem these securities, paying the
face value to those who had not served their country. Joseph
proposed to reduce the value of the securities to an
equitable level which the purchasers of these bills should
have and to use the remainder to compensate the soldiers.
Joseph also asked the town's representative to the Court to
use his efforts to see that Congress be impowered to regulate
commerce with foreign nations which would: "bring on such a
demand for American produce, as will cause a circulation of
money, that will reach into the inland parts of these States,
where now there is no appearance of any."(121) Joseph felt
that unless Congress: "make it manifest to the world, they
are united therein, it must be acknowledged (as it is
esteemed by foreigners) that the confederation and perpetual
union of these States is but an empty name!"(122) Joseph also
proposed that the state issue script to relieve the shortage
of hard currency until the tax situation could be resolved
and foreign trade stimulated. There is no record of how his
ideas were received in Boston.
On 10 Mar. 1787 Joseph finally had the approval of the
General Court for his land swap. After sixteen years trying
to settle this problem it was finally put to rest.(123)
In 1787 John Hancock was re-elected as Governor against
James Bowdoin. Because of this change in command Joseph was
reappointed as a Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum. He
retained this appointment until his death.
Joseph sold to his sons: "In Consideration of the
Paternal Love and affection I have for my two sons namely
Richard and Samuel Frye of Fryeburg... a second Division
Upland lot on the Southerly side of Saco River N. thirty
three... containing Forty three acres one Quarter & thirty
Seven rods- Secondly a first Division Upland Lot N. Forty
seven... containing thirty five acres and three Quarters and
Twenty six Rods both of which Lots are bounded on the Road
leading out of the Main Road on the Southerly side of the
River in Fryeburg aforesaid to Simon Frye, Esq. Thirdly a
Second Division Intervale lot on the Southerly side of Saco
River N. fifteen containing twenty nine acres of Qualified
land adjoining and laying up River of a Second Division
Intervale lot now owned by one W.W. Keen who purchased the
same of Mr. Samuel Walker junr... Fourthly a hundred acre
Upland Lot laid out as third Division land on the Southerly
side of Saco River aforesd Bounded Northerly on Land
belonging to the Rev. Mr. Wm. Fessenden Southerly on Land
belonging to Mr. Ezekiel Walker Eastwardly on land belonging
to the abovesaid Joseph Frye, Esqr and westwardly on Common
or undivided land..." 12 Mar. 1790. This deed was witnessed
by William Fessenden and Joseph Frye Jr.(124)
"I Joseph Frye of Fryeburg... make this my Last Will and
Testament... hertofore I have imparted to each of my Sons and
to my Eldest Daughter Estate in Lands by Deeds of gift- So
that the Land which by this Instrument I shall give to my
Children is the remainder of the Lands I have left in the
Town aforesaid and in a Tract of Land adjoining the Northerly
part thereof, commonly called Fryeburg Addition...
1ly I give to my Eldest Son Joseph Frye an upland lot of
Land, laid out for forty acres be the same more or less
laying on a Hill called Walker's Hill and adjoining to a
forty acre Lot of upland belonging to Benjamin Wiley and one
of my Silver Table Spoons.
2ly I give to my Son Nathaniel Frye an upland Lot of
Land laid out for forty acres be the same more or less laying
near Mr. McKeens, and my Intervale Lot of Land (called the
broad point Lot) laid out for thirty acres be the same more
or less, laying below Mr. William Wiley's and one of Silver
Table Spoon.
3ly I give to my Sons Richard Frye and Samuel Frye all
the remainder of my Household goods & Furniture of every
denomination (except what thereof, I have above and shall
herunder otherwise dispose of) to be equally divided between
them,- Each of them to have, in his dividend thereof, one of
my Silver Table Spoons.
4ly I give to my Eldest Daughter Mehitabel who is the
wife of Doctr Josiah Chase thirty acres of Land to be taken
out of my uplands not above nor any otherwise disposed of,
and one of my Silver Table Spoons, which, with what I gave
her at her marriage, what She has lately had of her Deceased
Mother's wearing Apparrel, and the Land I have heretofore
given her by Deed of gift makes up what I think She ought to
have of my Estate. But by a certain consideration one
thereunto moving, I give to her Husband the said Josiah Chase
a Silver Instrument (which one of my bodily maladies obliges
me to keep constantly by me) called a cathetor.
5ly I give to my Daughter Tabitha the wife of Majr.
Joseph Pettingill one of my Silver Table Spoons, Six pewter
Plates, a note of hand Dated July 3d 1773 whereby he the said
Joseph Pettingill stands indebted to me the sum of seventeen
Pounds two Shillings principal and the Interest thereof from
the Date of said Note, and One hundred acres of Land to be
taken out of my uplands that are not above nor otherwise
disposed of, and as she lives in the State of New York, which
is at such a distance from this place, that it is impossible
any Improvent of it can be made to her advantage I would have
due care taken that said Land be such with respect ( ) which
makes up what I think she ought to have of my Estate.
6ly I give to my Grand- Children the Children of my
deceased Daughter Hannah who was the wife of Mr. William
Sargeant, Sixty acres of Land, to be taken out of my uplands,
that are not above, nor otherwise disposed of, and as this
Land must be divided among them it cannot be improved so much
to their advantage as I wish it might, I therefore think it
would be best for them that it might be sold and the proceeds
of the sale be divided among them, and for that Reason, I
would have the same care taken with regard to its quality and
Situation, as above directed with regard to the Land I have
given to my above named Daughter Tabitha Also that there be
paid them out of my Estate in money, the value of one of my
Silver Table Spoons, which with the Lands hereby given them
and what I gave their Mother at her Marriage makes up what I
think she ought to have of my Estate might she have lived to
receive it herself.
7ly I give to my Son Joseph my best Hat- To my Son
Richard my scarlet cloak & my Silver Stock Buckle- To my Son
Samuel my Silver Shoe Buckles and Silver Knee Buckles- And my
wearing Apparrel (except my Hat & Cloak above mentioned) I
give to my Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, to be
equally divided among them Also I give to them my above named
Sons my Books and Pamphlets to be divided equally between
them but with this caution, that my Largest Bible, shall be
in the Dividends of my Sons Richard and Samuel
8ly I give to my Sons Joseph Frye, Richard Frye,
Nathaniel Frye, Samuel Frye all the residue of my Lands in
the Town of Fryeburg aforesaid and in that Tract of Land that
lays adjoining to the northerly part of said Town commonly
called Fryeburg Addition (that is all that is my due in said
Town & said Addition not above nor otherwise disposed of) viz
all of it that is already laid out in said Town & Addition
(except as above excepted) and what is my due in the Common &
undivided Lands in both places, which shall be divided among
them in shares of as near equal value as possible, Saving
that the Lots of Land above given to my Sons Joseph &
Nathaniel shall be reckoned to them as part of their
Dividends thereof.
Now be it Known that in Consideration of what Estates in
Land and other Means I have heretofore given them my said
Sons Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel and Samuel, with what I have
given them in this Instrument, I think it Just, and
accordingly lay them under the following Injunctions viz
1ly That they pay all my just Debts (if any such shall
be left unpaid at my decease) in the payment whereof each one
of them shall pay one fourth part thereof.
2ly That Each one of my said Sons Shall bear one fourth
part of the Expence of the Interrment of my Body, which I
would have done in a Decent Christian like manner, without
any Military Parade (as has been proposed to me) on account
of the long time and many offices I Sustaind in the Service
of my Country in their former and latter Wars, the Saving the
expence whereof, I think will be better for the Families of
my Children than the Honr of it can be of Service to them or
me.
3ly That my said Sons shall be at Equal Expence for
decent grave stones to be set up at my own and their Mother's
grave- And as the place where their Mother is Interred is a
peice of land that was my own (but now belongs to my Sons
Richard & Samuel) and is now Fenced with a Rail Fence and
Designed by my self, and them the said Richard & Samuel for a
buring place of my Self and Family and the Families of my
Children that may die in this place I think it just that my
Sons the said Joseph, Richard, Nathaniel & Samuel be at Equal
Expence to fence it in with a Substantial Stone wall and take
Equal care to keep said wall in good repair and the ground a
clean piece of grass ground.
Lastly I Do hereby constitute and appoint my Sons Joseph
Frye, Nathaniel Frye and the Revd. William Fessenden jointly
and severally Executors of this my Last Will and Testament
and the Reason of my appointing them in manner as aforesaid
is to the End that in case of the removal of any one or two
them by Death or otherwise before the busness may be finished
that the Survivors or Survivor may be able to finish the
business of the trust hereby committed to them, and Save the
Expence of Administration ( ). And I do now declare this to
be my Last Will and Testament allowing it and no other to be
so. In Witness whereof I have hereunto Set my hand and Seal
the Seventh day of July Anno Domini one thousand Seven
hundred and ninety three and in the Sixteenth year of
American Independence.
Joseph Frye
Signed, Sealed and Declared by
the said Joseph Frye to be his
Last Will and Testament in
presence of us
Jonathan Dresser
Jonathan Dresser Junr.
Levi Dresser."
"An Inventory of the Estate of Joseph Frye late of
Fryeburg in the County of York, Esqr., deceased...
Personal Estate
A Beaver Hat 30/ two Brushes 9/. a black Handkf 3/ £ 2..2..-
Two full trimmed skirts 24/. two shirts 9/. three
Stocks 3/........................................... 1..16..-
A Velvet Coat 24/. a Broadcloth Coat 18/. a strait
Coat 10/............................................ 2..12..-
A Nankin Waistcoat 5/ a Waistcoat 2/ a loose Coat 5/ ..12..-
A pair of Leather Breeches 3/. a pair Leather
Gloves 1/. pair Linen gloves 1/..................... .. 5..-
A pair worsted Hose 5/, a pair of linen Hose 6/..... ..11..-
A pair of Cotton Hose 3/, a pair of linen Hose 3/... .. 6..-
A pair of linen Hose 1/6, two pair of Hose 2/....... .. 3..6
A broadcloth Cloak 60/. a pair of Silver Shoe
Buckles 9/.......................................... 3..9..-
A pair of Silver Knee Buckles 5/. a Silver Stock
Buckle 4/........................................... ..9..-
Table Linen 12/. 6 Pewter Plates 9/. two large
Pewter dishes 15/................................... 1..16..-
Seven Pewter dishes 35/ twenty two pewter plates 15/ 2..10..-
A Pewter Can 1/ 6 Ten Milk pans 9/ six Tin Tart
pans 4/............................................. ..14..-
Six Silver Table Spoons 42/. four Silver Tea
Spoons 8/........................................... 2..10..-
Tea Cups & Saucers 1/6 six Earthen plates 6/ a Tea
Pot 1/6............................................. ..9..-
Two brass Candlestickes 2/ Flat Irons 9/ a Tin
Candlestick 1/...................................... ..6..-
A Glass Canister 1/ a Glass Decanter 2/ six Wine
Glasses 3/.......................................... ..6..-
A brass skimmer 1/ a pair of Steel yards 3/......... ..4..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding, bolster
& pillows 60/....................................... 3..-..-
A Feather Bed under Bed Bedstead & bedding, bolster
& pillows with Curtains & Valance 48/............... 2..8..-
A Field Bed under Bed Bedstead Pillow & Blanket with
the headcloth and Valance 30/....................... 1..10..-
A Warming pan 9/ a Desk 36/ four Chests 40/ a small
Chest 3/............................................ 4..8..-
Two Tables 15/ three Chairs 6/ a Linen Wheel 9/
a Hascomb 12/....................................... 2..2..-
An Iron Kittle 15/ a Brass Kittle 6/ a Copper Tea
Kittle 3/........................................... 1..4..-
Andirons 3/ two pair of Tongs 8/ a fireslice 3/..... -..14..
Three Glass Bottles 1/ a Trammel 6/ Frying pan 5/
a spit 6/........................................... -..18..-
A pair of Snuffers 1/ Meat Tubs & dry Casks- Sixteen
20/................................................. 1..1..-
A Lamp 1/ a Coat Brush 1/ a Mortar & Pestle 12/..... -..14..-
A Catheter 18/...................................... -..18..-
A large Bible 10/ thirty five pamphlets 11/8 a Book
of maps 48/......................................... 3..9..8
Baileys Dictionary 10/ a military orderly Book in
Manuscript 10/...................................... 1..-..-
An old small Bible 1/6 a French Dictionary 10/...... 11..6..-
Bland's Exercise 3/ The true born English man 3/
Bacon's Essays 6/................................... -..12..-
Paradise regained 4/ a Psalm Book 1/6 a Military
Book /4............................................. -..5..10
A French Book 2/ British Remembrances 1/6 a Book
on cookery 1/6...................................... -..5..-
Notes of hand to the amount of £28..11..1..2.... 28..11..1..2
A curious French Pipe 6/ an Ink stand 1/ a Wafer
box & seal 12/...................................... -..19..-
Two sand boxes 1/ a Tobacco box 3/.................. -..4..-
One Yard & almost an half of Gold Lace 12/.......... -..12..-
A Razor & case 2/ a Hone 1/6........................ -..3..6
_________
76..11.1.2
Real Estate
Eight common & undivided Rights in the Township
of Fryeburg @ 9£ each............................... 72..-..-
Four hundred & fifty acres of third division Lands
laying in Fryeburg Addition @ 9/ pr acre.......... 202..10..-
A first Division Upland Lot No 39 containing forty
five acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco
River @ 12/ pr acre................................. 27..-..-
A first Division Upland Lot No. 50 containing forty
acres of qualified Land laying south of Saco River
@ 12/ pr acre...................................... 42..12..-
A Second Division Upland Lot No. 15 containing Sixty
four acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco
River @ 12/ pr acre................................. 38..8..-
A first Division Intervale Lot No.38 containing twenty
one Acres of qualified Land, laying south of Saco
River @ 18/ pr acre................................ 18..18..-
A Second Division Intervale Lot No.14 containing
forty eight acres of qualified Land, laying south
of Saco River @ 22/ pr acre........................ 52..16..-
Part of a third Division laying south of Saco River
Eighty one acres @ 12/ pr acre..................... 48..12..-
Part of a third Division of Upland laying South of
Saco River- forty eight acres @ 12/ pr acre........ 28..16..-
__________
Total 632..3..1..2
Fryeburg Novr 18th 1794
Simon Frye
Jonathan Dresser Junr. Appraisers
Benjamin Wiley"
"The following is an Assignment by the Executors of
Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, of the several parcels of Land
bequeathed by the said deceased to his Daughters & their
Heirs, in compliance to his last Will & Testament...
Bounds of the Land assigned to Mehitabel Chase Daughter
of said deceased... being the southwardly part of third
Division No. 21 & contains thirty acres
Bounds of the Land Assigned to the Heirs of Hannah
Sargent, Daughter of said deceased... being the whole of
first Division Upland Lot No.50 & the Northwardly part of
third Division No.21 and contains sixty acres.
Bounds of the Land Assigned to Tabitha Pettingill
Daughter of said deceased...being the whole of third Division
No.20 and a tract of Land laid to complete the eight Rights
late the property of Joseph Frye Esqr. third & fourth
Divisions & in lieu of Land taken off for Roads And contains
one hundred acres.
Fryeburg June 9th, 1796
William Fessenden
Nathaniel Frye, Executors"
"The undersigned, three of us Sons & Legatees and the
other an attorney or agent for Joseph Frye an absent Son &
Legatee, of Joseph Frye Esqr. deceased, do hereby mutually
agree upon a division of such part of said deceaseds real
Estate as is devised to us in his, the said deceaseds last
Will & Testament, in the following Manner, viz.-
Joseph Frye to have the following pieces or parcels of
Land as his part of what was devised to him.
Second division Upland Lot No.15 laying south of Saco River,
reckoned at........................................ 80..0..0
One hundred & thirty six acres of third division Land, to lay
from the state line the length of said 3d division line, on
the line between Bradley & Eastman & Fryeburg Addition, &
such a width as that a parallel line with the line last
mentiond will complete the one hundred & thirty six acres
reckoned at....................................... 204..0..0
One hundred & Ninety four Acres three Rood & sixteen perch of
Fourth division Land, to be taken off the southwardly part of
a tract of Land laid out to the original Rights of Joseph
Frye Esqr. as fourth division Land, and laying upon the state
line, and two common & undivided Rights Reckond at.. 60..0..0
__________
344..-..-
Richard Frye & Samuel Frye, to have the following peices
or parcels of Land, as their part of what was devised to
them-
Second division Upland Lot No.14 laying south of Saco River,
reckoned at........................................ 128..0..0
they paying their Brother Nathaniel Frye thirty one Dollars
Two hundred & Ninety acres & thrity two perch of third
division Land, bounded Westwardly by the line of a piece of
Land herein after assigned to Nathaniel Frye, and from the
southeastwardly corner of said Nathaniels Land, upon Mr.
Isaac Abbots Land to... Joseph Fryes one hundred & thirty six
acres... reckoned at............................... 471..0..0
Two hundred acres of fourth division Land, bounded by Bradley
& Eastman's line Northerly by great Keezer Pond Eastwardly,
by Col. Pages Land Southerly, & by their own & Joseph Fryes
third division Land Westerly- Two hundred & thirteen acres,
two roods & three perch of fourth division Land laying on the
state line, and is the Northerly part of the fourth division
Land, laid to the original Rights of Joseph Frye Esqr. &
adjoins to the one hundred & ninety four acres, three Roods &
sixteen perch, above assigned to Joseph Frye, & four common &
undivided Rights Reckoned at....................... 120..0..0
_________
719..0..0
Nathaniel Frye to have the following pieces or parcels
of land as his part of what was devised to him
First division Upland Lot No. 39 laying south of Saco River
Reckoned at........................................ 80..
First division Intervale Lot No. 38 laying south of Saco
River, Reckoned at................................. 63..
Second division Intervale Lot No. 16 laying south of Saco
River, Reckoned at................................. 110..
Twenty three acres three Roods & eight perch of third
division Land, bounded Westwardly by the state line, then
from the state line Eastwardly by Joseph Frye's Land for as
may be necessary to give twenty three Acres, three Roods &
eight perch by a line running parallel with the state line
from Joseph Frye's line to Isaac Abbots line-
One hundred & seventy one acres & eight perch of fourth
division Land laying in McNeal turn (so called) and two
common & undivided Rights, and to Receive thirty one Dollars
from his Brothers Richard & Samuel, Reckoned at..... 91.
________
344..0.0
Fryeburg December 24 1796
Benjamin Wiley for & in behalf of Joseph Frye
Richard Frye
Nathaniel Frye
Attest John Farington, Samuel Frye
Robert Wiley"(125)
The Eastern Herald of Portland published Joseph's
obituary on 2 Aug. 1794: "On Friday, the 25th inst. departed
this life, and on the Lords day afternoon following, was
decently and honourablly interred General JOSEPH FRYE, in the
83d year of his age.- In early life he was called upon to
engage in the defence of his country, passed through several
military grades, in all which he discovered a genius
commanding applause. In his last sickness, which consisted
of a complication of disorders, he endured great bodily
pains, which he bore with true Christian fortitude. He gave
the fullest testimony of his firm and unshaken belief to the
truth of the Christian religion; and his dying request, to
his children, was, to live in Christian Love and Friendship,
and yield a strict obedience to the precepts of the
gospel."(126)
Issue- all children born in Andover, MA (see Andover &
Fryeburg V.R.)