Glimpses of Certain Aspects of Islam by Nasim.A.Jafarey
7. Moral Re-armament
There is no escape from moral rearmament if Pakistan is to survive and make progress. Although most people in Pakistan, if pressed, would not deny the validity of this proposition, it is equally true that most people would not, for one reason or end the other, do any thing about it. This supreme indifference towards an issue of vital national importance is perhaps the basic cause of the mess in which we have landed ourselves. Most of us are ardent subscribers to the view expressed in Ghalib’s famous couplet:

It is not that we are not conscious of the sufferings and travails which we are going through, individually and collectively. Look at the "Letters to the Editor" columns of any newspaper which are full of bitter complaints of all types, complaints about inflated telephone bills and choked sewerage lines traffic lawlessness and daring daylight robberies, rampant bribery and exorbitant profiteering, blatant nepotism and complete breakdown of discipline in educational institutions, poor service by business organisations and downright harassment and delays in government offices. But, and this is a very important but, no one seems to be prepared to do anything to put things right if his own personal individual problem is solved either through bribery or connections or sometime through sheer good luck, and he does not care very much if thousands of others continue to suffer similar travails.

And why is this so? This is because all of us are concerned only with our own comforts and conveniences and we have no basic abhorrence and aversion to the injustice, impropriety, dishonesty, irresponsibility, nepotism ad selfishness which constitute the foundation for the type of behaviour which gives rise to the sufferings of the common man illustrated above. We do not seem to realise that a real and lasting relief of our sufferings will come only by removing the sources of the corruption and immorality which is eating into the vitals of the society as well as the economy of Pakistan.

The title of this article will recall to some readers a movement which was launched in the twenties and became famous immediately after the second World War when it had an enthusiastic revival. This was the Moral Rearmament Association which launched the M.R.A. movement. This movement may still be in existence but not much of it is heard nowadays, at least in this part of the world. It would be as well to point out straightaway that there is nothing common between the proposal being made in this article and that movement except for the obvious similarity in name. The Moral Rearmament Movement mentioned above was based on the orthodox western liberal approach, and set out ostensibly to find the common moral denominator among various world religions. As such the commitment to it was based largely on liberal, humanistic secular and a religious approach to the problems of this material world. The moral rearmament proposal in this article is anchored wholly in total belief and commitment to the three basic articles of faith which are the foundation of Islam - belief in one God, in the finality of Prophethood and the accountability of the Day of Judgement. The norms and basic concepts of the M.R.A. movement could change from decade to decade or even from year to year as a result of changes in the thinking of human beings, but the norms of the movement being proposed are totally and most securely anchored in the basic concepts of Islam, total acceptance of and commitment to which makes a person Muslim in the real sense. As such these concepts are immutable and unchanging for all times.

If one ponders deeply over the problems listed in the above paragraphs, one would realise that there can be two basic approaches to the solution of each one of them. The first is to change or improve the system and procedures under which the organisations, or institutions are working and the second is to change or improve the persons, the individuals who work these systems. The first is the easier solution and the one which we have Software always adopted whenever we Ravenfields have tried to do something about this matter. It is this basic approach which has given rise to the plethora of committees and commissions which have been appointed during the last thirty-nine years (and most of whose findings and recommendations have never been made public much less implemented with sincerity and honesty). The second more difficult solution is the one which we have never even considered seriously, primarily because it immediately brings us face to face with our own shortcomings for which we cannot blame anyone else. The second solution involves changing the people who run the various systems. The first solution is also very popular and convenient because there are endless permutations and combinations of rules, regulations and system with which you can keep playing and each new government wants to give the impression that it is the only one which has tackled the problems seriously and found the elusive panacea for the solution of all of them. In actual fact the country already has much too many laws, rules and regulations and each new law is an additional burden for the small minority of law abiding citizens, while it makes no impact on the vast majority of immoral and lawless elements.

Moral rearmament, which is one of the most basic and one of the most important aspects of Islam, has in Pakistan, been the most neglected. In fact, it would not be an exaggeration to say that this grossly neglected facet of Islam has deliberately been kept in the shadow all along. And yet both in the private and public sphere this is the real foundation on which a truly Islamic life can be built. Is it failure of understanding of the real spirit of Islam or is it a total lack of self-discipline and honesty both at the personal and national levels which provides us with the spectacle of people proclaiming the need for Islamization from roof-tops and at the same time practising systematically, the grossest form of nepotism and favouritism in public affairs.

Although there are many facets of morality and many forms of immorality practised in public life today, the one element which is perhaps the most important, in that it abets and supports other types of immoral behaviour, i.e. nepotism and the favouritism of all types. In Pakistan things have come to such a pass that today you cannot get anything done without connections or contacts. The only other alternative is the payment of cash. The Course man who has neither cash nor connections is a total stranger in his own country. This is happening in a country whose officially declared religion teaches that a total stranger should be given the sort of treatment which will make him feel as if he had never left his home.

There can be no denying that one of the most important elements of Islamic ideology is Justice. There is no need to quote any Quranic verses because anyone who claims even a nodding acquaintance with Islam knows them full well. The totally unashamed practice of nepotism and favouritism day in and day out is a complete denial of the dictates of justice and a major deviation from the path of life prescribed by Islam. While nepotism is one of the grossest sins of public life in any country, it is even more so in a Muslim country, and it gives rise and lends support to many other forms of immorality. Moreover favouritism and connections provide the shield which protects the criminal from getting his just deserts and the bait which lures the would-be-delinquents to enter the field of wrong doing. In any case it is obvious that corruption and bribery in the thousand and one forms practised in Pakistan can never be controlled unless the practice of nepotism and favouritism is eradicated first. This for the simple reason that nepotism and favouritism are the god fathers and patron saints of all other forms of corruption and immorality, and unless we can banish them altogether from our public life, it would be totally futile to expect that corruption or bribery in Pakistan can be controlled by any other means.

If it is conceded and if we are prepared to face the harsh truth that no laws, rules or regulations, no system or administrative arrangement can really eradicate corruption in all its ugly forms and shapes and no exhortations, promises and public avowals can remove injustice in all its cruel manifestations and implications, the only option we are left with is to try to change the "inner man". This may appear to be a very daunting task but it should not be so, for a nation which claims to believe in God, the Prophet, and the Day of Judgement. It is one of the great paradoxes of Muslim history that a people who have ardently claimed and repeatedly reiterated their unshakeable belief in God, the Prophet, and the Day of Judgement, have by and large failed to set up a society free of corruption and injustice. What can possibly he the explanation for this failure? After eliminating all minor causes, we are left with the unpalatable truth that the major cause is the fact that we don’t really have that deep and abiding belief in God Builder and the Day of Judgement which is necessary to bring about a change in the "inner man", and all our professions and avowals are only formal, superficial, and not even skin deep. If this is true, the obvious solution of our problems is a sustained, sincere and wide ranging moral rearmament campaign.

If we look at the totality of the "Islamic way of life", it will be seen that it can be divided into three clear segments which are undoubtedly inter-connected but are at the same time quite distinct - namely Ibadat, Shariat and the moral values emphasised by Islam. It is our great misfortune that we have not given balanced attention to each of these segments. The result has been that for a large number of Muslims today Islam begins and ends with the Ibadat. On the other hand, Shariat is confined to the law courts or as is happening now, it is made into an issue for political purposes. That leaves the moral values of Islam, to which hardly any real attention has been paid by anyone eversince this ‘land of the pure’ came into being. Off and on you do hear exhortations and speeches both from the people in power and those out of it, but the appeals lack credibility because we can see that those in power are not practising the moral values of honesty, justice and sincerity which they are preaching, and those out of power also did not do so when they were in power. This complete lack of credibility makes a farce of the entire effort, and far from persuading anyone to become honest and just, it induces feelings of revulsion, frustration and disenchantment about the moral values themselves.

If the complete collapse of our national character and the total degeneration of our moral values is the real cause of our present predicament, how do we go about extricating ourselves from the morass in which we have landed ourselves? Is a revival of moral values possible in Pakistan? Or are we already too far gone down the slide so that we cannot change our course? Also, is a recovery possible without paying attention to the re-establishment of moral values?

To answer the last question first, it may be stated quite unequivocally that the short answer is "No". It is not necessary to give any detailed arguments in support of this view, because if a person who has been a careful observer of the Pakistan scene for the last thirty-nine years is not already convinced of the truth of the above proposition, he is not likely to accept any arguments or reasoning in its favour. An answer to the other questions listed above is not so easy. While, it will be totally puerile and unrealistic to pretend that the wave of immorality which has engulfed us can be turned back easily, it would be equally unfortunate if we gave ourselves up to complete hopelessness and let dejection paralyse all our thinking and effort. The realistic answer to this question is that it will require a very large band of dedicated crusaders with an impeccable record of personal and public life to make an impact and bring about a revival of moral values in this country. At the moment things have gone so far that every one asks as to why he should be the first to practice honesty at the cost of material benefits, when all around him every body else is participating so fully in the free-for-all loot that is going on unchecked in this country. The answer to this persistent question can be provided only by a band of honest and dedicated persons who can throw open for public examination their own record of personal and public life and show how they suffered in material terms as compared to their counterparts but did not deviate from the path of morality and honesty. Only this can destroy the myth that it is not possible to remain honest in Pakistan, and one is forced by circumstances to become dishonest.

Finally, we come to the question as to how the moral rearmament movement is to be started in Pakistan and who is going to provide the energy and effort to keep it going inspite of the resistance and difficulties which are bound to occur. The ideal solution would be the birth of a charismatic national leader committed to the enforcement of moral values in Pakistan. However, this is a solution which is not in our hands and the events of the past forty years do not provide much hope that such an event is about to occur. The second possibility of an established government in Pakistan taking upon itself the task of sincerely, honestly and ruthlessly enforcing moral values in the country, even at the risk of losing its hold, is even more remote and unlikely. Coming to other elements in our national life, it would have been most appropriate if our Ulema had taken upon themselves to organise a campaign for moral rearmament in this country. However, the unfortunate fact is that of the three segments of Islam, the Ulema have given the least attention to the propagation of moral values and most of their time is spent either in propounding the finer points of Ibadat or in emphasising certain aspects of Shariat law which to them appear to be all important. That leaves us with the broad category of intellectuals in which we can place not only writers and poets but also journalists and educationists etc. There is no doubt that this group has from time to time made feeble attempts to propagate moral values in the country, but the efforts are much too sporadic haphazard and disjointed to produce any worthwhile visible results. They will, however, always remain a major source of support if and when a moral rearmament movement is launched in Pakistan by any other group.

Although to some people it may not appear to be a feasible proposition and the appeal may not produce much of a response, there appears to be one last hope. This is a movement for moral reformation to be launched by a group of people who have a fairly long and visible record of unblemished public life. Public life here would not only include all grades and levels of government service and political activities but would also cover business, educational and other sectors of national life in which a person is exposed to public contacts and public scrutiny. Considering the dimensions and complications of the problem it would be necessary to have the initial support and commitment of not only hundreds but thousands of people throughout the country. This should not be as difficult as it appears because even in our present state of moral degeneration there would be not only thousands but lacs of people in Pakistan who have gone through the travails of life without besmirching their record of proper moral behaviour. The real problem would be to reach such people and rouse them to action. In other words to make them stand up and be counted.

When it is said that there are lacs of people with unblemished private and public lives, it is not merely an exaggeration to support an argument. Unfortunately most, though not all honest people, are low-key people, the type B persons as opposed to the type A persons who make most of the headlines in this world. Because of their passive attitude and low-key profile it is difficult to identify them and then rouse them to action, but once they are roused and mobilised, the selflessness and sincerity of their effort can bring any movement to ultimate success.

The task of those who launch this movement will for obvious reasons be most difficult, and yet it should be quite easy, for they would be inviting people to recommit themselves to something to which all claim, however insincerely, to be already committed, namely belief in one God, Prophethood and the accountability of the Day of Judgement. For this and this alone is, and can be, the basis for moral rearmament for us, the people of Pakistan.



NEXT  8. Shariat & Tariqat in Islam 
Index
Home Page
Preface
1. Theory & Practice of Islamic Socialism
2. Islamic Economic System
3. Islamic Financing
4. Quranic Commandments about Justice
5. The Quranic View-point about Tolerance
6. Interest on Production Loans : A case for Ijtihad
7. Moral Re-armament
8. Shariat & Tariqat in Islam
9. Can the Ummah Progress without Ijtihad
10. Mission of the Prophet
11. Belief In the Hereafter
12. The Quest for Muslim Unity
13. Ways to Reform the Ummah
14. Qura’anic Viewpoint about Charity and Austerity
15. Khutba-i-Hajjatul Wida
16. Islam’s Stress on Moral Values
17. Media and the Word of God
18. Islam & Economic Development
19. The Real Islamic Fundamentalists
20. 'Iman' Makes all the Differences
21. Ijtihad, Ijma on Riba Needed
22. Islam & Democratic Institutions
23. Economic Progress and Moral Values
24. Faith & Righteous Action
25. Factors Behind Ummah’s Decline
26. Importance of Truth & Patience
27. Major Tasks Before the Ummah
28. Muslim History & Islam
29. Deviations in Islam
30. Parameters of an Islamic State
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