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Bangladeshi Settlers in the  CHT
CHT
CHT Background
4. DISPOSSESSION OF JUMMA LAND
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The Bangladeshi settlers, with the connivance of the almost totally Bangladeshi administration, have been  able to take over land and even whole villages. There is a severe population pressure on land in Bangladesh generally and Jumma land had been regarded as readily available. One excuse often given for allowing or encouraging this immigration is the relatively low population density in the CHT. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) had noted that "the Chittagong Hill Tracts are relatively less crowded than the plains of Bangladesh. Because of this difference in population densities, there has for some time been a migration from the crowded plains to the hills". In 1967, a study commissioned by Dhaka, however  concluded that "as far as its developed resources are concerned, the hill tracts is as constrained as the most thickly populated district... The  emptiness of the hill tracts, therefore is a myth". Only 5 per cent of  and outside forest reserves is suitable for intensive field cropping. In spite of the shortage of farming land in the tracts, the government has succeeded in attracting many thousands of land less Bangladeshis. To beland less in Bangladesh is to be absolutely poor and dependent. Jobs are seasonal, insecure, and pay is enough for subsistence only. An agricultural labourer receives about five Takas a day when he is working and is usually unemployed for about six months of the year. For the overwhelming majority of Bangladesh's rural population there is little hope to escape from constant poverty. The settlement plans offer an opportunity which no land less or poor Bangladeshi family can ignore. The land however unarable, and the money and food grants, however depleted by corrupt officials, can mean survival for six months or more for poor Bangladeshi peasants. The Bangladeshi peasants who move to the Chittagong Hill Tracts come principally from the plains districts of Chittagong,        Noakhali, Sylhet and Comilla, and have no experience of hill slope cultivation. When they find they cannot make a living from the land they have been given they encroach on Jumma owned land. There were various ways in which the Jumma people have been, and still are being dispossessed of  their lands. In many cases, Bangladeshi settlers move into an area and  gradually encroach on the lands of their Jumma neighbours. A Chakma refugee from Panchari describes the initial process as follows:
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Massacres
Genocides
Abduction & Rapes
Jumma Refugees
Refugees Rehabilitation
Bengali Settlers
Military Resistance
UNPO Documents
EU Declaration
Peace  Conference
JUMNAPA
Foeign Aid
Peace Treaty
Discrepancy
Religious Persecution
" In 1980-81 the Bengalis moved in. The government gave  them rations of rice etc. and sponsored them. The settlers moved into  the hills, then they moved the Jummas by force with the help of the  Bangladesh Army. The Deputy Commissioner would come over and say that this place was suitable for settlers so Jumma people must move and would receive money in compensation. But in reality they did not get money or resettlement. In 1980 the Jumma people had to move by order of the government".
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Attacks on Jumma peoples' villages are the most common way to evict the inhabitants from their lands. A Tripura refugee in India from Bakmara Taindong Para near Matiranga described what        happened to his village in 1981 when the settlers moved into his village:
"Muslims from different parts of Bangladesh were brought in by Bangladeshi authorities. Before that our village was populated only by Chakma, Tripura and Marma. With the assistance of the government these settlers were rehabilitated in our village and they continued to give us troubles..they finger at the Jummas and the army beats them and rob. They took all the food grain. Whenever we seek any justice from the  army we don't get it. All villagers lived under great tension due to   various incidents all around. Three days after an incident when six persons had been killed, just before getting dark, many settlers came to our village, shouting 'Allah Akbar' (Allah is Great). When they arrived we escaped so the settlers got the opportunity to set fire".       
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A Chakma refugee in Tripura told what happened to his village in 1986:
"I lost my land. Settlers came and captured my land. They  burnt our houses first. They came with soldiers. This took place on 1st May 1986 at Kalanal, Panchari. My house was in a village with a temple. The whole village of 60 houses was burnt. After seeing this we ran through the jungles and eventually reached India, coming to Karbook camp."
The following interview refers to events which took place on 21 November 1990:
"Muslim settlers wanted to take us villagers to a cluster  village (concentration camp), but we refused to go there. The villagers were beaten up by the Muslim settlers of which three families managed to  escape, one of which is mine. These three families came to Kheddarachara  for 'jhum' cultivation. We stayed there for one and a half years. The day before yesterday the Muslim settlers came to the same village and rounded up the households. The settlers were accompanied by Bangladeshi soldiers. I took shelter in a nearby latrine when the villagers were     rounded up. Later I tried to leave the latrine to go somewhere else. The v illage had been surrounded. As I was trying to escape, the Muslim  settlers shot me. It was a singled barreled shot gun. The incident took place in the early morning around 6 o'clock. After getting the bullet injury I ran away into a safe place. I don't know what happened to the other villagers. I ran away from the place for about half a mile. Then I fainted and lost consciousness. Two refugees went there to collect indigenous vegetables and brought me to the camp about 10 o'clock. I        have been twice attacked to be taken to a cluster village, the second  time I was shot."
Violence, intimidation and arson are the main methods used by the both the Bangladesh Army and the Bangladeshi  settlers to force the hill people to leave their villages. Entire villages have been forced to flee from their lands.
5. SETTLEMENT IS A POLITICAL ACT
Landlessness is on the increase  in Bangladesh in general. Land ownership has become increasingly concentrated and now 10 per cent of the population owns 50 per cent of available land. There has been no will on the part of any Bangladeshi  government to assist land less labourers or marginal farmers anywhere in the country. Indeed organizations of land less people are often put down with the utmost brutality by hoodlums hired by local landlords, the police, the army, or by all three. The government's power rests with the middle and upper classes in the urban areas and with rich farmers. The Bangladeshi poor will seize any survival chance they are presented with. Illiterates have limited horizons and they are not fully aware that the government's scheme to settle them in the CHT is not essentially an attempt to improve their lot. It is a political act to nullify the question of Jumma peoples' rights of self determination by increasing the number of Bangladeshis in the CHT to majority.
6. SETTLERS USED AS CANNON FODDER
The Pakistani government  instituted a settlement plan in the Feni valley bordering India because it   distrusted the Jumma people living there. Bangladeshi governments have similarly used poor Bangladeshis against the Jumma people as cannon fodder. There seems to be a determination to destroy Jumma society and if necessary the Jumma people. Illiterate Bangladeshi peasants who, under this scheme move to the CHT, know nothing of the Jumma situation. All they know is that the government has given them land and is prepared to assist or at least to turn blind eye to encroachment on Jumma land.
7. GOVERNMENT'S CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT
The government argument is that settlement in the CHT is necessary because much of the land there is uncultivated and therefore in their view wasted. Furthermore Dhaka maintains that "it would be against the constitution to prevent any Bangladeshi from settling or buying land in any part of the country". This argument takes little account of the economic or political realities of  the CHT, where little of the land is suitable for farming and where the  traditional owners are coerced into giving up their property. As an example India could have used the same argument in the Muslim majority        state of Kashmir, where most of the land like the CHT is empty. By  settling people fromovercrowded part of the country to Kashmir India could have altered the demographic profile of Kashmir from Muslim majority to Hindu majority state. But Indian constitution forbids settlement in    areas like Kashmir, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram etc, because of their distinct cultural, religious and ethnic background.
8. WIDER POLITICAL OBJECTIVE
A direct result of the settlement  scheme works to wider political advantage of Dhaka. The conflict between the poor Bangladeshis and the Jumma people for a tiny proportion of the total land distracts attention from the general situation of landlessness in Bangladesh. In the CHT, this struggle has polarized the Bangladeshis  and the Jumma people. The Bangladeshi settlers, in collaboration with the Bangladesh Army and Police harass the Jumma people. Civil suits taken out  by Jumma people have increased substantially but, since the judiciary is manned mainly by the Bengali Muslim officials, they have been unsuccessful. Resulting from this, Jumma families have been forced to        leave their homesteads and become land less.
More:
Secret  Memorandums of the BD Government
Illegal Grabbing of Jumma Land
: A Case Study         
Cases of Land Dispossesion
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