The Dalai Lama - Tenzin Gyatso

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Address to the Members of the United States Congress in the Rotunda of the Capital Hill in Washington, D.C.by His Holiness the Dalai Lama 4/18/91
Mr. Speaker, Senator Mitchell, Representative Gephardt, Senator Dole and Represen- tative Michel, Senators, Congressmen and other distinguished guests, and Brothers and Sisters:When I was a small boy living in Tibet, President Roosevelt sent me a gift: a gold watch showing phases of the moon and the days of the week. I marvelled at the distant land which could make such a practical object so beautiful. But what truly in-spired me were your ideals of freedom and democracy. I felt that your principles were identical to my own, the Buddhist beliefs in fundamental human rights - freedom, equality, tolerance and compassion for all. Today, I am honored to stand under this great dome and speak to you. I do so as a simple Buddhist monk: someone who tries to follow the Buddha's teaching of love and compassion, who believes, as you do, that all of us have the right to pursue happiness and avoid suffering. I always pray that the good core of our human character - which cherishes truth, peace and freedom - will

cupation. I am happy for the people of Kuwait. Sadly, all small nations can not expect similar sup-port for their rights and freedoms. However, I believe that a "new world order" cannot truly emerge unless it is matched by a "new world freedom." Order without freedom is repression. Freedom without order is anarchy. We need both a new world order that prohibits aggression and a new world freedom that supports the liberty individuals and nations. I would like to conclude by recalling a recent and moving experience. On my last trip to the United States, I was taken to In-dependence Hall in Philadelphia. I was profoundly inspired to stand in the chamber from which your Declaration of Independence and Constitution came. I was then shown to the main floor be-fore the Liberty Bell. My guide explained that two hundred years ago this bell pealed forth to pro-claim liberty throughout your land. On examining it, however, I couldn't help noticing the crack

prevail. Our generation has arrived at the threshold of a new era in human history: the birth of a global community. Modern communications, trade and international relations as well as the security and environmental dilemmas we all face make us increasingly interdependent. No one can live in isolation. Thus, whether we like it or not, our vast and di-verse human family must finally learn to live together. Individually and collectively we must assume a greater sense of universal responsibility. While your soldiers were fighting Communist Chinese troops in Korea, China invaded Tibet. Almost nine years later, in March, 1959 - during the suppression of a nation-wide revolt against Chinese occupation - I was forced to flee to India. Eventually, many thousands of my compatriots followed me. Since then, Tibetan refugees have lived in exile. We were heartened in 1959, 1961 and 1965 by three United Nations Resolutions recognizing the Ti-betan people's fundamental rights, including the right to self-determination. Your government supported and voted for these resolutions. China, however, ignored the views of the world community. For almost three decades, Tibet was seal-ed from the outside world. In that time, as a result of China's efforts to remake our society, 1.2 million Tibetans - one fifth of the population - perished. More than 6,000 of our monasteries and temples were destroyed. Our natural re-sources were devoured. And in a few short decades the artistic, literary and scientific legacy of our ancient civilization was virtually erased. In the face of this tragedy, we have tried to save our national identity. We have fought for our country's freedom peacefully. We have refused to adopt terrorism. We have adhered to our Buddhist faith in non-vio-lence. And we have engaged in a vigorous democratic experiment in the exile community as a model for a future free Tibet. Tibet today continues to suffer harsh oppression. The unending cycle of imprisonment, torture, and executions continues unabated. I am particularly concerned about China's long term policy of population transfer onto the Tibetan plateau. Tibet is being colonized by waves of Chinese immigrants. We are becoming a minority in our own country. The new Chinese settlers have created an alternate society: a Chinese apartheid which, denying Tibetans equal social and economic status in our own land, threatens to finally overwhelm and absorb us. The immediate result has been a round of unrest and reprisal. In the face of this critical situation, I have made two proposals in recent years. In September of 1987, here on Capitol Hill, I presented a Five Point Peace Plan. In it, I called for negotiations between Tibet and China, and spoke of my firm resolve that soon Tibet will once again become a Zone of Peace; a neutral, demilitarized sanctuary where humanity and nature live in harmony. In June of 1988, at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, I elaborated on my call for negotiations, and made personal suggestions which would protect the territorial integrity of the whole of Ti-bet, as well as restore the Tibetan people's right to govern themselves. I also suggested that China could retain overall responsibility for the conduct of Tibet's foreign relations. It has been almost three years since the Strasbourg Proposal. In that time, many Tibetans have expressed profound misgivings over my stand for being too conciliatory. Beijing did re-spond: but the response was negative. The Chinese government, it is clear, is unwilling to engage in meaningful dia-logue. As recent events in China itself indicate, the Communist leadership refuses even to acknowledge the wishes of its own people. I regret that my sincere efforts to find a mutually beneficial solution have not produced meaningful dia-logue. Nevertheless, I continue to believe in a negotiated solution. Many governments and parliaments, as well as the U.S. Congress, support this effort. For the sake of the people of China as well as Tibet, a stronger stand is needed to-wards the government of the People's Republic of China. The policy of 'constructive engagement,' as a means to encour-age moderation, can have no concrete effect unless the democracies of the world clearly stand by their principles. Link-ing bilateral relations to human rights and democracy is not merely a matter of appeasing one's own conscience. It is a proven, peaceful and effective means to encourage genuine change. If the world truly hopes to see a reduction of tyran-ny in China, it must not appease China's leaders. Linking bilateral relations to respect for basic rights will significantly decrease the present regime's readiness to resort to further violence, while increasing the strength of the moderate forces which still hope for a peaceful transition to a more open society. These efforts should be viewed not as an attempt to isolate China but as a helping hand to bring her into the mainstream of the world community. In the future, I envi-sion Tibet as an anchor of peace and stability at the heart of Asia: a zone of non-violence where humanity and nature live in harmony. For hundreds of years the Tibetan plateau was a vital buffer between Asia's great powers: Russia, Chi-na and India. Until Tibet is once more demilitarized and restored to its historical neutrality, there can be no firm foun-dation for peace in Asia. The first step is to recognize the truth of my country's status; that of a nation under foreign occupation. Recently, the United States has led the international community in freeing a small country from a cruel oc-

in the bell. That crack, I feel, is a reminder to the American people who enjoy so much freedom , while people in other parts of the world, such as Tibet, have no freedom. The Liberty Bell is a reminder that you cannot be truly free until people everywhere are free. I believe that this reminder is alive, and that your great strength continues to come from your deep principles. Finally, my main task here today is to thank you - the Congress of the United States - on behalf of six million Tibetans for your invaluable support in a critical time of our struggle. The Congressional bills and resolu-tions you have passed over the last five years have given the Tibetan people renewed hope. I offer you my prayers and thanks, and I appeal to you to continue working for the cause of liberty. Thank you.

New Report on Human Rights Violations in Tibet in 2001 (Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democrary 7 January 2002)
The Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD) today released its Annual Report on the Human Rights Situation in Tibet. Drawing primarily on testimonies from recently-arrived refugees, the Report details massive human rights violations in the past twelve months. Evidence of these violations fly in the face of Chinese government propa-ganda which advertised an improvement in the living conditions and human rights situation in Tibet in 2001. Freedom House, the New York-based freedom and democracy watchdog, recently rated Tibet as one of the worst areas in the world for civil liberties and political rights. Youdon Aukatsang, TCHRD Senior Programme Officer, said "In the light of the events of September 11, it is more vital than ever for the international community to respect human rights, not to violate them in the name of anti-terrorism as China has done in relation to Tibetans." For this Annual Report, TCHRD has documented human rights abuse using the framework of the two major human rights instruments, the Internation-al Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) which was ratified in March 2001, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). China's "Strike Hard" campaign was re-launched this year targeting political dissent in Tibet. TCHRD's Annual Report counts 37 new arrests, bringing the number of 254 Tibetan political prisoners currently incarcerated for exercising the right to freedom of opinion, expression, religion, movement and as-sembly. Many Tibetans were beaten or tortured while in detention, with at least 10 reported deaths in 2001. The Report details the way in which Buddhist institutions faced increasing restrictions and expulsions by Chinese Communist Party "work teams" in 2001, including the expulsion of 9,804 religious practitioners and the closure of at least two institu-tions. Ordinary Tibetans who refused to denounce the Dalai Lama, or possessed pictures, video tapes or audio tapes of the Dalai Lama's were also arrested or imprisoned. With China continuing to claim that civil and political rights are less important than economic rights, in this Report TCHRD turns the spotlight on China's claims to have improved the lives of Tibetan people through the government's "modernisation" programme. Despite ratification of the ICESCR, Tibetans suffered serious breaches of such rights, including the following:
Right to livelihood - the Report shows that in 2001, Beijing implemented economic policies in Tibet designed to enrich the Chinese government and encourage population transfer of Chinese settlers into towns and cities of Tibet, while the plight of the vast majority of Tibetans who struggle to eke out an existence in rural areas was ignored.
Right to education - high fees and the increasing use of the Chinese language as a medium for education meant that most Tibetan children in rural areas did not receive education past primary school. In 2001, almost half the refugees fleeing Tibet were children in search of education.
Right to health - the Report examines international studies published in 2001 showing unacceptable levels of malnutri-tion, tuberculosis, and other poverty-related diseases in Tibet. High fees and a lack of Tibetan medical staff restricted Tibetans in their access to medical treatment. The Report also warns of the potential for an HIV/AIDS epidemic in Tibet - the absence of testing, treatment or education programmes, combined with China's birth control policy favouring ster-ilisation of women over promotion of safe sex practices, is grave cause for concern.
Right to housing - many Tibetans were denied their right to adequate housing; 10,000 people were forcefully evicted; ru-ral Tibetans were denied basic housing services like water and electricity; and new housing was designed to meet the needs of the growing Chinese population and not those of Tibetan people.

ture from the Nepali government's generous policy of allowing Tibetans to pass through Nepal on their way to India. "To leave Tibet, refugees face a dangerous journey across the Himalayas into Nepal", said Youdon Aukatsang of TCHRD. "To then deport them back to Tibet, where they will face arrest, imprisonment and torture, or to imprison them in Ne-pal, causes even further trauma." (Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy is a non-governmental organisa-tion based in Dharamsala, India. Subscribe to our Barkhor mailing list. This list carries TCHRD's latest 'Press Releases' and monthly 'Human Rights Update' and more on current human rights situation in Tibet. To subscribe send an email to: "[email protected]" with the words: "subscribe barkhor" (no quotes) in the body of the email.)

Youdon Aukatsang of TCHRD said "our Report clearly shows that the kind of "development" occurring in Tibet is based on the political needs of the Chinese government and does not re-spect the needs or interests of Tibetans. Beijing's claims to have developed Tibet seem to have been accepted by the international community, with 2001 also witnessing China's entry into the World Trade Organisation and the success of their bid to host the Olympic Games in 2008."
For the first time in an Annual Report, TCHRD has also examined the rights of Tibetan refu-gees who fled Tibet in search of protection against human rights abuses in 2001. A total of 1,375 Tibetans reached India, the number being lower than previous years due to the arrest of at least 2,500 Tibetans on the Tibet/Nepal border. Of those who did manage to cross into Nepal, several instances were recorded of Nepali police forcefully returning asylum seekers to Tibet, or arresting them for failure to possess travel documents. These cases are a worrying depar-

BUDDHISM IN PRACTICE by H. H. the Dalai Lama... I am very happy today to communicate with all of you American Buddhists from [the Tibetan Buddhist Learning Center], the oldest of the Tibetan Buddhist monastic centers in Ameri-ca. It is encouraging to note the present spread of Tibetan Buddhism, some 1,000 centers around the world with over 250 in the United States alone. As I often say, Buddhism has a special gift for helping people calm their minds and learn to live more happily. In the midst of what can accurately be called "the Buddhist holocaust" of the 20th century, we Tibet-ans were forced into exile by the Chinese invasion of our homeland. Since then, we have been privileged to share the gifts of Buddhism with fellow beings of other nations, who all must face the countless difficulties of life in our restless, anxious, modern world. Perhaps the only good thing that has come from our tragedy is the spread of the teaching and practice of Tibetan Buddhism. Of course, it would have been much better for everyone if it could have happened without such an unspeakable toll of human suffering. Imagine, Tibetan lamas could have come out to teach in different coun-tries, travelling with their visas stamped on Tibetan passports! Western Dharma students could have freely come into Tibet's peaceful mountains to enjoy her fresh air, study at her monastic universities, and meditate in her inspiring sol-itudes. I say this not just to complain about our ordeal but because I have noticed that people tend to adopt a sort of fa-talism about the history and problem of Tibet: "Well, it had to happen that way - otherwise Tibetans would not have come out of isolation into the world." Thinking this way can make them slow to take action to try to improve the real Tibetan situation, to solve the Tibetan problem, the human problem of six million Tibetan human persons. Now, it is a useful practice to reflect on one's own suffering, to think of it as the "return of one's own karma," and thus get the benefit of cultivating patience with one's difficulties. But it is not useful, nor compassionate, to be patient about the suf-ferings of others. In fact, as Shantideva says, the Bodhisattva should be absolutely intolerant of the sufferings of others, should find them utterly unbearable. To give a personal example, I have said that I myself have actually benefitted from the hardships of losing my homeland and wandering in exile - and I meant it. Not having a sheltered life and having to suffer and struggle has helped me to grow. Worldly difficulty can lead to faster spiritual growth and greater strength of mind, and I personally am quite content with my lot. I have been given the inspiration to take the Buddha Dharma ser-iously and the opportunity to work hard to put it into practice. I cannot complain. Yet the plight of my people, the six million Tibetans who look to me to help them, is different - I cannot forget their cries. How can I pray and recite the Bo-dhisattva vow to save all beings from suffering and the cause of suffering, and at the same time leave anything undone that could actually help these suffering people who are my immediate responsibility? And so, I am always trying to do as much as I can. Perhaps my example can help other Buddhists who want to maintain their spiritual practice and also want to work for the good of society. In the past, scholars have said that Buddhism was single-minded in its focus on Nirvana, giving up the mundane world as a hopeless case. With this preconception, they thought that Buddhism made very little contribution to civilization, letting social problems go their own way. Now, it may be true that Buddhist persons and in-stitutions could have done a better job of helping people in different periods and different countries. But I believe that from the time of Buddha until today, all forms of Buddhism have been continuously trying to help people, whether in social groups or individually. It has never been the case that Buddhism did not care about the world. The freedom and

to realize the preciousness of Tibetan Buddhism, to cherish it just as we do. I have been very moved on this trip because so many people have expressed to me, in actions as well as words, their respect, not only for the teachings of Tibetan Buddhism, but also for their source, namely, Tibetan culture and civilization, which itself is ultimately rooted nowhere else than in the living hearts of the Tibetan people. Tibetan culture belongs to all humanity, and its extinction would not just affect Tibetans, but all humanity. We, therefore, appeal to the members of all other cultures to help the Tibetans preserve our unique and rich cultural heritage. Our friends in the Congress of the United States have acted powerfully to express their support for our cause, urging China to cease her attempts to eliminate the Tibetan race, erase the Ti-betan nation from history, and eradicate the Tibetan culture. These senators and representatives will increasingly need your help and the help of all Buddhists, all religious persons, all humanists, and all friends of Tibet, to make an even stronger push to get China to change her attitude. This push is urgent and essential to save our people and culture be-fore it is too late. For China, too, it is an emergency because if her leaders do not change their present course, it will eventually rebound upon themselves in a negative way. But I do not wish to elaborate on this, as I am basically an opti-mist and still have great hope that sanity will prevail and that good and truth will triumph. You might be surprised, but I think such optimism is quite practical. For, you see, everyone just wants happiness. If we investigate the human heart, not just to follow religious teaching, but to analyze carefully what is really there, we find that what everyone wants, what gives satisfaction, is the warm heart, the good heart, compassion and love. These give calmness, tranquilli-ty, and real contentment; and that gives inner strength. On the other hand, hatred, anger, and greed simply produce uneasiness and always more dissatisfaction. Even nations need to control and minimize anger and hatred; it is the only way they can avoid suffering and bring their people happiness. So nations will eventually do the right thing, because it is in the ultimate best interest of their people. Goodness is finally the most practical, the most realistic solution. Perhaps most of you already know the importance of compassion and love. The practice of compassion is what gives me greatest satisfaction. No matter what the circumstances, no matter what kind of tragedy I am facing, I practice compassion. This gives me inner strength and happiness. This gives me the feeling that my life is useful. So you see, up to now - I am 57 years of age (1992) - I have tried my best to practice these things, and will continue to do so until my last breath, my last day. I myself, you see, am the devoted servent of compassion. That is the way I really feel. We need public support, the active expression of your goodwill towards us. Please keep this in mind, and whenever the occasion arises express your deep sympathy towards the Tibetan cause. As Buddhist practitioners, you should understand the necessity of pre-serving Tibetan Buddhism. For this the land, the physical country of Tibet, is crucial. We have tried our best to preserve the Tibetan traditions outside Tibet for almost thirty years, and we have been comparatively successful. But eventually, after our time, there is a real danger that they will change, that they will not survive away from the protective nurture of our homeland. So, for the sake of preserving Tibetan Buddhism, which can be seen as a complete form of the Buddha Dharma, the sacred land of Tibet is vitally important. It is very unlikely that it can survive as a cultural and spiritual entity if its physical reality is smothered under Chinese occupation. So we cannot avoid taking responsibility in trying to improve its political situation. Clearly, in this light, active support for the Tibetan cause is not just a matter of politics. It is the work of Dharma. We are not against the Chinese; we, in fact, have a deep admiration for the Chinese civiliza-tion. We are only trying to gain our rights, to save our people, and to preserve our Buddha Dharma. I dream of a new Tibet - a free land, a zone of peace - where my six million people can restore our spiritual way of life while becoming at-tuned to the best aspects of the modern world. I see it as a place where all people - not excluding our eastern neighbor - can visit and enjoy the fresh air and brilliant mountain light, can find inspiration in a peaceful, spiritual way of life, and perhaps can learn to understand their own worlds better by getting away for a little while to meditate at our high alti-tude. With your help we can return there. Now is the time when your action is practice. Thank you very much.

happiness of all living beings have always been the ultimate ideal and the working goal. Tibetan civilization is very much a product of the socially transformative power of Bud-dhism. Brought from India by the great Emperor Songsten Gampo in the 7th century, Bud-dhist wisdom began its slow but steady work of making the people more gentle, happy and peaceful. After a few centuries, Tibetans had become so fond of the Buddha Dharma that they made great efforts to make it the center of their lives, even without the support of a royal dynasty. Finally, after one thousand years, Tibetans succeeded in expressing Buddhist ideals in the national government itself, established as the integration of the sacred and the secular by the Fifth Dalai Lama in the 17th century. We believed that the Buddha's teaching was the indispensable key to achieving national as well as individual happiness. So our whole social system - our culture, arts and life style - was centered on people's spi-ritual development according to the Dharma. Though we never achieved perfection, we did preserve many unique teachings and traditions, some of them long lost to other Buddhist countries. But I don't need to say too much about this, as I know many of you have come

April18, 2004

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