Shades of Grey

by John Trungove

Parts 8 to 11




Part 8 - "Only With the Most Friendly Intentions"

3 August 1914

Messina

“Goeben” and "Breslau" departed at 1.00 am, heading west toward the African coast.

Toulon

At 5.00 am, the French fleet under Admiral Boué de Lapeyrère sailed out under orders to watch for "Goeben" "Breslau" and to protect the planned transportation of troops from Africa. Lapeyrère was instructed that the German warships had been sighted at Brindisi. He was to find them and, as soon as he was informed that France was at war, he was to engage them. The transports would be best protected by direct action rather than travelling in convoy. Lapeyrère nevertheless headed straight for the Algerian coast, as he felt that the British could yet not be relied upon to support France.

Brussels

At 7.00 am, the German ultimatum was rejected. Hasty Belgian military preparations proceeded, with rolling stock being withdrawn from tracks near the border and tunnels and bridges being heavily guarded, with the guards awaiting orders to dynamite these potential entry points. Reports of German troops lining the border were soon communicated to Brussels and on to Paris and London.

Straits of Messina

"Chatham" passed through the straits, finding no sign of the German warships, now six hours gone and steaming swiftly toward the Algerian coast.

Malta

Milne, informed that the German warships had eluded the watch at the Straits of Messina, now ordered his battle cruisers "Indomitable" and "Indefatigable", which had been part of the guard patrolling the mouth of the Adriatic, to head west to find the German vessels. Milne had heard of a German collier waiting at Majorca in the Balearic Islands and suspected that the Germans were making a run for the Straits of Gibraltar. Milne directed his ships to run along the Algerian coast in case the Germans had any plans for mischief there.

London

It was the Bank Holiday public holiday in England. The holiday crowds were out in wonderful weather and were still massing around Buckingham Palace and the French embassy, as well as filling Hyde Park.

The morning saw Grey fully occupied as usual with reports from all over Europe, dealing with one aspect or other of the crisis. There was news from Beaumont in Constantinople of Turkish mobilisation, suspension of exports and a tax on foreigners. Grey himself sent a telegram to the Turkish government expressing British regrets over the seizure of their battleships on 28 July. Turkey surely would understand why Britain had to see to her "own needs in this crisis".

Grey had in front of him a telegram from Bertie with details of the disposition of French and German troops on their mutual border. With numerous reports of German activity on the Belgian frontier as well, Grey wired Villiers in Brussels, asking for a precise report, including full details of what dealings the Belgians had had with the Germans.

It was time to call on British allies. Grey wired British Ambassador Greene in Tokyo, instructing him to warn the Japanese that the British might need to rely on them for support should any conflict with Germany spread to the far East, particularly if Hong Kong or Wei-hai Wei were threatened.

Grey also wired Rodd in Rome, passing on an urgent Admiralty request for news of where "Goeben" might be transferring coal.

Grey saw Cambon and explained in more detail the level of British naval commitment. If the German fleet entered the Channel or the North Sea with hostile intent in relation to the French, then the French could count on British intervention. The same applied to German action against French shipping in the Atlantic. Cambon could now inform his government that the commitment could be announced in the Chamber of Deputies. Grey said that he would soon be making the same announcement in the House of Commons.

As soon as Cambon returned to his embassy, he received word of the German ultimatum to Belgium. Cambon immediately passed this news on to Grey.

Lichnowsky received instructions from Jagow to insist that all reports of German violations of the French frontier were fabrications. He visited Grey and suggested that Germany would not threaten the north coast of France while Britain remained neutral. Grey said nothing directly about the naval guarantee to France but remarked cryptically that all three powers had the measure of each other's minds. Lichnowsky again asked that British neutrality not be contingent upon Germany respecting that of Belgium. Grey declined to discuss this question any further and Lichnowsky left the meeting. Shortly thereafter an edition of the "Westminster Gazette" appeared with a report that the British had given the French a naval guarantee.

No sooner had Lichnowsky seen Grey than Cambon learned of it through Nicolson. Cambon relayed this to Paris, along with news that Lichnowsky had given the British press a statement promising that Germany would refrain from naval operations if Britain agreed to remain neutral. This promise extended to any use of the Belgian coast as a base for hostile operations. Cambon seized on this as an indication that Germany had already effectively violated Belgian neutrality.

Grey now left for the Cabinet meeting. At 11.00 am, the Cabinet learned of the Belgian defiance of the German ultimatum. At 11.20, a telegram was received from the Tories confirming their support for intervention. With the Cabinet now firming in support of intervention should the Germans invade Belgium, Simon and Beauchamp also resigned. Lloyd George, ever conscious of which way the wind was blowing, decided to stay in the Cabinet.

Asquith sent an urgent message to Lord Kitchener, about to depart for Egypt, that he was to remain in England and await further instructions.

After lunch, Grey saw Lichnowsky yet again. Lichnowsky, increasingly desperate, begged that Belgian neutrality not be made a condition for British neutrality. Grey told him that Cabinet was now unmovable on this point. Grey said that he was about to address the House of Commons and make Britain's stance completely clear. Lichnowsky bade Grey farewell, fully anticipating that this would be their last meeting.

The Hague

Alarmed at the German troops moving near the Belgian frontier, the Dutch government hastily despatched to the Limburg salient as many troops as could be gathered at short notice.

Berlin

The Kaiser was depressed. To visitors he gave the impression of a tragic and disturbed figure. Had he not worked tirelessly to avoid a war? He had urged restraint on Vienna and finally persuaded them to begin talking when the Russians had ruined everything by mobilising. Even so, he had kept up a frantic telegram exchange with the Tsar and had felt sure that things could be worked out. Yet the Russians persisted with their mobilisation despite German warnings and this development directly threatened Germany. The Kaiser believed the constant assurances from the Tsar that no threat was intended but the Russian government was a different matter. Its hostility to Germany was manifest and the war preparations in Russia were too menacing to ignore. Wilhelm had had no option but to declare war. He had done everything to be seen as the "Peace Emperor" and now this was finished. Always, always, Germany was to be encircled and isolated. Now German honour would be defended by force of arms. Still, western Europe had to be kept quiet. Wilhelm bristled about the suspected arrangement between the French and the British over the protection of the French coast but he had already been warned by Tirpitz not to make too much of this issue yet.

The Kaiser's whole focus was now on dealing with the Russians. The shadow boxing over Belgium had given his forces two valuable days while the General Staff undertook the complex logistical exercise of reversing years of planning. Now four armies were on their way eastward to join the Eighth Army that had already been concentrating on the Russian frontier. Today German units would make a demonstration incursion into Russian territory, moving against border villages. The Russians, according to all reports, were continuing their slow buildup to what surely would be a thrust into East Prussia within two weeks. Now the Belgian question was an unnecessary distraction. It was time to clear the air. The rejection of the German ultimatum that morning meant that the Germans had to respond once and for all or forfeit all diplomatic credibility.

Wilhelm summoned his chiefs to plan the next move. With his armies on the move at last, Moltke seemed more content, although he felt that he would never recover from the humiliation of the other night. Now he wanted to maximise any opportunity to secure defensive ground in Alsace and Lorraine and needed authority to cross the frontier if operational necessity demanded this. It was agreed that reconnaissance patrols could cross the border briefly if necessary. Once again the discussion turned to the problem of a formal declaration of war. Moltke argued that the French should be handed the declaration of war immediately. Bethmann-Hollweg wanted to know how Belgium was to be pacified now that the German ultimatum had been rejected. Jagow wanted more pressure on Britain to declare neutrality.

"Why should we declare war on France when we do not intend to invade yet?" demanded Jagow. "We are at war with Russia because the Tsar mobilised." "Even that was a mistake", grumbled Tirpitz. Jagow continued, "If we declare war on France we lose the high moral ground. France mobilised against us before we mobilised on Saturday. Let her declare war if she wishes to support her ally. The British will not intervene if the French are the aggressors. They have been too insistent on their freedom of action for that. Let them wait until we cross into France later before they are forced to make a choice." "The British are getting too edgy about Belgium to stay out of the French camp for much longer", argued the Chancellor.

"It is time that the Peace Emperor spoke", declared the Kaiser. I have a letter here from Albert. He asks me to remember the ties of friendship and kinship between our two families and wants some assurance, even if this is in private. We lose nothing with a grand gesture in reply. I shall leave for Aachen immediately and meet with Albert personally."

For the second time in three days, Moltke was horrified. "There is no time!" he insisted. "You have taken most of my armies away but there is still too much movement through Aachen and the rail network in the west to permit your train to get through. We do not need any more confusion. You would have to be given priority and this would interfere with important military movements."

"If you travel to meet Albert, you will be missing from Berlin when you are most needed here." Jagow would not hear of the Kaiser's proposal. "Besides, by the time you reach Aachen, who knows what may have happened. We must use the telegraph. In that way we can get to the English as well. Lichnowsky tells me that Grey is addressing Parliament today. The Government is unwilling to make a hasty decision but the English press and the French are pressing very hard. We have no time to lose."

The Kaiser looked around the room for support but for once everyone was united against his grand idea. "Very well, then", he sulked. "Get me some telegram sheets." A plentiful supply was already on Wilhelm's desk and he set to work. None dared interfere with the drafting.

"I was forced in the most dangerous circumstances to put a serious question to Your Majesty's Government but this was only with the most friendly intentions towards Belgium. In this dark hour, Germany's fate is at stake. I had received news that France was about to violate Belgium and I was gravely concerned both on your behalf and for the security of my flank on the lower Rhine. News from London now persuades me reluctantly to accept that reports of French ill intentions toward Belgium were erroneous. Ever conscious of my responsibility as a guarantor of Belgian neutrality and independence, I feel it necessary now to make it clear that I shall respect the treaty of 1839. Despite what our enemies may say to you, German policy is determined only by my government and myself. We are not subordinate in this to the General Staff. I attach much importance to my reputation as a strict observer of treaties designed for the preservation of peace. My feelings towards Your Majesty and your country are unchanged."

(If Wilhelm had realised that he was simply echoing Bismarck, he may not have felt so grandiose. Indeed, in 1904 he had clashed with Chancellor Bülow for arguing along the very same lines with respect to Belgium!)

The text of the Kaiser's letter was to be copied to the British embassy with the following declaration added (at the insistence of Tirpitz):

"As long as England keeps neutral we would be willing in case of reciprocity not to undertake any hostile operations against the French commercial navigation."

The meeting broke up with Tirpitz advising that the High Seas Fleet was now passing westward through the Kiel Canal. They were to be ordered to hold position at or near the German bases on the North Sea in the Heligoland Bight. As for France, Germany could wait a little longer ...

Early in the afternoon, the Kaiser's telegram was despatched to King Albert, in reply to his private appeal made thirty-six hours beforehand. The British Embassy in Berlin was informed immediately and an urgent wire was also sent off to Lichnowsky.

London

At 3.00 pm, Grey addressed the House of Commons:

"Last week I stated that we were working for peace not only for this country, but to preserve the peace of Europe. To-day events move so rapidly that it is exceedingly difficult to state with technical accuracy the actual state of affairs, but it is clear that the peace of Europe cannot be preserved. Russia and Germany, at any rate, have declared war upon each other."

Grey went on to outline the government's efforts to avert the last crisis in the Balkans in 1912-13 but noted that it had been more difficult to defuse the crisis this time around because of the speed with which events had moved and with the opposition from some quarters to a resolution. Grey praised France as one country that had not wanted a war over the Serbian crisis and acknowledged that she was only being drawn in because of her obligations to Russia. However, as Grey reminded the House, these obligations did not bind Britain in any way. Britain did not even know the terms of the Franco-Russian alliance.

Grey noted the strong friendship that had developed between France and Britain in recent years. He stressed that this was a friendship and not a binding alliance. Nevertheless, there were in place some arrangements that must be maintained in the interests of mutual security. The French fleet was concentrated in the Mediterranean and the northern and western coasts of France were undefended, except for what protection Britain could offer from the Royal Navy. Britain could not stand aside if a foreign aggressor entered the English Channel and attacked the French coasts. Grey was interrupted here with loud cheers.

Grey continued and argued that the French needed an indication from Britain as to what was to be the status of her northern and western coasts. Otherwise she might have to compromise her Mediterranean fleet, leaving her at great peril should Italy be induced by Germany and Austria-Hungary to depart from her present neutral stance. Unfavourable developments in the Mediterranean could likewise endanger British trade routes. Taking all of these matters into account, the Government had decided to give the French an assurance that the British would protect their northern and western coasts. This was not a declaration of war in any sense. Indeed, it accorded with the approach taken by the Germans, who had promised not to attack the northern coast of France if Britain agreed to remain neutral.

Grey insisted that the German approach in terms of naval restraint in return for British neutrality was too restrictive for Britain to accept without qualification, particularly in the light of the grave developments in Belgium. Grey explained the discussions on this subject over the past week and the assurances sought from Paris and Berlin. The only word from Berlin appeared to be the demand for access through Belgian territory. Grey said (to more cheers) that he had refused to bargain away Belgian neutrality.

If Belgium were to accede in any way to the German demands, here independence would be fatally compromised. Once Belgium went, Holland and Denmark would shortly follow. British interests would be adversely affected in the admittedly unlikely event of France being subjugated by the Germans. It might be said that Britain could stand aloof and preserve her wealth and manpower but her honour would be at stake and all respect for her would dissipate. Even then, the economic consequences of the European war would be just as severe for countries not involved as for participants.

By this stage Grey was being constantly interrupted by cheering from the House. He forged ahead, returning to the Belgian question. Although the full facts were not yet clear, Britain had a clear obligation to prevent what could reasonably be expected from the developments so far. While Britain could be sure of staying at peace by making an unconditional declaration of neutrality, this was impossible, as there was already the naval guarantee to France and Britain could not walk away from her treaty obligations regarding Belgium. There was more cheering and a loud "No!"

Grey then read a letter from King Albert of the Belgians to King George appealing for diplomatic intervention by the British Government to ensure the integrity of Belgium.

Grey stressed that, although there had been difficulties in Ireland, the position was such that it did not hamper Britain from making any necessary choices in relation to the European crisis. No final decision had been made on British involvement but the country was ready to act as required once the full facts were available and all opportunities for resolution had been explored. The Government acknowledged its terrible responsibility in advising the House on what action was to be taken but was confident of its support. Perhaps the House was in the same position as the rest of the country and was still thinking in terms of a dispute between Austria and Serbia. Things had moved very fast and people had not had the chance to grasp what had become the main issue. The complications of the Serbian problem were severe. Russia and Germany were now at war. Austria's position in relation to Russia was not yet clear. While much had been happening on the Franco-German frontier, there was no report of the German ambassador leaving Paris.

"The situation has developed so rapidly that technically, as regards the condition of the war, it is most difficult to describe what has actually happened. I wanted to bring out the underlying issues which would affect our own conduct and our own policy, and to put them clearly. I have now put the vital facts before the House, and if, as seems not improbable, we are forced, and rapidly forced, to take our stand upon those issues, then I believe, when the country realises what is at stake, what the real issues are, the magnitude of the impending dangers in the west of Europe, which I have endeavoured to describe to the House, we shall be supported through out, not only by the House of Commons, but by the determination, the resolution the courage, and the endurance of the whole country."

Grey resumed his seat to prolonged cheering, with the entire House on its feet. As he sat down, an attendant slipped a piece of paper into his hand. Grey glanced at the note and then at the Speaker, who nodded. Grey rose to his feet again and waited as the commotion died down.

"Honourable Members, I have just been informed that the Kaiser has advised Belgium and the other powers that Germany will honour its obligations under the Treaty of 1839."

Part 9 - The Guns Speak

3 August 1914

Baltic Sea

The German cruiser "Augsburg" bombarded Libau in Latvia, in the war’s first open act of hostilities.

Poland

German troops from Posen and Silesia crossed the Russian border at the western end of the Polish salient, occupying Kalisz, Cz?stochowa and B?dzin. There was little resistance, as the Russians were concentrating their troops further east on the southern front against Austria, beyond Krakow. The Warsaw command, under Zhilinsky, was concentrating two armies around Ostrolenka and Kovno, ready for the push into East Prussia. The invading Germans set up temporary field headquarters at Kalisz and newly arriving units of the Fourth Army, under Prince Albrecht von Württemberg, began to join them. Any Russians left in the area rapidly retired towards their main forces, leaving much equipment for the advancing Germans.

Early units of the armies redeployed from the west began to arrive, with the First Army, under General Alexander von Kluck, centred on Thorn, the Second Army, under General Karl von Bülow, concentrating around Soldau and the Third Army, under von Hausen, in the lake country and in forward positions to Lyk. The Eighth Army, under General Max von Prittwitz und Gaffron, took up positions along the Angerapp and between Insterburg and Gumbinnen.

Franco-German frontier

All along the frontier from Longwy to Belfort there were numerous incidents as patrols encountered one another. Many reports of incursions were fabrications but occasionally a patrol encountered stiff resistance and shots found their marks. Where bodies could not be retrieved before falling into enemy hands, the "aggrieved" party swiftly reported this evidence back to headquarters with a view to maximising the propaganda value. In general, however, most units obeyed orders to refrain from intruding onto enemy territory.

Hamburg

Several British ships, which had been held up for days amid much prevarication, assurances and broken promises, finally received clearance to depart. They were guided carefully beyond the mouth of the Elbe where extensive mine laying had been going on for days. One ship left without its cargo of sugar, which no amount of diplomatic intervention had been able to secure.

Paris

Poincaré persuaded Viviani that the portfolio of Foreign Minister would be better handled by Gaston Doumergue. Viviani remained Prime Minister without portfolio.

Still the French waited. Where was the German declaration of war? The German moratorium on direct action against France, signalled two days earlier, expired at 7.00 pm. The time passed without a declaration of war from the Germans. By then Viviani had Cambon's report of Grey's Commons speech and the Kaiser's announcement concerning Belgium. The Cabinet was called together again.

Messimy, under pressure from Joffre, was eager for authority to launch French attacks as soon as forces were ready. By now the Germans should rightly have declared war. Viviani was bewildered at the silence from Schoen and the absence of any obvious sign of a German attack. Doumergue, at his first Cabinet meeting as Foreign Minister, said little. The Cabinet was unsure how to deal with the loss of the expected diplomatic and moral advantage that a German declaration of war would have brought. It was agreed that Paléologue would still continue to urge the Russians to proceed with their mobilisation and preparation for an attack on East Prussia. In turn, any pressure from the Russians would be answered with the assurance that the French would be ready within a week.

Messimy reminded the Cabinet that there had been agreements with the Russians in 1911 and 1913 that Russia was to attack East Prussia if the Germans attacked France. Without a German attack on the French, no one knew whether the Russians would continue their plans for an early strike in the east.

London

Cabinet met again late in the afternoon to consider the changed circumstances affecting western Europe. The anti-war members seized the initiative, with one of their number, Herbert Samuel, arguing that there was no serious threat to France at present and that by ensuring the protection of the French coasts and shipping and standing firm on Belgium, Britain had achieved a brilliant diplomatic victory without firing a shot. Beauchamp and Simon now withdrew their resignations.

The interventionists succeeded in blocking a proposal for an outright declaration of neutrality, even on the terms that had emerged in relation to the naval arrangements. Grey insisted that there was still a major crisis and a war that would almost inevitably involve France. While he was content with the latest developments, the situation was far too dangerous for any foolish declaration from London, which would only send the wrong messages to Paris and Berlin. Grey said that Britain now stood in a favourable position, in relation to the belligerents, to continue efforts for peace. Grey, Asquith and Churchill were united in their determination to remain watchful, although Churchill was inwardly seething at not being able to order the fleet into action.

Irish nationalist leader John Redmond had planned to address the House of Commons in the evening. Now he was reconsidering. He kept his promise to Mrs Asquith and met with the Prime Minister after the Cabinet meeting. He returned to the House and made a very brief statement, saying that if the country were in dire need, the nationalists would offer their forces, "in comradeship with our brethren in the North" to defend the coasts of Ireland and allow the government to redeploy its own troops. Redmond noted the pleasing news from Germany concerning Belgium and suggested that Britain might now have an opportunity to continue working on a solution to the recent difficulties over the Home Rule Bill. The government must not allow this question to be swept aside now that Britain might not be going to war with Germany after all.

That night, Redmond wrote to the Irish Volunteers, strongly advising against any refusal to answer the call-up of reservists. Redmond argued that such a move would be suicidal. The European crisis had improved the nationalists' position and the advantage gained should not be rashly squandered.

Constantinople

The Ottoman Empire declared neutrality, after having signed a treaty of alliance with Germany. The treaty with Germany involved Turkish support for Germany in a conflict with Russia. However, the Germans allowed Turkey considerable leeway before having to declare her intentions openly. The Turkish government was too faction-ridden for there to be any certainty that Enver Pasha could ensure prompt action against the Russians. The Germans needed to move swiftly to shore up the Turkish alliance and they had the answer waiting in the western Mediterranean.

Throughout the day, a Turkish minelayer was active around the Bosphorus, leaving about 50 mines in place.

4 August 1914

Mediterranean

At 2.00 am “Goeben” was ordered to make for Constantinople without delay. Souchon was told of the alliance now signed with Turkey and the postponement of any declaration of war against France. He immediately turned back for Messina.

London

Grey continued to be nervous about the closeness between Berlin and Constantinople. He wired Beaumont in Constantinople, instructing him to suggest that Turkish interests "would best be served by maintaining a strict neutrality" and that it would be very dangerous to be induced to go to war as an ally of the Germans and Austrians. Beaumont was cautioned to phrase this message in the form of advice from "Turkey's oldest friend". On no account should the message be put in such a way that it could be taken as a threat.

Meanwhile, the Turkish Ambassador in London advised Grey that the Ottoman Empire would maintain its neutrality for the time being.

Redmond wrote to Asquith, stressing that any delay in enactment of the Home Rule bill would be disastrous. Redmond felt that his supporters would consider a delay to be a betrayal and unfortunate things might be said and done by them which could damage their cause. Redmond suggested that the bill be enacted in conjunction with a commitment not to put it into operation until the Amending Bill had finally been agreed to. He felt that the Unionists might be amenable to this course, particularly after both parties had indicated a commitment to the good of Britain during the past days of crisis. Redmond promised not to do anything to add to the governments worries at this difficult time but begged not to be sent back to his supporters with a hopeless position.

Later in the day, Asquith was visited by Bonar Law, on behalf of the Unionists, equally concerned that the government might accede to Redmond's demands. Bonar Law was worried that the "truce" of the past few days might be used to enable the Home Rule bill to be slipped quietly onto the Statute Books before the Opposition and the Unionists could do anything about it. Asquith assured Bonar Law that there would be no trickery and that he was still not sure exactly how to deal with the bill. He suggested that Carson and Redmond get together and work on the problem and he told Bonar Law that he did not think that an agreement was out of the question.

Mediterranean

“Indomitable” and “Indefatigable” steamed on, with no sighting of “Goeben”, now heading east for Messina, which she reached early in the afternoon. Once word of her arrival reached London, the warships were once more sent eastward but the trail was now cold. Milne sent a light cruiser, the "Gloucester" to patrol the eastern coast of Sicily and watch the exit from the Straits of Messina while he took his flagship, the "Inflexible" to patrol west of Malta between the African coast and the south-western end of Sicily. "Indefatigable" was sent north of Sicily to watch the other exit from the Straits, while "Indomitable" was obliged to divert to Bizerte for more coal.

At Messina, the Italian port authorities tried to make things as difficult as possible for the Germans. They were told that they would have to leave within twenty four hours. While their consular people were wrestling with the authorities and securing as much additional time as possible, coal was transferred continuously to the German warships from the other German vessels.

Stockholm

Sweden confirmed earlier indications and declared her complete neutrality in the war between Germany and Russia. There was much relief in England as the Swedes had earlier indicated that, if they were forced to go to war, it would not be on the side of Russia. There was strong anti-Russian feeling in the country following various spying incidents.

Grey indicated to the Swedish Minister in London that he would work to get Russia and France to join Britain in making a guarantee to respect the independence and integrity of Sweden, should either Britain or France enter the war on the side of Russia.

Semendria (Serbia)

Back where the whole affair began, the first significant armed exchange between the Serbians and the Austro-Hungarian forces took place near Semendria. Austrian forces that had crossed the Danube, largely as a demonstration raid, were repulsed in heavy fighting. The Serbian forces were apparently not the raw barbarians that Austrian propaganda would have the world believe.

Part 10 - Letter from America

"God has stricken me almost more than I can bear." Woodrow Wilson, 1914

4 August 1914

Washington

President Woodrow Wilson kept vigil by his wife's bedside. Ellen's health had rapidly deteriorated over the summer and she had not been able to bear the transition from Princeton to Washington the previous year, with the endless round of duties expected of a President's wife. As Wilson sat with his wife he worked on matters of state and was studying the grave reports from Europe. Now the end was near. The family gathered round and Wilson held Ellen's hand as she quietly slipped away. Amid his grief, the President knew that he had much urgent business to attend to.

5 August 1914

Washington

Wilson composed a telegram to the leader of the Great Powers in Europe, offering his assistance in mediating the quarrels between Austria and Serbia, Austria and Russia and between Russia and Germany. He strongly urged the powers to take the crisis no further and particularly to refrain from making any more declarations of war. Wilson commended Grey's efforts to find a solution and the British reluctance to intervene in the conflict.

Congress also recognised the danger in Europe and quickly voted two and a half million dollars to assist Americans caught abroad by the outbreak of war. There was of course no question of any other American involvement.

St Petersburg

Paléologue obtained an audience with the Tsar and urged him to begin an immediate offensive. Nicholas asked him in reply when the French were going to launch their own offensive. Paléologue was rather uncomfortable and explained that the French were not actually at war yet, although the Germans were constantly violating their frontier. The Tsar wondered whether the French were actually going to honour the alliance. Paléologue insisted that the French would fight alongside Russia. He suggested that the Germans were playing games in the west to keep the British out of the war but would fall upon the French without warning. Nicholas told Paléologue that he was receiving reports of large German troop movements towards the east. This was a worrying development and it was important that the French join battle without delay. Paléologue left Peterhof wondering what those leftist fools in Paris were up to.

Paris

Meanwhile, Izvolsky was getting nowhere with the French government. While Doumergue was more of a mind with Poincaré than Viviani had ever been, having served as Foreign Minister in Poincaré's own Cabinet some years earlier, there was little the French could do until they were attacked by the Germans or at least until their own forces were ready. As Poincaré gave Izvolsky what now sounded like hollow assurances after so many repetitions, the President wondered whether the government, or some other government, might have to risk diplomatic odium and a certain loss of standing with London, for the sake of striking the first blow. There seemed to be no more word at this stage from any of the peacemakers and the Russians were not interested in any suggestions from Paris other than assurances of support.

In the Chamber of Deputies, the seventy-three year old former premier and true Jacobin Radical, Georges Clemenceau, rose to speak. He denounced the behaviour of the Germans and their acts of war on the frontier. He accused them of attempting to seduce the British away from full commitment to an alliance with France. However, Britain had acted with full honour in standing up to Germany on Belgium and offering France the protection of her fleet. Italy, too, had acted with honour, recognising who the aggressors were in the conflict.

Clemenceau argued that France should not fear the disapproval of the world if she now acted with resolution to safeguard her people and aid her Russian friends. Germany had been the one to institute preparations for war. Now was the time for a call to arms. The French people were ready. Men who had not been the first to be called up were tearfully protesting their willingness to fight as well. They need not fear. Everyone would have a chance at glory. However, if the government lacked the courage to do what had to be done, the people of France would be more than happy for a more willing government to take their place.

Just as Grey had been cheered in London, so now Clemenceau received a standing ovation. Viviani wondered how long he would remain premier and who would be the first to defect from his government. Poincaré wrote to a friend: "Clemenceau is capable of upsetting everything!"

London

Grey met yet again with Cambon and asked what was going on in Paris. As was the case with all conversations with the French now, Cambon was uncharacteristically quiet. He even had little to say to his old friend Nicolson. Together the two privately cursed the pause that they saw being orchestrated by the Germans and they grumbled at the politicians in London for seizing upon the line of least resistance.

Grey wired Bertie to keep up the pressure for news and to indicate to the French that the British were getting concerned about having to keep monitoring the German warships in the Mediterranean and risking inflaming the already strained situation with Berlin. If the British were keeping lookout for the French in the Atlantic and the Channel, the French should do likewise in the Mediterranean. Grey naturally passed on the latest Admiralty reports on the German ships, which were still refuelling at Messina.

Rather than let Kitchener leave the country again for Egypt, Asquith now summoned him and asked him to take on the vacant position of Secretary of State for War. It would be useful to have someone of Kitchener's expertise available, as there was still no guarantee that Britain would not be at war at short notice. Kitchener warned Asquith that any war would drag on for some time and that Britain was very poorly equipped to fight a long continental war. The conventional wisdom that the Navy would carry the burden of any war had to be revised sharply and soon. While a little nonplussed by Kitchener's opinions, Asquith still preferred to have him on board and gave him a free hand to draw up plans for a long struggle, to be laid before Cabinet at the earliest opportunity. Haldane, after his short stint at the Ministry of War, now returned to the Woolsack.

Carson and Redmond met but were unable to come to any agreement. Carson told Redmond that he was irrevocably committed to opposing the Home Rule bill going on to the Statute Book. If the government persisted in enacting the bill, then Carson, along with the Tories, would attempt to block the Appropriation Bill and make the struggle long and bitter.

Montenegro

Following the Austrian raid near Semendria the previous day, the Montenegrins rallied to the support of their Serbian cousins and formally declared war on Austria-Hungary.

Dardanelles

The Turks continued their mine-laying programme begun two days earlier, seeding the approaches to the Dardanelles, although they were hampered by a relative shortage of available mines. The work proceeded in desultory fashion.

Messina

All through the day the Germans laboured, transferring coal directly from the merchant vessels to "Goeben" and "Breslau", as the Italians refused normal port facilities. Much improvisation was required, including tearing up the decks of the civilian ships to get easier access to the coal. All available men, whether naval or merchant marine, were pressed into action. By late afternoon, the work had progressed very well and Souchon ordered a three hour break. More than 1,500 tons of coal had now been transferred.

Souchon now received a worrying telegram from Berlin. He was told that his ships should not now proceed to Constantinople, "for political reasons". Souchon was told that the Turks had withdrawn permission for the German warships to enter the Dardanelles, citing their declaration of neutrality and the need to keep dissenting ministers quiet. Enver Pasha did not at that time have the endorsement of the Grand Vizier or a majority of Turkish ministers for his earlier fiat for the German ships to approach Constantinople. Instead Souchon was to stand off the Greek coast in the Ionian Sea and await orders.

This did not sit well at all with Souchon, who intended to take matters into his own hands in relation to Turkey, as soon as the opportunity presented itself. He was determined if necessary to force the Turks to engage in hostile action against Russia in the Black Sea. He gave no indication of his plans and allowed speculation among the crews and the merchant seamen to range from rumours that he was going to make a run for the Straits of Gibraltar to a suggestion of simply returning to Pola to join the Austrian fleet.

The German officers wrote last letters to home and some wrote new wills. While they were less concerned now about the British, there was still the French Mediterranean fleet to reckon with. The local inhabitants in Messina joined in a macabre festival atmosphere, farewelling in style the Germans about to sail off to death or glory. As evening fell, work resumed in order to load the last of the coal.

Part 11 - "The Lamps are Going Out"

6 August 1914

Messina

Soon after midnight, Souchon ordered the “Goeben” and "Breslau" made ready for departure. They had each been able to take on a full load of coal in the day and a half since returning from the aborted mission to the Algerian coast. Shortly before leaving, Souchon received new orders leaving him total discretion in his choice of destination. He knew where he was going now and coded orders were sent to waiting colliers.

The German ships slipped out of the harbour at Messina shortly after 2.00 am. Souchon headed south from Messina through to the eastern exit from the Straits. Once they emerged from the straits, heading around the toe of Italy, they were sighted by "Gloucester". Captain Kelly radioed the sighting to Milne and followed at a discreet distance. The moon, although full, was now moving into the south-western sky and the German ships did not stand out too well. Occasionally, the British sailors could make out smoke from the German ships, black against the lighter sky, as they crept along the Italian coast.

Milne ordered "Indefatigable" to pass through the Straits of Messina and join "Gloucester", while he headed east to Malta in "Inflexible" to refuel. "Indomitable", now well stocked with coal, was to patrol the western end of Sicily in place of "Inflexible", pending further orders and until the French could send a squadron, which would then allow the British to adopt at least the appearance of neutrality. "Indefatigable" soon passed through the Straits and took up a course just south of east, ready to intercept the German ships if they turned south and west. "Gloucester" continued to trail the Germans as they sidled along the coast. Churchill had reluctantly given orders for every courtesy to be observed in relation to the Germans but for them not to be allowed out of sight.

At 4.00 am, Souchon ordered his ships to switch to an easterly course and to go to full speed. "Gloucester" soon detected the change and set off after the Germans, although it was obvious that she could not match their pace. "Indefatigable", now clear of the straits, took up an intercept course, based on information from "Gloucester", and picked up speed.

Vienna/Berlin

The Germans were less than impressed with the Austrians. Having gone to the extreme of declaring war on Russia in support of the Austrians, Berlin was impatiently watching while Vienna continued to play the diplomatic game. Where was the Austrian declaration of war against Russia? Why were the Austrians not mobilising in Galicia? Why was their main battle group still moving southward? Another concern for the Germans was the lack of support for the warships in the Mediterranean. The Austrian fleet at Pola could surely lend some assistance if things heated up there.

In Berlin, Jagow kept up the pressure on the Austrian Ambassador, Count Ladislaus Szögyény von Temerin. The same occurred with Tschirschky, Szögyény's counterpart in Vienna, who worked on Berchtold but with little effect. The Austrians, who had been so keen to ensure German support for a move against Serbia, were shocked by the early German declaration of war against Russia and maintained their own southward focus. They had been happy to continue talking and stalling St Petersburg almost indefinitely, feeling sure that the crisis could be settled once the Serbians had been brought to heel. From the Austrian understanding of German plans before the war, they did not expect a major German move in East Prussia and were themselves proposing to remain on the defensive in Galicia. The Germans needed to shake the Austrians out of their complacency.

At Moltke's insistence, Jagow now sent Tschirschky to see Berchtold with confirmation that the Germans were preparing a major stroke in the east. They had not been informed any earlier as, despite the alliance, the Germans had not quite trusted the Austrians while the bluff was being maintained in the west. The news galvanised the Austrians and Conrad swiftly sent orders to his battle group in Galicia to prepare for offensive action. This group comprised the First, Third and Fourth Armies and part of the Second, amounting to 39 divisions. The second battle group continued southward.

A declaration of war against Russia had been prepared for the Emperor's signature on 3 August. Now this was taken to Franz Joseph and Berchtold persuaded him that the time was now ripe for Austria to demonstrate its loyalty to the alliance with Germany. The Emperor signed.

At 11.00 am, the Russian ambassador in Vienna, Nikolai Schebeko, was handed his passports and instructed to leave. In deference to his ailing wife's health, every courtesy and assistance was afforded the ambassador to aid his departure. The Austrian ambassador in St Petersburg, Count Friedrich Szápáry von Szápár, was instructed to hand over a declaration of war to Sasonov immediately he received and decoded his instructions.

Paris

Faced with the threat of defections from his two month old government, Viviani contemplated his choices. There seemed no way to retrieve the diplomatic advantage that had been expected from the anticipated German attack through Belgium. Mobilisation was well advanced and the Russians were growing very impatient. Furthermore, there was a need to respond to the threat posed in the Mediterranean by the "Goeben" and "Breslau". With a heavy heart, Viviani called together the Cabinet.

Revanchist sentiment did not totally dominate the Cabinet, although nearly all wanted some formal pretext to launch an attack on Alsace and Lorraine. There was even discussion of the principles of just warfare and whether a French attack would violate these. Viviani became more frustrated but was supported strongly by Messimy, who insisted that the Army was ready to make its first moves.

Shortly before 1.00 pm, word of the Austrian declaration of war on Russia was brought to the Cabinet. Now there was an even greater imperative to support the Russians. This and the thought of Clemenceau returning to power was enough to convince the waverers. Viviani and Poincaré retired along with Doumergue to prepare paperwork and speeches to the Chamber of Deputies. Orders were sent to the Naval command in the Mediterranean to detach as many warships as could be spared from protecting the transports, with more to follow later, including from the Atlantic fleet, and to send them where the British were tracking the German warships.

At 3.00 pm Doumergue summoned Schoen. As Doumergue broke the fateful news to the German ambassador, Viviani rose in the Chamber of Deputies and read out a message from Poincaré. As Viviani began to speak, the entire Chamber rose and remained standing.

France, the President reported, was the subject of a premeditated, vicious and devious attack. Without any declaration of war, French territory was being violated. The German Empire had, without publicly acknowledging the fact, imposed a war upon France.

France had for forty years remained silent about a legitimate grievance, all for the sake of peace. She had set an example to the world of how to rise from defeat and act in the interest of progress and the good of humanity. Even in the present crisis, every move by France had been for the cause of peace. The responsibility for the unwanted war lay solely with the German Empire.

Despite careful diplomacy and within a day of hopeful news following proposals from London, Germany had shattered the peace with a precipitate declaration of war against Russia, followed soon thereafter by the occupation of Luxemburg and the concentration of large forces on the border with France.

Yet France had been vigilant and was not caught unprepared. The German troops moving up to the border had found French covering forces who would keep France secure while her mobilisation was completed. The army was eager to defend the honour of the flag and the soil of the country. The President spoke for all of France in expressing gratitude and admiration for this. France was united and would persevere. The intolerable behaviour of the German Empire merited only one response. France had no option but to recognise that Germany had already created a state of war but before raising the sword in self defence she must herself announce to the civilised world that this state of war existed. The German ambassador had just been informed of this development and arrangements were being made for his speedy departure.

In this war, France would have Right on her side. She would stand beside her loyal ally, Russia, who in turn was ready to resist the naked German aggression. France had not only the support and protection of Russia but also the friendship and loyalty of Great Britain, which had been demonstrated by a guarantee of naval protection, notwithstanding the otherwise understandable British desire for peace and neutrality. The British would surely soon come to realise that the only way to restore a peaceful and civilised Europe would be to join France in the great struggle ahead. Already from all over the civilised world sympathy and good wishes were coming to France. "Once again she stands before the universe for Liberty, Justice and Reason. Haut les coeurs et vive la France!"

The Chamber erupted in prolonged and unanimous applause. As the commotion died down, Clemenceau stood, smiling grimly. Viviani moved on to his own address. He went in great detail through the history of the Serbian crisis and explained how "peace-loving" France had been forced to go to war to defend her borders and support her ally. Austria had, in response to the terrible crime at Sarajevo, made an outrageous demand against the rights of a sovereign state. However, on the advice of France, Russia and Great Britain, Serbia had been most anxious to meet the Austrian demands and allay her fears. Still the Austrians persisted, misleading even their allies in Berlin and Rome.

Viviani then compared the open and direct efforts for peace made by the French, Russians and British with the half-hearted attempts by Germany to sponsor talks between the Austrians and the Russians. The Austrians had then shattered the peace by making war on Serbia. Even then the Entente powers had tried to resolve the crisis. At the same time, Russia, conscious of the need to protect Serbia, and wary of Austrian aggression, chose to mobilise along the Austrian frontier. Russia took care to inform Germany and assure her that this was not directed against her, assurances which Germany seemed to accept. Germany was far less enthusiastic than the Entente powers in pressuring Austria to continue negotiations and began to engage in disturbing activities of her own, finally leading to the proclamation of the "Kriegsgefahrzustand" on 31 July. The Germans had cut all communications between herself and the rest of Europe, secretly pursuing totally unjustifiable military preparations, which had been underway since 25 July.

Russia was left with no option but to proceed to a total mobilisation. Germany, whose intentions were far from honourable, now insulted the Russians by delivering an ultimatum to desist from their mobilisation. This occurred while the Tsar was continuing desperate efforts to reach an agreement with Austria. Russia was not alone in being the target of the secret military preparations. Similar unfriendly measures were also being undertaken against France.

France no longer believed any German assurances and made her own prudent preparations for defence. She was not surprised at the German mobilisation and declaration of war on Russia on 1 August, although the "mobilisation" was more a statement of existing fact than initiation of new action. From then on, German actions were open and blatant, with the occupation of Luxemburg and countless violations of the French frontier. Germany then proceeded to threaten Belgian sovereignty and although since professing to have no malign intentions in that direction, there was no reason for Belgium to harbour any feeling of security.

France had undertaken no hostile action against Germany and this was plain for the world to see. She would no longer tolerate violation of her frontier by a power that was openly at war against her ally. France had made enough useless sacrifices on the diplomatic front during the crises of the past ten years, all in the name of peace. She had borne in silence for half a century the wound that Germany had dealt her in 1871. The time had now come to resolve the affair by force of arms.

France had made all the necessary preparations for defence against invasion. Secure on the maritime and south-eastern fronts thanks to the friendship and help provided by England and the prudent recognition by Italy that the war had begun with Austrian aggression, France could devote her efforts to the struggle against the German menace and the preservation of liberty in Europe. France was without fear and, acting with a clear conscience, would fulfil her sacred duty.

Once again there was deafening applause and the Chamber rose as one.

Ionian Sea

All through the day the German warships had steamed across the Ionian Sea, initially close to the 38th parallel of latitude, with the "Gloucester" in her wake. Gradually their course swung to a south-easterly heading. Eventually "Gloucester" dropped astern, utterly unable to match the speed of the Germans. She was soon relieved by "Indefatigable", which successfully located the fugitive ships and kept at a discreet distance behind. By late afternoon the Germans were near the Greek coast south of Zante. "Indefatigable" had been joined by four armoured cruisers from the squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral Sir Ernest Troubridge, who had been sent from Malta four days earlier to watch the entrance of the Adriatic, lest the Austrian fleet emerge. These cruisers, the "Black Prince", "Warrior", "Defence" and "Duke of Edinburgh", had slipped southward along the Greek coast to intercept the Germans.

Souchon was by now considerably alarmed at the attention he was receiving from the British warships. He sought clarification from Berlin, fearing that the British were preparing some hostile move, despite the easing of tension three days beforehand.

Suddenly, the radio of the "Indefatigable" crackled with a startling message, sent in clear for the benefit of the opposing German listeners: "France has declared war on Germany. Britain remains neutral. Return immediately to Malta." Troubridge's ships were ordered separately to resume their previous station at the mouth of the Adriatic. The British fired off a salute to the German ships, which was promptly returned, and then they were gone. The Germans steamed on.

London

As evening fell, Grey stood at his office window in Whitehall, looking out over St James Park and watching the lamps being lit. He turned to a friend and murmured: “The lamps are going out all over Europe; we shall not see them lit again in our lifetime.”

to be continued

© D John Trungove, Melbourne, Australia, 2000-2001
Permission granted for use subject to full acknowledgement of authorship. The author’s moral rights to this work are asserted.

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