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Prime Minister's Statement to Parliament
[04 October 2001]
The Prime Minister has made a statement to Parliament concerning the terrorist attacks in the US.
The following is the transcript of the Prime Minister's statement.
I am grateful to you for recalling Parliament on a second occasion so that the House can consider developments since it last met.
Then the scale of 11 September tragedy was still unclear. Even today we do not yet know the precise numbers of those feared dead. But a bleak picture has emerged: there are up to 7,000 feared dead, including many British victims and others from 70 different countries. Many were Muslims. It cannot be said too often: this atrocity appalled decent Muslims everywhere and is wholly contrary to the true teaching of Islam. And we condemn unreservedly racist attacks on British Muslims here, most recently at an Edinburgh Mosque.
These acts are without any justification whatever and the full force of the law will be used against those who do them.
I pay tribute again to all those in America who have been involved in dealing with the human consequences of the attacks. The rescue services and medical workers who worked tirelessly and with devotion in the most harrowing conditions imaginable. I pay tribute to our own consular staff in New York and London and the family counsellors and Metropolitan Police officers who have supported relatives of the victims. And, above all, to the relatives themselves. Those I met in New York, still uncertain finally of the fate of their loved ones, bore their grief with immense dignity which deserves the admiration of us all.
Since 11 September intensive efforts have taken place here and elsewhere to investigate these attacks and determine who is responsible. Our findings have been shared and co-ordinated with those of our allies, and are clear.
They are:

First, it was Usama Bin Laden and Al Qaida, the terrorist network which he heads, that planned and carried out the atrocities on 11 September; Second, that Usama Bin Laden and Al Qaida were able to commit these atrocities because of their close alliance with the Taleban regime in Afghanistan which allows them to operate with impunity in pursuing their terrorist activity. I will later today put in the Library of the House of Commons a document detailing the basis for our conclusions. The document covers the history of Usama Bin Laden, his relations with the Taleban, what we know of the acts of terror he has committed; and some of what we know in respect of 11 September. I enter a major caveat, much of the evidence we have is intelligence and highly sensitive. It is not possible without compromising people or security to release precise details and fresh information is daily coming in. But I hope the House will find it useful at least as an interim assessment. The Leader of the Opposition and the Leader of the Liberal Democrats have seen the full basis for the document on Privy Council terms. For myself and all other Government Ministers who have studied the full information, we have absolutely no doubt that Bin Laden and his network are responsible for the attacks on 11 September. That was also the unanimous view of the NATO members who were taken through the full facts on 2 October. Much more of the evidence in respect of earlier atrocities can be released in greater detail since it is already subject to court proceedings; and this in itself is powerful.
Indeed, there is nothing hidden about Bin Laden�s agenda. He openly espouses the language of terror; has described terrorising Americans as "a religious and logical obligation"; and in February 1998 signed a fatwa stating that "the killing of Americans and their civilian and military allies is a religious duty".
As our document shows, he has been responsible for a number of terrorist outrages over the past decade.
The attack in 1993 on US military personnel serving in Somalia � 18 US military personnel killed.
In 1998, the bombings of the US Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. 224 people killed and over 4500 injured. Attempted bombings in Jordan and Los Angeles at the turn of the millennium, thankfully thwarted.
The attack on the USS Cole nearly a year ago which left 17 crew members killed and 40 injured. The attacks on 11 September bear all the hallmarks of a Bin Laden operation: meticulous long-term planning; a desire to inflict mass casualties; a total disregard for civilian lives (including Muslims); multiple simultaneous attacks; and the use of suicide attackers.
I can now confirm that of the 19 hijackers identified from the passenger lists of the four planes hijacked on 11 September, at least three of these hijackers have already been positively identified as known associates of Bin Laden, with a track record in his camps and organisation. The others are being investigated still.
Of the three, one has also been identified as playing key roles in both the East African Embassy attacks and the USS Cole attack.
Since the attacks, we have obtained the following intelligence: shortly before 11 September, Bin Laden told associates that he had a major operation against America under preparation; a range of people were warned to return to Afghanistan because of action on or around 11 September; and most importantly, one of Bin Laden�s closest lieutenants has said clearly that he helped with the planning of the 11 September attacks and has admitted the involvement of the Al Qaida organisation. There is other intelligence we cannot disclose of an even more direct nature indicating guilt.
The closeness of Bin Laden�s relationship with the Taleban is also plain. He provides the Taleban with troops, arms and money to fight the Northern Alliance. He is closely involved with the Taleban�s military training, planning and operations. He has representatives in the Taleban�s military command structure. Forces under the control of Usama Bin Laden have fought alongside the Taleban in the civil war in Afghanistan.
The Taleban regime, for its part, has provided Bin Laden with a safe haven within which to operate, and allowed him to establish terrorist training camps. They jointly exploit the Afghan drugs trade. In return for active Al Qaida support the Taleban allow Al Qaida to operate freely, including planning, training and preparing for terrorist activity. In addition they provide security for the stockpiles of drugs.
Mr Speaker, in the face of this evidence, our immediate objectives are clear. We must bring Bin Laden and other Al Qaida leaders to justice and eliminate the terrorist threat they pose. And we must ensure that Afghanistan ceases to harbour and sustain international terrorism. If the Taleban regime will not comply with that objective, we must bring about change in that regime to ensure that Afghanistan�s links to international terrorism are broken.
Since the House last met, we have been working ceaselessly on the diplomatic, humanitarian and military fronts.
I can confirm that we have had initial discussions with the US about a range of military capabilities with which Britain can help and have already responded positively to this. We will consider carefully any further requests and keep the House informed as appropriate, about such requests. For obvious reasons I cannot disclose the exact nature of our discussions. But I am fully satisfied they are consistent with our shared objectives.
I believe the humanitarian coalition to help the people of Afghanistan to be as vital as any military action itself.
Afghanistan was in the grip of a humanitarian crisis even before the events of 11 September. Four years of drought, on top of over two decades of conflict, have forced millions of people to leave the country; and have left millions more dependent on international humanitarian aid.
Last week the United Nations launched an appeal for $584 million to meet the needs of vulnerable people in and around Afghanistan. The appeal covers the next six months.
The international community has already pledged sufficient funds to meet the most immediate needs. The British Government has contributed �25 million, nearly all of which has already been allocated to UN and other agencies. We have also made available a further �11 million for support for the poorest communities in Pakistan, especially those most directly affected by the influx of refugees.
I know President Bush will shortly announce details of a major US programme of aid.
I have been in detailed consultation with the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Ruud Lubbers and other leaders. Kofi Annan has now appointed Lakhdar Brahimi to be his high level coordinator for the humanitarian effort in and around Afghanistan. We will give Mr Brahimi all the support we can, to help ensure that the UN and the whole of the international community comes together to meet the humanitarian challenge.
Action is already in hand to cope with additional outflows of refugees. UNHCR are working with the governments of the region to identify sites for additional refugee camps. The first UNHCR flight of relief supplies, including tents donated by the British Government, arrived in Iran yesterday. A second flight will depart at the end of this week, carrying more tents, plastic sheeting and tarpaulins, so that we can provide essential shelter for refugees.
We are also stepping up the effort to get food into Afghanistan, before the winter snows begin. A UNICEF convoy carrying blankets and other supplies left Peshawar for Kabul on Tuesday. A World Food Programme convoy carrying over 200 tonnes of wheat arrived in Kabul on Monday. Further WFP convoys have left for Afghanistan from Pakistan and Turkmenistan.
We will do what we can to minimise the suffering of the Afghan people as a result of the conflict; and we commit ourselves to work with them afterwards inside and outside Afghanistan to ensure a better, more peaceful future free from the repression and dictatorship that is their present existence.
On the diplomatic front, over the past three weeks the Foreign Secretary and I have been in intensive contact with foreign leaders from every part of the world. In addition, the Foreign Secretary has visited the Middle East and Iran. I have visited Berlin, Paris and Washington for consultations with Chancellor Schroeder, President Chirac and President Bush respectively. Later today I will travel to Moscow to meet with President Putin.
What we have encountered is an unprecedented level of solidarity and commitment to work together against terrorism. This is a commitment that spans all continents, cultures and religions, reinforced by attacks like the one on the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in Srinagar which killed over 30 innocent people.
We have already made good progress in taking forward an international agenda. Last week the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 1373. This makes it mandatory for all states to prevent and suppress terrorist financing and requires the denial of safe haven to who finance, plan, support or commit terrorist acts.
The European Union too has taken firm action. Transport, interior, finance and foreign ministers have all met to concert an ambitious and effective European response: enhancing police co-operation; speeding up extradition; putting an end to the funding of terrorism; and strengthening air security.
We are also looking closely at our national legislation. In the next few weeks, the Home Secretary intends to introduce a package of legislation to supplement existing legal powers in a number of areas. It will be a carefully-appraised set of measures: tough, but balanced and proportionate to the risk we face. It will cover the funding of terrorism. It will increase our ability to exclude and remove those whom we suspect of terrorism and who are seeking to abuse our asylum procedures. It will widen the law on incitement to include religious hatred. We will bring forward a bill to modernise our extradition law.
It will not be a knee-jerk reaction. But I emphasise we do need to strengthen our laws so that, even if necessary only in a small number of cases, we have the means to protect our citizens� liberty and our national security.
We have also ensured, insofar as is possible, that every reasonable measure of internal security is being undertaken. We have in place a series of contingency plans, governing all forms of terrorism. These plans are continually reviewed and tested regularly and at all levels. In addition, we continue to monitor carefully developments in the British and International economy. Certain sectors here and around the world have inevitably been seriously affected, though I repeat the fundamentals of all the major economies, including our own, remain strong. The reduction of risk from terrorist mass action is important also to economic confidence as 11 September shows. So there is every incentive in this respect also, to close down the Bin Laden network.
Mr Speaker, three weeks on from the most appalling act of terrorism the world has ever witnessed.
The coalition is strong. Military plans are robust. The humanitarian plans are falling into place.
And the evidence against Bin Laden and his network is overwhelming. The Afghan people are not our enemy. For they have our sympathy and they will have our support.
Our enemy is Usama Bin Laden and the Al Qaida network who were responsible for the events of 11 September. The Taleban regime must yield them up or become our enemy also. We will not act for revenge. We will act because for the protection of our people and our way of life, including confidence in our economy, we need to eliminate the threat Bin Laden and his terrorism represent. We act for justice. We act with world opinion behind us. And we have an absolute determination to see justice done, and this evil of mass terrorism confronted and defeated.
Hosted by www.Geocities.ws

[04 October 2001]
The Prime Minister has made a statement to Parliament concerning the terrorist attacks in the US.
The following is the transcript of the Prime Minister's statement.
I am grateful to you for recalling Parliament on a second occasion so that the House can consider developments since it last met.
Then the scale of 11 September tragedy was still unclear. Even today we do not yet know the precise numbers of those feared dead. But a bleak picture has emerged: there are up to 7,000 feared dead, including many British victims and others from 70 different countries. Many were Muslims. It cannot be said too often: this atrocity appalled decent Muslims everywhere and is wholly contrary to the true teaching of Islam. And we condemn unreservedly racist attacks on British Muslims here, most recently at an Edinburgh Mosque.
These acts are without any justification whatever and the full force of the law will be used against those who do them.
I pay tribute again to all those in America who have been involved in dealing with the human consequences of the attacks. The rescue services and medical workers who worked tirelessly and with devotion in the most harrowing conditions imaginable. I pay tribute to our own consular staff in New York and London and the family counsellors and Metropolitan Police officers who have supported relatives of the victims. And, above all, to the relatives themselves. Those I met in New York, still uncertain finally of the fate of their loved ones, bore their grief with immense dignity which deserves the admiration of us all.
Since 11 September intensive efforts have taken place here and elsewhere to investigate these attacks and determine who is responsible. Our findings have been shared and co-ordinated with those of our allies, and are clear.
They are:

First, it was Usama Bin Laden and Al Qaida, the terrorist network which he heads, that planned and carried out the atrocities on 11 September; Second, that Usama Bin Laden and Al Qaida were able to commit these atrocities because of their close alliance with the Taleban regime in Afghanistan which allows them to operate with impunity in pursuing their terrorist activity. I will later today put in the Library of the House of Commons a document detailing the basis for our conclusions. The document covers the history of Usama Bin Laden, his relations with the Taleban, what we know of the acts of terror he has committed; and some of what we know in respect of 11 September. I enter a major caveat, much of the evidence we have is intelligence and highly sensitive. It is not possible without compromising people or security to release precise details and fresh information is daily coming in. But I hope the House will find it useful at least as an interim assessment. The Leader of the Opposition and the Leader of the Liberal Democrats have seen the full basis for the document on Privy Council terms. For myself and all other Government Ministers who have studied the full information, we have absolutely no doubt that Bin Laden and his network are responsible for the attacks on 11 September. That was also the unanimous view of the NATO members who were taken through the full facts on 2 October. Much more of the evidence in respect of earlier atrocities can be released in greater detail since it is already subject to court proceedings; and this in itself is powerful.
Indeed, there is nothing hidden about Bin Laden�s agenda. He openly espouses the language of terror; has described terrorising Americans as "a religious and logical obligation"; and in February 1998 signed a fatwa stating that "the killing of Americans and their civilian and military allies is a religious duty".
As our document shows, he has been responsible for a number of terrorist outrages over the past decade.
The attack in 1993 on US military personnel serving in Somalia � 18 US military personnel killed.
In 1998, the bombings of the US Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. 224 people killed and over 4500 injured. Attempted bombings in Jordan and Los Angeles at the turn of the millennium, thankfully thwarted.
The attack on the USS Cole nearly a year ago which left 17 crew members killed and 40 injured. The attacks on 11 September bear all the hallmarks of a Bin Laden operation: meticulous long-term planning; a desire to inflict mass casualties; a total disregard for civilian lives (including Muslims); multiple simultaneous attacks; and the use of suicide attackers.
I can now confirm that of the 19 hijackers identified from the passenger lists of the four planes hijacked on 11 September, at least three of these hijackers have already been positively identified as known associates of Bin Laden, with a track record in his camps and organisation. The others are being investigated still.
Of the three, one has also been identified as playing key roles in both the East African Embassy attacks and the USS Cole attack.
Since the attacks, we have obtained the following intelligence: shortly before 11 September, Bin Laden told associates that he had a major operation against America under preparation; a range of people were warned to return to Afghanistan because of action on or around 11 September; and most importantly, one of Bin Laden�s closest lieutenants has said clearly that he helped with the planning of the 11 September attacks and has admitted the involvement of the Al Qaida organisation. There is other intelligence we cannot disclose of an even more direct nature indicating guilt.
The closeness of Bin Laden�s relationship with the Taleban is also plain. He provides the Taleban with troops, arms and money to fight the Northern Alliance. He is closely involved with the Taleban�s military training, planning and operations. He has representatives in the Taleban�s military command structure. Forces under the control of Usama Bin Laden have fought alongside the Taleban in the civil war in Afghanistan.
The Taleban regime, for its part, has provided Bin Laden with a safe haven within which to operate, and allowed him to establish terrorist training camps. They jointly exploit the Afghan drugs trade. In return for active Al Qaida support the Taleban allow Al Qaida to operate freely, including planning, training and preparing for terrorist activity. In addition they provide security for the stockpiles of drugs.
Mr Speaker, in the face of this evidence, our immediate objectives are clear. We must bring Bin Laden and other Al Qaida leaders to justice and eliminate the terrorist threat they pose. And we must ensure that Afghanistan ceases to harbour and sustain international terrorism. If the Taleban regime will not comply with that objective, we must bring about change in that regime to ensure that Afghanistan�s links to international terrorism are broken.
Since the House last met, we have been working ceaselessly on the diplomatic, humanitarian and military fronts.
I can confirm that we have had initial discussions with the US about a range of military capabilities with which Britain can help and have already responded positively to this. We will consider carefully any further requests and keep the House informed as appropriate, about such requests. For obvious reasons I cannot disclose the exact nature of our discussions. But I am fully satisfied they are consistent with our shared objectives.
I believe the humanitarian coalition to help the people of Afghanistan to be as vital as any military action itself.
Afghanistan was in the grip of a humanitarian crisis even before the events of 11 September. Four years of drought, on top of over two decades of conflict, have forced millions of people to leave the country; and have left millions more dependent on international humanitarian aid.
Last week the United Nations launched an appeal for $584 million to meet the needs of vulnerable people in and around Afghanistan. The appeal covers the next six months.
The international community has already pledged sufficient funds to meet the most immediate needs. The British Government has contributed �25 million, nearly all of which has already been allocated to UN and other agencies. We have also made available a further �11 million for support for the poorest communities in Pakistan, especially those most directly affected by the influx of refugees.
I know President Bush will shortly announce details of a major US programme of aid.
I have been in detailed consultation with the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Ruud Lubbers and other leaders. Kofi Annan has now appointed Lakhdar Brahimi to be his high level coordinator for the humanitarian effort in and around Afghanistan. We will give Mr Brahimi all the support we can, to help ensure that the UN and the whole of the international community comes together to meet the humanitarian challenge.
Action is already in hand to cope with additional outflows of refugees. UNHCR are working with the governments of the region to identify sites for additional refugee camps. The first UNHCR flight of relief supplies, including tents donated by the British Government, arrived in Iran yesterday. A second flight will depart at the end of this week, carrying more tents, plastic sheeting and tarpaulins, so that we can provide essential shelter for refugees.
We are also stepping up the effort to get food into Afghanistan, before the winter snows begin. A UNICEF convoy carrying blankets and other supplies left Peshawar for Kabul on Tuesday. A World Food Programme convoy carrying over 200 tonnes of wheat arrived in Kabul on Monday. Further WFP convoys have left for Afghanistan from Pakistan and Turkmenistan.
We will do what we can to minimise the suffering of the Afghan people as a result of the conflict; and we commit ourselves to work with them afterwards inside and outside Afghanistan to ensure a better, more peaceful future free from the repression and dictatorship that is their present existence.
On the diplomatic front, over the past three weeks the Foreign Secretary and I have been in intensive contact with foreign leaders from every part of the world. In addition, the Foreign Secretary has visited the Middle East and Iran. I have visited Berlin, Paris and Washington for consultations with Chancellor Schroeder, President Chirac and President Bush respectively. Later today I will travel to Moscow to meet with President Putin.
What we have encountered is an unprecedented level of solidarity and commitment to work together against terrorism. This is a commitment that spans all continents, cultures and religions, reinforced by attacks like the one on the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in Srinagar which killed over 30 innocent people.
We have already made good progress in taking forward an international agenda. Last week the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 1373. This makes it mandatory for all states to prevent and suppress terrorist financing and requires the denial of safe haven to who finance, plan, support or commit terrorist acts.
The European Union too has taken firm action. Transport, interior, finance and foreign ministers have all met to concert an ambitious and effective European response: enhancing police co-operation; speeding up extradition; putting an end to the funding of terrorism; and strengthening air security.
We are also looking closely at our national legislation. In the next few weeks, the Home Secretary intends to introduce a package of legislation to supplement existing legal powers in a number of areas. It will be a carefully-appraised set of measures: tough, but balanced and proportionate to the risk we face. It will cover the funding of terrorism. It will increase our ability to exclude and remove those whom we suspect of terrorism and who are seeking to abuse our asylum procedures. It will widen the law on incitement to include religious hatred. We will bring forward a bill to modernise our extradition law.
It will not be a knee-jerk reaction. But I emphasise we do need to strengthen our laws so that, even if necessary only in a small number of cases, we have the means to protect our citizens� liberty and our national security.
We have also ensured, insofar as is possible, that every reasonable measure of internal security is being undertaken. We have in place a series of contingency plans, governing all forms of terrorism. These plans are continually reviewed and tested regularly and at all levels. In addition, we continue to monitor carefully developments in the British and International economy. Certain sectors here and around the world have inevitably been seriously affected, though I repeat the fundamentals of all the major economies, including our own, remain strong. The reduction of risk from terrorist mass action is important also to economic confidence as 11 September shows. So there is every incentive in this respect also, to close down the Bin Laden network.
Mr Speaker, three weeks on from the most appalling act of terrorism the world has ever witnessed.
The coalition is strong. Military plans are robust. The humanitarian plans are falling into place.
And the evidence against Bin Laden and his network is overwhelming. The Afghan people are not our enemy. For they have our sympathy and they will have our support.
Our enemy is Usama Bin Laden and the Al Qaida network who were responsible for the events of 11 September. The Taleban regime must yield them up or become our enemy also. We will not act for revenge. We will act because for the protection of our people and our way of life, including confidence in our economy, we need to eliminate the threat Bin Laden and his terrorism represent. We act for justice. We act with world opinion behind us. And we have an absolute determination to see justice done, and this evil of mass terrorism confronted and defeated.

THE UNITED KINGDOM IN INDIA
PRIME MINISTER TONY BLAIR WELCOMES INDIA'S STRONG STAND AGAINST TERRORISM

New Delhi 6 October 2001
(Following is transcript of the statement made by Prime Minister, Tony Blair, at his meeting with Prime Minister, Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee, in New Delhi on 6.10.2001.)
Thank you very much Mr Prime Minister and can I begin by thanking you for welcoming me here today. You mentioned rightly that this visit is only of a few hours duration and that I remain under an obligation to come back for a more extended visit. Its an obligation I am happy to accept today and I know we are trying to arrange a date in the near future when that more extended visit can take place.
I would also like to thank you Sir and to thank your Government for the very strong stand you have taken right from the outset as part of the growing and strengthening coalition against terrorism in all its forms and if I can repeat and say what I said in the British Parliament a couple of days ago "we extend our deepest sympathies to the families of those who were victims of the terrorist outrage in Srinagar. Such outrages have no place in any civilised society and those that perpetrate them should be brought to justice.
Mr Prime Minister can I also say that I agree whole heartedly with you again in what you said about the need for Afghanistan to have a stable government that represents a broad base of all ethnic groupings within that country. And I think we can see very clearly that it is essential that we take action to bring to account those who perpetrated the events of the 11th of September and that we do so in a way that achieves two very clear objectives:

First, that they are brought to justice and those terrorist camps and their terrorist network is shutdown. And secondly, that we do it in a way that is proportionate and targeted and makes full allowance for the humanitarian consequences of the situation in Afghanistan.
Now that humanitarian situation did not begin after the 11th of September. Even before then there were very large numbers of refugees, a very serious situation and of course the people of Afghanistan are themselves victims of the Taliban regime. But I think it is a duty upon us, which we as Britain accept very clearly to make proper humanitarian conditions also for people in that region.
And so, can I thank you once again for welcoming me here today and can I repeat something you said just a moment or two ago. The relations between Britain and India are vibrant and strong. We see them as strengthening still further. We value enormously our relationship, with yourself, with the Indian Government, with the Indian people. I've no doubt at all that on the basis of this very brief visit, that on my returning at a later time for a more extended visit to your country those relations can be strengthened still further. Thank you.
This was followed by a few questions:

Q Andrew Marr, BBC: Could I ask British Prime Minister. He has talked about the trap around the Taliban regime. Now that's in place. What hopes does he have that the regime will start to crumble and collapse from inside without a very major military action?
A Tony Blair: Well of course I don't want to comment on the possible nature of any such military action, but the truth is we simply do not know at the present time exactly what will happen and the consequences of it, on the speed with which the Taliban regime will face the consequences of the actions that they've taken. What we do know is that now as we speak today, many days after the 11th of September the Taliban regime has totally failed to consider or indeed respond in any proper way to the ultimatum that was given very clearly by President Bush to them. That they either yield up Bin Laden, his associates and close down those terror camps or they become the enemy themselves because they are harbouring the people that carried out the 11th of September outrage. So we've prepared people for this action taking time because it must continue until the objectives are met. I don't think it will be sensible to try and put some time span on it for the present time. But I do repeat to you our complete determination to make sure that it is successful. We cannot allow these people to carry on doing what they have done on the 11th of September. And so we will continue the action until its effective, until it achieves the objectives that we have set out.
Q Mohan Narayan, PTI: Pakistan is seen in this region as a focal point of terrorism. Don't you see any inherent contradiction in seeking a role for it in the international coalition? Do you think Pakistan can deliver given its record?
A Tony Blair: I think its important to realise that our focus is upon dealing with the situation in Afghanistan and closing down Bin Laden's camps and his terrorist networks. But we've made it absolutely clear, as indeed I said in the British Parliament what our attitude is to terrorism of all kinds. I hope very much that we can work to ensure that there is stability in this region, that it has to be based on proper respect to the rule of law and civilised values.
Q John Smith, Press Association: May I ask the British Prime Minister,what role do you see specifically for India in the international coalition. You have spoken of building up in the last few days in terms of a humanitarian, diplomatic and military response to the events of September 11th?
A Tony Blair: India is immensely an important power in the world. Its force and the speed of the response of the government was hugely important both in its own terms and as a symbol of the international community's outrage at the 11th of September and its determination to act. The Indian government has made it clear what help it can offer and we've been immensely grateful for that and I think it is worth just pointing out that as far as India is concerned, obviously one of the first countries in the world the people looked to for a strong response was India. The fact that it was forthcoming has evoked gratitude I think right around the world. Because India coming with that very strong position right at the outset was of an enormous benefit and help to us and I know it was hugely appreciated in the United States of America.
Q Arnab Goswani, Star News: For Prime Minister Vajpayee: Whether he is concerned that the approach to tackling this problem, as of now, seems to be that of taking Afghanistan and the Taliban issue and tracking down the perpetrators of the terrorist attacks of September the 11th in isolation at least for the moment? Whether the Indian government is concerned about that?
A Prime Minister, Vajpayee: No I am not in favour of taking this issue in isolation. We are fighting a global war, and there has to be a global solution.
For further information please contact
Press & Public Affairs,
British High Commission,
Chanakyapuri, New Delhi 110021

TRANSCRIPT OF JOINT PRESS CONFERENCE BETWEEN
THE PRIME MINISTER, MR TONY BLAIR, AND PRESIDENT PUTIN IN MOSCOW
ON THURSDAY, 4 OCTOBER 2001

PRESIDENT PUTIN

Good evening ladies and gentlemen. We would like to briefly inform you on the results of our meeting. First of all I would like to thank very much the Prime Minister for his quick reaction and agreement to come to Moscow after the well known events of 11 September. We consider our continued contacts today as a follow-on to our contacts with the United States, with the European Community, the European Union, and Central Asian countries. All those who have decided that they will be on the side of fighting terrorism all over the world. And the fact that we have been able so expeditiously to communicate and meet once again proves a higher level of relations between the UK and Russia.
We have followed very carefully the recent developments in the United Kingdom, the positions that have been taken by the Prime Minister, and we believe that we can provide wholehearted support to those positions. Certainly we have touched on some of the issues of a bilateral nature. We will continue those discussions later during the night and those relate both to the economy and other bilateral issues. But again, I would like to repeat that the tone of our discussion and the relations that we have established have been such as to make me sure that the level of our relations will make it possible for us to address the most acute issues of today and first of all the problem of combating terrorism.
PRIME MINISTER

First of all can I express my thanks to President Putin for inviting me here and for seeing me so swiftly after the telephone conversation we had a few days ago. We have now met many times together, and even before 11 September there was a clear strengthening of relations between our two countries and also I believe between Russia and Europe and Russia and the United States of America.
The events of 11 September have given us a renewed sense of urgency. I would like to pay tribute to the strength and leadership of President Putin at this time and I believe that in part that is due to the experience of people here in Russia of the dangers of terrorism, not least the appalling terrorist act of 1999 in which several hundred people lost their lives, many here in Moscow. And the fact that Russia has shown its solidarity with the victims of 11 September is a sort of tremendous support, and indeed comfort at this time. But it is very much part of a changing set of relationships that is putting relations between Russia and Europe, Russia and the United States, Russia and Britain on a new footing for a new age. Today certainly we meet as two countries, not talking to each other out of necessity but working through problems in the spirit of friends and true partners. And for that I thank President Putin again for his leadership and the Russian people.
QUESTION

President Putin, at one of your previous meetings with Mr Blair in St Petersburg you spoke at great length about the danger of Islamist terrorism. I wonder if, with dreadful hindsight you think that perhaps the West were rather negligent in taking your warning seriously and whether in particular you have any independent contribution to make to the evidence still disputed by many that Osama bin Laden was actually responsible for the attacks on America.
PRESIDENT PUTIN

These are the sorts of things that we discussed with the Prime Minister during our first meeting in St Petersburg. I don�t believe that western leaders paid no heed or were indifferent to what I was saying. Well indeed it is probably nice to believe sometimes that a grief that has visited your neighbour may bypass you. And one wouldn�t want to think that this threat is of a global nature. And you are right, it is exactly these words that I told to America. I believe that the United Kingdom cannot be blamed or rebuked of such an approach. I am not saying this because Prime Minister Blair is my personal guest today. I am saying this because he was one of the leaders with Mr Schroeder who were very instrumental in making the adages of the western world thought Russia more benign. And it is because of the efforts of these two leaders, and not theirs alone, that the West has received in Russia a reliable partner that it can deal with, co-operate in countering the common threat. We know that there have been some temporary ups and downs in the Western economy, but I believe that given our albeit limited resources we can, and should, co-operate bilaterally with the Western countries and all those who want to co-operate with us.
As to the Russian approach and contribution to the common efforts of countries to fight terrorism, this was made public by me a few days ago in terms of our approach and our contribution. And this may lead to neutralise the most odious international terrorists. We don�t rule that out. As I said we can extend our co-operation in areas in excess and above those that I mentioned in my public statement, but this will certainly be dependent on the attitudes and position of other countries.
QUESTION (in Russian)

Now it is clear that the concerns expressed today and the actions that may be taken might result perhaps in further suffering of the people in Afghanistan. How can you respond to that?
PRIME MINISTER

First of all, I think it is important to recognise that we have to take action against those responsible for these terrorist atrocities, but in doing so we do not seek in any way to act against the Afghan people. On the contrary, it is important that as well as any action that is taken in respect of bin Laden or the Taliban regime that shelter him, we put together a humanitarian coalition also, to give help on the humanitarian side so that the suffering of the people is minimised and so that those that are refugees are taken care of and given shelter.
PRESIDENT PUTIN

First of all to the question whether the anti-terrorist coalition actions are going to be effective. We will be able to see that when such actions become a reality. At that time we will be able to make a judgement on whether they are effective or not. But there is one thing that I have no doubt about, they can be effective indeed. The foremost condition for that is the uniting of efforts of many countries in this endeavour and their willingness to work and combat this problem for a long time. As to the possible suffering of people that may occur as a result of those operations, this is something that we should certainly reckon with. But in saying so, I would like to draw your attention to a number of circumstances.
First, the Afghan people is already suffering under the yoke of the terrorist regime that has been imposed on it over the course of recent years. It is already suffering. Our principal goal is to rid the Afghan people of this suffering. It is clear that the terrorists have made the Afghanis hostages of their objectives. And those who will be engaged in the proposed actions will have to do their utmost, and I am sure they will do their utmost, in order to prevent sufferings and killings of innocent civilians. But if there are victims as a result of these operations, the blame for this should be squarely placed on the terrorists and not on the people who are fighting terrorism because it is the terrorists who have made the population a hostage of their objectives. And I certainly agree with the Prime Minister that we have to do everything that we can in order to provide assistance and do the rehabilitation effort vis-�-vis the Afghan people in terms of their economy, socially and in all that we can in order to bring things to normal. In other words, to provide humanitarian assistance in the broadest sense of the word.
QUESTION

I would like to ask the President please what is the latest information he has about the loss of the Siberian airliner and whether he is satisfied that there was no terrorist involvement in that.
PRESIDENT PUTIN

Well the final judgement and conclusion about the reasons and causes of the tragedy can only be made by experts and specialists after very careful study and analysis. I should tell you that our people here in this country have been very expeditious in dealing with this tragedy. We already have planes and ships on the site of the tragedy and they are doing everything they can in order to analyse the causes of this unfortunate event. Before such a thorough examination has been done, it would be premature to make any judgement on this score. As you know, I have issued a special decision establishing a special commission to investigate the causes of this accident and the Chairman of this commission is our Secretary of the Security Council, Mr Rushalov (phon.) and people from other agencies. And it will be up to them to carefully examine the facts and come up with their conclusion.
PRIME MINISTER

Can I just add one word on that which is simply to express my profound sympathy to the families of the victims of the air tragedy earlier today, and to give through President Putin my sympathy to the Russian people that were victims, and obviously to the Government and nation of Israel as well for the lives of those they lost in the tragedy earlier today.
QUESTION (In Russian)

I have a question both for Prime Minister Blair and President Putin. First of all, how do you really assess the level of relations between Great Britain � the United Kingdom � and Russia at this time. How have the recent developments impacted on them? And the last question is, have you finished your work for tonight, or are you going to continue?
PRESIDENT PUTIN

Well, I spoke about that before. I can only say that the history of our relations is quite long and certainly, as I said before, Prime Minister Blair and Chancellor Schroeder were one of the foremost proponents and initiators of expanding and bettering our relations, as a result of which the West has a more benign, perhaps, look at our country. And we certainly understand that these are only first steps. There is a lot to be done. There is no limit. That is the first question. And I can answer the second too. As to whether or not we have completed our work for today, I can tell you that no, we have not finished our agenda for today, and with the acceptance of the distinguished Prime Minister, we have decided that we should pursue this at my home over dinner.
PRIME MINISTER

First of all, can I say to you that I have now had, I think, eight different meetings with President Putin. We spoke together many, many times and I think that is a very good indication of the strengthening relationship, not just between Russia and Britain, but a strong personal relationship too, which I greatly value and I believe that something is happening in our world today that is immensely important. The Cold War is over. Many of the old difficulties of the past can be set aside. We have a real opportunity to forge new relationships and I think it is immensely important that we do so because we face common interests, and common problems today. And when we are battling something like the issue of international terrorism, but also on many other issues too, we need Russia there as a partner and a friend. And that is the relationship today, and I welcome that and from the very first meeting I had with President Putin in St Petersburg I recognised someone who had the vision and the imagination to set the past aside and build new relationships for the future and I think that is very important. And the fact that we have Russia today standing alongside the other countries of the world, including the United States of America, including all the countries of Europe, including Britain and giving its strong support to action against acts of terrorism that took place in the United States of America, that is living proof, visible proof, of the changed world in which we live. And I believe that we are only at the start of what we can gain from this new world. We have now got to take it further, deepen it further at every single level.
QUESTION (in Russian)

One more question again about this aircraft. There have been some reports that this aircraft was shot down by a Ukrainian missile. Is there any proof to that? What can you tell us about this?
PRESIDENT PUTIN

According to the information received from our Ukrainian colleagues, it is true that in the immediate vicinity of the area where the crash took place, some exercises were being conducted. But I can tell you that all the relevant services were immediately informed of that. And second that the weapons that were used in those exercises have such tactical characteristics that make it impossible for them to reach the air corridors through which this particular aeroplane was moving and therefore they were out of reach. We did not take part in those defence exercises, but our observers were there, and according to the information received from our Ukrainian partners things are as they are and we have already established military to military contacts between our Defence Ministers so I would ask you at this point not to add any sensationalism to this information but wait until we get the final results of the examination.
(END OF TRANSCRIPT)

UK PRIME MINISTER TONY BLAIR SPEAKS REGARDING MILITARY ACTION AGAINST TARGETS IN AFGHANISTAN
8 October 2001
Mr Speaker, thank you for agreeing to the third recall of Parliament since September 11.
At 5.30pm British Time yesterday a series of air and cruise missile attacks began on the terrorist camps of Usama Bin Laden and the military installations of the Taliban regime. These were carried out by American and British armed forces with the support of other allies. There were 30 targets. 23 were outside the main cities. 3 were in Kabul and 4 were in the vicinity of other large settlements. In all cases, the utmost care was taken to avoid civilian casualties. British forces were engaged in this action through the use of submarine-launched Tomahawk missiles fired against terrorist training facilities.
It is too early to report back fully on the effect of last night�s action. However we can say that initial indications are that the coalition operations were successful in achieving their objective of destroying and degrading elements of the Al Qaida terrorist facilities and the Taliban military apparatus that protects them. These operations will continue, and I can tell the House that a second wave of attacks is now underway.
In time, they will be supported by other actions, again carefully targeted on the military network of the enemy.
We took almost four weeks after 11 September to act. I pay tribute to President Bush�s statesmanship in having the patience to wait. This was for three reasons. First, we had to establish who was responsible. Once it was clear that the Al Qaida network planned and perpetrated the attacks we then wanted to give the Taliban regime time to decide their own position: would they shield Bin Laden or yield him up? It was only fair to give them an ultimatum and time to respond. It is now clear they have chosen to side with terrorism.
But thirdly, we wanted time to make sure that the targets for any action, minimised the possibility of civilian casualties. Our argument is not with the Afghan people. They are victims of the Taliban regime. They live in poverty, repressed viciously, women denied even the most basic human rights and subject to a crude form of theocratic dictatorship that is as cruel as it is arbitrary.
We are doing all we can to limit the effect of our action on ordinary Afghans. I repeat: we will not walk away from them, once the conflict ends, as has happened in the past. We will stand by them and help them to a better, more stable future under a broad-based Government involving all the different ethnic groupings. That is our pledge to the people of Afghanistan.
The strength of the Coalition remains. In addition to Britain, France, Germany, Australia and Canada have all pledged military support. We should also remember the contribution Germany is already making, under Chancellor Schroeder, by taking over leadership of the NATO mission in Macedonia, and thus freeing up other allied resources for use in Afghanistan. I spoke to Prime Minister Aznar of Spain last night. He pledged his full commitment and indicated his readiness to provide military support. We greatly value and welcome the Spanish support, as we do that of Italy. And of course NATO is giving its full support. Today the North Atlantic Council agreed the redeployment of five AWACs aircraft to free up US assets so that they can participate in this operation. We anticipate that NATO will shortly agree the redeployment of standing naval forces on the same basis.
The EU is fully supportive. Russia has issued a strong statement calling for decisive action against the evil of terrorism. China has encouraged efforts to combat terrorism, calling for military strikes to be targeted at specific objectives. The Japanese Prime Minister has given his strong support.
President Musharraf of Pakistan has described the military strikes as "an action against terrorists, terrorism and their sanctuaries and supporters". Pakistan is providing help in terms of intelligence, logistic support and air space.
On Saturday, I met Prime Minister Vajpayee of India who assured me of the Indian Government�s robust support for efforts to combat international terrorism.
In the Arab world there has been widespread condemnation of the 11 September atrocities and acceptance of the need to take action against the Al Qaida network.
Of course, Al Qaida and the Taliban regime will be eager to spread false propaganda. Already, their lie machine is putting out false claims about US planes being shot down. There will be much more of this kind of thing. And of course they lie about our motivation. We know their aim. It is to foment conflict between Islam and the West; it is to present themselves as champions of the Muslim world against the USA. It is to say we are anti-Islam. This is a lie. Let us expose it once and for all. We are in conflict with Bin Laden and the Taliban regime because the terrorists killed thousands of innocent people, including hundreds of Muslims and women and children; and because the Taliban regime in return for financial and other support, give them succour.
Forgive me for repeating this: but my visit to Pakistan convinced me these sentiments cannot be repeated too often. To kill in this way is utterly foreign to all teachings of the Koran. To justify it by saying such murder of the innocent is doing the will of God, is to defame the good name of Islam. That is why Muslims the world over have been appalled by this act. This was made clear to me once more at my meeting earlier today with leaders of all the religious faiths in Britain. And for those who doubted Bin Laden�s wickedness, or his murderous intent, just listen to his television broadcast yesterday. He said: "God Almighty hit the US at its most vulnerable spot. He destroyed its greatest buildings and filled the country with terror. Praise be to God." Sitting next to him, was Ayman al-Zawahiri [a-Zahiri], leader of the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, involved themselves in Al Qaida�s attacks on the US Embassies in East Africa in 1998.
I would also remind people of this. When hundreds of thousands of Muslims were subject to ethnic cleansing by the hated Milosevic regime in 1999 in Kosovo, we took military action in Serbia against Milosevic. We weren�t acting then against Milosevic because Serbia is an Orthodox Christian country; or in favour of the Kosovars because many are Muslims. We acted against Milosevic because what he was doing � the humanitarian catastrophe he was inflicting on them - was unjust. We helped the Kosovars because they were victims of his injustice.
It is justice too that makes our coalition as important on the humanitarian side as on the military.
We have established an effective coalition to deal with the humanitarian crisis in the region, which of course existed before 11 September.
Our priority has been to re-establish food supply routes into Afghanistan. Some 5,000 tons of food went in during the last fortnight, thanks to the efforts of the UN and other international agencies.
At the UN meeting in Geneva over the weekend, donors pledged $600 million including the UK�s own commitment of $55 million.
We will do all we can to help refugees from the Taliban. All we ask them to do is not to stop that help getting through.
We must safeguard our country too. Our first responsibility is the safety of the public. Since 11 September every one of our arrangements has been under scrutiny. We have extensive contingency planning in place in Britain. We are doing all we reasonably can to anticipate the nature of and thwart, any potential reprisal. As yet there is no specific credible threat that we know of against Britain, but we would be foolish to be anything other than highly vigilant, though as the experience of the USA shows it is not an easy task. Contacts between the UK, US and other Governments and agencies are good, and expertise and planning are being shared.
I am aware of the anguish for the families of the aid workers held in Afghanistan, and of the journalist Yvonne Ridley. We hope that the report of her release are correct; but as yet have no official confirmation.
We are in this for the long haul.
Even when Al Qaida is dealt with, the job is not over. The network of international terrorism is not confined to it.
It is essential therefore that we reflect why it is so necessary we stand with the US and other allies in this fight.
It is that this attack was an attack not on the West or the US alone. It was an attack on civilised values everywhere. It was an attempt to change by terror what the terrorists knew they couldn�t do by reasoned argument. It was an attempt to substitute terrorist atrocity for deliberative policy; to see the world run by the chaos consequent on terrorist outrage, rather than by disciplined and calm debate.
We in Britain have the most direct interest in defeating such terror. It strikes at the heart of what we believe in. We know that if not stopped, the terrorists will do it again, this time possibly in Britain. We know that it was an attack on economic confidence, trying to destroy the strength of our economies and that eradicating this threat is crucial to global economic confidence. We know the Taliban regime is largely funded by the drugs trade, and that 90 per cent of the heroin on British streets originates in Afghanistan. We know that the refugee crisis, 4� million on the move even before 11 September, directly impacts on us here.
So this military action we are undertaking is not for a just cause alone, though this cause is just. It is to protect our country, our people, our economy, our way of life. It is not a struggle remote from our everyday concerns. It touches them intimately.
We did not choose this conflict.
We do not lightly go to fight. We are, all of us � the nations involved in this action � peaceful peoples who prefer to live in peace.
But a desire to live in peace should never be interpreted as weakness by those who attack us. If attacked, we will respond; we will defend ourselves; and our very reluctance to use force means that when we do, we do so with complete determination that it shall prevail.
That is why we were there last night in action, and why we will be there again, with our allies. It is why we will continue to act, with steadfast resolve, to see this struggle through to the end and to the victory that would mark the victory not of revenge but of justice over the evil of terrorism.
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