Parts 12 to 15
Part 12 - "Cette Lorraine et cette Alsace, c'est à Nous!"
7 August 1914
Alsace
The French First Army, under General Augustin Dubail, held a fortified line from Épinal, on the Moselle west of the Vosges range, to Belfort west of Mulhausen (Mulhouse) at the southern end of Alsace, near Basle and the Swiss border. General Dubail also had at his disposal VII Corps, under General Bonneau, waiting at the border near Ferette. Dubail, concerned at the lack of reserves and knowing that he was expected to take the lead, had demanded reinforcements from Joffre on 3 August, without avail. Bonneau, despite being assured, on the basis of air reconnaissance, that there were no large German forces ahead, was very wary of a trap.
Facing the French were units from the German Seventh Army, under former War Minister, General Josias von Heeringen, whose headquarters were at Strasburg. XV Corps was deployed from Donon to Colmar and XIV Corps, based in Freiburg across the Rhine, guarded its west bank.
French troops, waiting in the thickly wooded ridges of the Vosges, moved out enthusiastically on being given the signal at 5.00 am and easily threw back the German covering troops. There was very light German strength in the eastern hills of the southern end of the Vosges. The French VII Corps, supported by the 8th cavalry division, then began the main advance along the road from Belfort to Mulhausen, first meeting resistance at Altkirch. The French, full of cran and elan, launched a fearsome bayonet charge against the waiting Germans. After a fierce struggle, the Germans fell back and the French occupied the town at 11.00 am.
Slowly, the French flanking troops on Bonneau's left fought their way through the ridges and valleys on the Alsatian side of the Vosges. Markirch (Ste-Marie-aux-Mines), Munster, Wesserling (St-Amarin) and Thann were taken and the French approached Sernheim (Cernay). The resistance was strangely light, as the Germans followed orders for a careful withdrawal. Bonneau regrouped in Altkirch and pressed ahead leisurely towards Mulhausen, using the 8th cavalry as a screen on both flanks.
At Vitry-le François, on the Marne about 100 miles east of Paris, where Joffre had established the French general headquarters, the reports from Alsace were received with delight. Joffre grudgingly allowed one division of reserves (less than requested) to be sent forward to reinforce Bonneau, but demanded that Mulhausen and the Rhine bridges be taken immediately.
Bosnia
A Serbian detachment crossed the border and occupied Višegrad, on the Drina. Again the few Austrian troops facing the incursion were unable to mount anything other than token resistance.
Mediterranean
At Pola, on the Istrian coast at the head of the Adriatic, the Austrian fleet lay quietly in port. There seemed to be no urgency about moving out to support any action further south against the Serbians and Montenegrins, let alone to counter any French moves.
The French fleet in the Mediterranean amounted to 16 battleships, 6 cruisers and 24 destroyers. The bulk of these were protecting the troops transports, now nearing the French coast. Once the French learned of the withdrawal of the British ships from shadowing the "Goeben" and "Breslau", the fastest of these, although unable to match the German ships in speed and firepower, were detached to seek out the enemy and provide at least a screen for the operations further west. In all one squadron headed east, with the other two remaining on convoy duty. Two armoured cruisers also waited at Crete. Any further commitment to Mediterranean operations and action against the Austrians, should war break out with them, would have to await the arrival of ships from the Channel fleet.
Poland
The Russian forces in the North-West Army group, under General Zhilinsky, continued their hurried mobilisation, under orders to "prepare for an energetic offensive against Germany at the earliest possible moment". Once St Petersburg had been notified of the French offensive in Alsace, the orders for haste multiplied with hysterical intensity, particularly as Paléologue never let up in his own efforts, delivering numerous telegrams from Paris urging speedy engagement with the enemy.
London
Both Redmond and the Unionists had written to Asquith seeking satisfaction in relation to the Home Rule Bill. Faced with diametrically opposed demands, Asquith had nowhere to turn. He informed both sides that he would consider the government's position until the next Monday (10 August).
Grey was pondering the letter from President Wilson, unsure about how negotiation could be resumed. He received American ambassador Walter Hines Page. The two were great friends, with a common outlook on life and enjoying similar pastimes. Page had been in London for a year and the two had developed a good working relationship, assisted by Grey's admiration for America and Americans. Page conveyed thoughts from Wilson about the need for systemic reforms in Europe, covering the means of diplomacy, the question of nationalities and democratic freedoms. Perhaps England would like to work with the United States in this area? Wilson was deeply conscious that war interferes with reform and felt that efforts toward restoring peace were the best approach. "America stands ready to help the rest of the world". Grey suggested that no one would want to talk about anything until there had been a major clash of arms. Wilson's ideas were something to be left for the peace conferences, if they were ever going to happen. However, Page and Grey spoke long about their own thoughts on European issues and agreed to meet again soon to continue discussions.
Grey gave Page a personal letter for President Wilson, expressing sympathy to Wilson after the loss of his wife. Grey knew well enough himself how such a loss affected someone in public life.
Berlin
Bethmann-Hollweg addressed the Reichstag, following an earlier formal address by the Kaiser from the throne. Wilhelm had called for solidarity from the parties in the Reichstag, saying he would no longer recognise parties but only Germans. Now the Chancellor rose to speak.
"A stupendous fate is breaking over Europe. For forty-four years, since the time we fought for and won the German Empire and our position in the world, we have lived in peace and have protected the peace of Europe. In the works of peace we have become strong and powerful, and have thus aroused the envy of others. We wished to continue our work of peace, and, like a silent vow, the feeling that animated everyone from the Kaiser down to the youngest soldier was this: Only in defence of a just cause shall our sword fly from its scabbard.
"The day has now come when we must draw it, against our wish, and in spite of our sincere endeavours. Russia has set fire to the building. We are at war with Russia and France - a war that has been forced upon us."
Bethmann-Hollweg then went through the history of the crisis since the assassination in Sarajevo. He noted the desire, shared with Britain, to restrict any conflict to one between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. However, the Russians would not leave well enough alone and the threat of a European crisis emerged. The Russians were warned that military measures against Austria would mean that Germany would have to stand beside her and that any measures against Germany would lead to mobilisation and the real danger of war. Russia claimed to be interested only in peace and protested that she was making no military preparations against Germany.
Despite German help and offers of more in influencing the Austrians,
the Russians first mobilised against Austria, which had only mobilised
against Serbia. The Kaiser then told the Tsar that the role of mediator,
which he had accepted at the Tsar's request, was now difficult, if not
impossible.
In spite of this, Germany continued its efforts of mediation at
Vienna within the constraints of her position as an ally.
Then Russia, despite further assurances that she was making no military preparations against Germany, suddenly mobilised her entire forces, without any announcement or explanation and now Russian forces were appearing all along Germany's extended and almost entirely open frontier. France, Russia's ally, was also making military preparations. Germany had to act. An ultimatum was sent to the Russians and, failing a reply, they were informed that a state of war existed. Germany stood shoulder to shoulder with Austria-Hungary.
France at the same time refused to advise whether she would remain neutral. In spite of this, the Kaiser ordered that the French frontier was to be unconditionally respected. This order was strictly obeyed, with only one exception. France, who mobilised at the same time as Germany, assured her that she would respect a zone of 10 kilometres on the frontier. However, French actions were quite different. Bombs were dropped, cavalry patrols and French infantry detachments appeared on German soil. Though war had not been declared, France thus broke the peace. Now the French had finally acknowledged to the world her actions over the past few days and declared that a state of war existed. This very morning she had launched an attack on the Reichsland, in Alsace, stabbing Germany in the back while she faced invasion from Russia in the east.
Germany was grateful for the civilised way in which Britain had conducted herself throughout the whole crisis and reluctantly accepts that her naval dispositions, as far as they concern the French, are based on a desire for her own security in the seas around her. Germany had now informed the British Government that, as long as Britain remained neutral, the German fleet would not attack the northern coast of France, and would not violate the territorial integrity and independence of Belgium. These assurances were now repeated before the world, and Germany promised that, as long as Britain remained neutral, Germany would also be willing, on assurances of reciprocity, to take no warlike measures against French commercial shipping.
Bethmann-Hollweg argued that, while the British naval guarantee was irksome to Germany, it had a sting in its tail for the French. The British guarantee now ensured French good behaviour with respect to Belgium, thus securing Germany's own right flank in the west.
Bethmann-Hollweg echoed the words of the Kaiser, given in the earlier speech from the throne: "With a clear conscience we enter the lists." The Chancellor concluded: "We are fighting for the fruits of our works of peace, for the inheritance of a great past and for our future. Now the great hour of trial has struck for our people. But with clear confidence we go forward to meet it." The members of the Reichstag, all standing, let out a resounding "Hoch!" There were cries of "Deutschland!" and "For the Kaiser!" Even the Socialists were swept along by the tide of feeling.
8 August 1914
Mulhausen
Prodded once more by Joffre, Bonneau cautiously entered Mulhausen with VII Corps at first light, to find no German troops remaining. These were withdrawing rapidly to Colmar and beyond, as well as back to the Rhine crossings. Bonneau sent part of the 8th cavalry to seize the crossings at Hünningen and near Müllheim. There was strong resistance by the Germans but the crossings fell, before the Germans had a chance to destroy the bridges. Beyond the bridges the German resistance became fiercer and Bonneau's natural caution reasserted itself. He contented himself with ordering the crossings held and preparations being made for the advance to Colmar and the Rhine crossing at Neu-Breisach.
In Mulhausen, soon to be renamed Mulhouse, a brief victory parade was held and the Third Republic was belatedly proclaimed in Alsace. Overjoyed French inhabitants filled the square and lined the streets, alongside more sullen German residents who had arrived since 1871 and had no reason to celebrate. Some of these later slipped away to provide reports to the German forces further north, before the French could consolidate their military occupation of the area.
Back at Vitry-le François, Joffre pondered a shift of what now seemed to be superfluous forces around Maubeuge, with the Fifth Army under Lanrezac. Preparations continued for the attack by the Second Army, to follow up the Mulhouse operation. The reports coming into Intelligence were favourable and what that branch reported to Operations was marvellously in keeping with the script. Joffre was happy to send reinforcements to successful generals but to him any lack of success would be due only to a failure of offensive spirit. Thankfully, the operation was proceeding smoothly.
Part 13 - “Let Them Come!”
8 August 1914
Nowy Targ, Galicia
Vladimir Ilych Lenin, who was living at Poronin in the foothills of the Tatra Mountains, south of Cracow, near Zakopane, was taken into custody by local authorities following a report by a local peasant accusing him of spying. The authorities were reluctant to press the matter but the war situation left them little option. Lenin was allowed the courtesy of travelling himself to Nowy Targ to give himself up and he used the chance to contact police in Cracow. The police in Cracow knew him as a political refugee. Lenin's wife and companions at Poronin swiftly contacted Viktor Adler, an Austrian Socialist politician. Meanwhile, the police in Cracow wired to the military authorities in Nowy Targ their opinion that Lenin was hardly likely to be a Russian spy! Lenin was held in the local prison pending further inquiries. He immediately set about organising legal help for his fellow prisoners and drafting petitions on their behalf, rapidly becoming very popular with them.
St Petersburg
The Tsar convened a special session of the Duma to address them on the war situation and to ask for war credits. The diplomatic corps was there in force, seated in the galleries. Russian statesmen followed one after another with stirring speeches, accompanied by much cheering, more muted in the section where the Socialists sat. No one was prepared to accept German domination of Europe and Russian commitment to the cause of Serbia was essential to prevent this. Most of the party leaders declared their willingness to make any sacrifices necessary for the war effort. However, the Socialist deputies refused to join the others in voting for war credits. They abstained yet still spoke up about the need to defend the country against the foreign invader. Liberation could wait until later.
Denusa, Aegean Sea
The "Goeben" and "Breslau" met with a German collier as evening fell. The crews spent the night coaling, aiming for an early start the next day. Souchon sent the "General" ahead to radio the Germans in Constantinople to clear the way for the warships to pass through the Dardanelles, with or without the approval of the Turkish government.
Malta
After their demonstration of neutrality two days earlier, the British squadron, refuelled and with crews well rested, set out again heading east. Driven by Churchill, Milne directed that his ships investigate the whereabouts and activities of the German warships so that the Royal Navy would not be caught unprepared. Suspicions about the destination of the Germans were beginning to be aroused in London, although there was little definite to act on. British ships already in the eastern Mediterranean were ordered to keep a lookout and to be particularly vigilant in monitoring radio transmissions.
9 August 1914
Alsace
General Bonneau's advance forces rapidly covered the twenty odd miles to Colmar, reaching the outskirts of the town by late afternoon. Cautiously approaching the town, the scouts were again met with an eerie silence. However, the calm was not universal, as there was German resistance along the road to the crossing at Neu-Breisach. While the Germans defended the road, they nevertheless continued to withdraw, fighting every inch of the way to the river. The resistance diminished as the Germans, following orders, melted away once the French neared the river, leaving only a few to be taken prisoner as the French finally met the water obstacle and stared in frustration at the wreckage of the bridge, the destruction of which the rearguard fighting had allowed.
Back at headquarters, Moltke was coming under increasing pressure from the three army commanders for a counter-attack. Moltke told his generals to continue waiting - the further forward the French were drawn into his sack the better! "Let them come!" he said. They have not met us in true battle yet. They will not be so adventurous once they feel the full weight of German armour!" Moltke said that he preferred to await the opening of the expected French offensive in Lorraine before considering a counter-attack, although Crown Prince Wilhelm was asked to prepare the Fifth Army, in Luxemburg, for action in three days time. Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria (also heir to the old Stuart claim to the English throne) was most anxious to attack but was not supported by von Heeringen, who saw what Moltke was thinking, while Prince Wilhelm was satisfied with Moltke's promise of coming action for his own Army. However, Moltke now gave Prince Rupprecht overall command in Lorraine, on the strict understanding that the counter-offensive must wait until Moltke gave the order.
Niš
Serbia issued its first formal declaration of war, against Germany, mainly in support of Russia's position and in return for her original backing against the Austro-Hungarians. The Serbian government was keen to tidy up diplomatic loose ends and Germany had given the Austrians a free hand in the first place.
Aegean Sea
Souchon pushed his ships across the Aegean and by late afternoon, the island of Tenedos came into view. Soon the German sailors were looking across at the plains of Troy, beyond which lay the ancient battlefields. Still no message had been received from the German Naval Attaché in Constantinople. As they approached the entrance to the Dardanelles, a Turkish destroyer challenged them. Souchon called a halt and signalled to the Turkish ship his request for permission to enter the Straits. Nothing happened for a long time, while the Turks urgently sought instructions and Souchon waited tensely for a radio message from his own people in Constantinople.
By the time it was full dark, Souchon could wait no longer. He broke radio silence with a coded message to German Ambassador Baron Hans von Wangenheim in Constantinople, demanding that he see to Turkish approval for entry of the German ships. Souchon need not have worried, as Wangenheim had been working feverishly to this end. He kept up pressure on Enver Pasha, who was more than happy to let the ships through but wary of the other members of the Turkish Cabinet. When a German naval officer burst in on Wangenheim and Enver, insisting that Souchon was urgently awaiting clearance to pass the Straits, Enver made his decision. "Send orders to allow the Germans to enter the Straits." Wangenheim hurried off to ensure that the orders were sent out, via his private radio station on the "Corcovado", which lay at the Bosphorus.
Enver may have been concerned about the opinion of the pro-Entente ministers and the waverers. There were others to whose potential reaction he should have paid more heed ...
Out in the Mediterranean near Cyprus, ships of the Royal Navy cruised silently, listening for every radio transmission. Souchon may have felt that the Malta based squadron was far to the west and that there were no French ships around, unless there were any off Crete. He had forgotten about the other British ships further East. Although the German messages were cryptic, every minor detail was reported back to London where deeper shades of meaning could be discerned.
At the entrance to the Dardanelles, the Turkish destroyer signalled to the Germans to follow. They entered the Straits and passed silently through into the Sea of Marmora. Throughout the night, they crossed the Sea, rapidly approaching the Bosphorus and what seemed a sensational diplomatic and strategic victory.
Paris
General Joseph-Simon Gallieni, former superior of General Joffre and now recently retired from command of the Fifth Army, sat with a friend in a Paris cafe, enjoying the summer evening. At a nearby table sat an editor of "Le Temps". The editor announced to a companion that Gallieni and 30,000 men were now in Colmar. Gallieni turned to his friend with a typical Gallic shrug and said, "That is how history is written". Gallieni wondered privately whether Bonneau had made it to Colmar or whether he had shied off on encountering a patrol of the local rabbits. Either way, Gallieni was unlikely to hear of it from Joffre, although the Paris papers were now jubilantly proclaiming yesterday's liberation of Mulhouse. Joffre, never one for letting mere politicians or citizens have access to vital information, had at least allowed one story to be issued to the press. Gallieni had been given the use of an office in the War Ministry by Messimy and received all available reports. Deprived of the intelligence reports that Joffre refused to send to his superiors, Gallieni nevertheless amassed much information and was able to create a reasonable picture of what was happening at the front.
10 August 1914
Constantinople
By mid-morning, in the stifling summer heat, the normal frenzied activity of the busy port was temporarily silenced. Everyone stopped and turned to watch as the "Goeben" and "Breslau", sailors lined up on the decks in full finery, slowly moved up to the dock and tied up. A Turkish military band was there to welcome them. Enver Pasha and Talaat Pasha stood waiting, accompanied by an excited Wangenheim.
Part 14 - Letter to America
10 August 1914
Paris
Word swiftly came, both from the French diplomats in Constantinople and passed on from London, about the arrival of the German ships at the Bosphorus. When Gallieni heard the news, he was almost apoplectic. Something had to be done. He quickly went to see Messimy, who agreed to take him to the Cabinet meeting that day. After consulting with Colleagues, Joffre was also summoned and he swiftly made for Paris in his fast car chauffeured by a famous racing driver.
Now, heavily involved in the first campaign of the war against Germany, the Cabinet found it incongruous that France was not also at war with Austria-Hungary, who had precipitated the whole affair. Agreement was reached that the Austrian ambassador, Count Nikolaus Szécsen von Temerin, would be handed his passports and the French Ambassador in Vienna, Alfred Dumaine, was wired to ask for his own passports and hand over a declaration of war.
The presence of Gallieni and Joffre, together with the absence of any immediate need to consult with the British, allowed the Cabinet to be persuaded to launch a scratch expedition to the Eastern Mediterranean. Gallieni insisted that a naval action would be insufficient and some token military presence would be essential in the event of action being required on land. Joffre did not want to release any troops from the front in Alsace-Lorraine but he saw the need to support Russian supply lines in the East. Joffre was persuaded to allow two divisions of French colonial troops, newly arrived from Africa but not yet at the front, to be diverted for the eastern expedition.
Orders were swiftly despatched to Lapeyrère to send ships off without further delay. The transports that had brought the troops from Africa were to be prepared for a long voyage and the colonials were ordered to return to Marseilles for re-embarkation. A full squadron remained behind to escort the transports. Full military secrecy was to be observed, although the British were to be notified confidentially as soon as the expedition was under way. Joffre now hurried back to his headquarters.
London
The Cabinet met and was presented with Kitchener's plans for a substantially larger reserve army, designed for service on the continent in a protracted war. The six divisions of the regular army would be involved in training the new recruits, who would then return to their normal employment, ready for mobilisation at short notice. Despite the urgings of Churchill that conscription be introduced, Cabinet stood firmly behind the idea of an all-volunteer army. It was agreed that an aggressive recruitment campaign be initiated, with widely circulated posters featuring Kitchener, a familiar image to the public. His face would glare out from behind the bushy whiskers and a finger would point at the reader. The poster would read: "Britain must stand ready. Your country needs YOU!" It did not escape the minds of some in the Cabinet that the additional forces might possibly be required closer to home.
Asquith was unable to reach a decision on the Home Rule Bill and there was no consensus in the Cabinet. Instead, Asquith proposed that Parliament be adjourned for a week, thus removing any immediate threat from the Nationalists on the floor of the House. Both sides of the dispute would be firmly directed to continue discussions and to seek some solution before the Cabinet, whatever the implications, imposed an unpalatable alternative. By now, Asquith was privately resolved that the Bill would be enacted but that the proposed amending Bill would be modified, possibly excluding completely some but not all counties in Ulster. He knew that no alternative would bring a resolution but a continuing deadlock would allow radical sentiment on each side to fester unchecked.
The Cabinet was abuzz with the news of the arrival of the German ships at Constantinople. Churchill demanded an immediate expedition to Turkey to force the expulsion of the belligerents. It mattered not to him that Britain was supposed to be neutral. Kitchener opposed Churchill's idea, fearing consequences in Egypt if the Turks were offended. Surprisingly, Grey and Asquith were strongly in support of Churchill. Grey saw the awesome diplomatic consequences of the German move and felt that anything to counter that would serve British interests. The Cabinet agreed to authorise an expedition to the Eastern Mediterranean, ostensibly to reinforce the British squadrons near Cyprus and in Egypt. It would no doubt assist in any move the French might make, as well as not allowing them to call all of the shots! As a final touch, a handful of capital ships were to be diverted from the Atlantic to the Mediterranean Fleet. Joining them would be the "Erin" and "Agincourt", lately the two Turkish battleships requisitioned on 28 July. These two warships might yet be useful in ways transcending their military value. The "Agincourt" still had some gunnery and speed trials to complete, together with a few minor modifications. She would be ready in a few weeks and could follow at that time.
Berlin
The American Ambassador to Germany, James Gerard, was granted an audience with the Kaiser, in order to present personally the mediation proposals from President Wilson. Gerard went to the palace where he was escorted to see Wilhelm, relaxing in his garden, on the embankment of the River Spee. Gerard found the Kaiser seated at a green iron table under a large canvas umbrella, with two dachshunds at his feet.
Gerard presented and explained Wilson's letter. He discussed the war in general terms with the Kaiser. Wilhelm seized a pencil and some of his omni-present telegraph blanks and scribbled out a reply to Wilson.
"Everything was under control," said Wilhelm, summarising for Gerard as he wrote. "I had sent telegrams to the King of England, and asked him to use all his power to keep France and Russia from making any war-like preparations calculated to disturb my work of mediation between Austria and Russia. In return I agreed to pass on the English proposal that the Austrians only take Belgrade and a few towns as security for Serbian compliance with Austria's demands. This was an idea I had already put to the Tsar in another telegram.
"Then the very next morning, my Chancellor gave me the news that the Tsar had ordered a full mobilisation of the Russian army. This was a direct threat to Germany and I had no choice but to mobilise my forces. Faced with hostile countries to my East and West, I was forced to take steps to ensure that there would be no sneak attack by the French through Belgium. I did not believe French assurances that they would do no such thing. It was only when the English made sure of French good behaviour by means of their naval guarantee that I was able to reassure the King of the Belgians concerning the neutrality and integrity of his country, something I had wanted to do for several days.
"Now the French have attacked German soil in the Alsace and the Russians are steadily moving their forces forward to invade East Prussia. Germany must strike with all possible force to protect herself. The time for talking has passed. The matter must now be settled by force of arms. However, if your President will send messages to those who have attacked us and say that even now Germany would prefer peace, we may accept the withdrawal and demobilisation of hostile forces and an indemnity from the aggressors."
Wilhelm asked Gerard to cable his message directly to Washington and also to give it to the press. Gerard returned to the embassy and wired the State Department but he was reluctant to release the Kaiser's message to the press without authorisation. This proved fortunate as he was soon summoned by Jagow's deputy, undersecretary for foreign affairs, Arthur Zimmermann, who demanded to know what was in the message. Zimmermann said that the Kaiser needed to remember that he was a constitutional monarch and messages like this had caused problems in the past. Zimmermann looked at the Kaiser's message and asked that Gerard recommend that his superiors refrain from publishing it or acting on it without further consultation with the German authorities. Gerard was more than happy to oblige.
Vitry-le François
Still not satisfied with the pace of the offensive in Alsace, Joffre decided to reorganise its command. He called up General Paul Marie Pau out of retirement and taking part of XXI Corps from Épinal, plus two reserve divisions, constituted a new Army of Alsace under Pau. The divisions from Épinal were to move forward immediately and the reserve units would be available within four days. General Dubail, compensated with a division of regular troops and one of reserves, was now free to concentrate on his command of the First Army and the coming assault on eastern Lorraine.
11 August 1914
Poland
The first Austrian forces crossed the Russian frontier north of Cracow. They advanced northward and occupied Myszków, linking up with the German forces that had occupied Cz?stochowa.
Montenegro
The Montenegrins caught up with the Serbians once more, this time declaring war on Germany.
Alsace
Bonneau led his troops further north along the left bank of the Rhine and down the road from Colmar to Strasburg. As they approached the outskirts of the city, they encountered their first dogged resistance, with the German troops digging in and setting up machine gun positions. Bonneau called a halt while more troops came up from the rear and he left it to the 75 mm pieces to exchange pleasantries with the German defenders.
Longwy
On 2 August, Cambon had argued to Grey that there was only a very short border between France and Luxemburg and that the real purpose of the German occupation was to secure the long border with Belgium, ready for an attack through the Belgian Ardennes toward the French border. Cambon ignored the presence of an important rail link through that short border with Luxemburg, heading straight for Longwy. The Germans had been prudent to secure that link! Now they made use of the short border and forces of the Fifth Army, under Crown Prince Wilhelm, suddenly launched a furious assault up the Chiers valley along the rail line. The French retired under the overwhelming force of the attack, nevertheless inflicting heavy casualties, particularly using their reliable 75 mm artillery. By the middle of the day, the forces were engaged outside Longwy. After a fierce fight, the French were forced to withdraw, also suffering heavy casualties, and the Crown Prince rode proudly ahead of his troops into the town.
Part 15 - Looking East
12 August 1914
Belgrade
After two weeks of bombardment by the Austrians, Belgrade was beginning to suffer. Apart from damage to residential areas and the centre of Belgrade, there was significant damage to industrial property, with the oil depot aflame and the saw mill and cigarette factory destroyed. The city waterworks were ruined and drinking water became scarce. With no water to maintain sanitary arrangements, disease soon began to spread.
The Third Balkan war began with the Serbian forces ill-prepared. They had not had the chance to recover fully from the first two wars, in 1912 and 1913. Nevertheless, the experiences gained in recent campaigns and the efficient conscription systems meant that the Serbians had a well-equipped and efficient fighting force ready to defend against the Austrians. The Serbians also had the advantage of strong reserves and were not overwhelmingly outnumbered by those forces that Conrad was pitting against them.
On 12 August the first serious Austrian offensive began. Conrad sent his armies eastward across the Drina river from Bosnia, with a supporting attack south over the Sava river. Belgrade was temporarily ignored as an objective, pending other strategic developments. The Austrian commander was General Oskar Potiorek, Military Governor of Bosnia. Potiorek was a survivor of the assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand on 28 June.
The Serbian commander and Chief of the General Staff, General Radomir Putnik, who had earned the title "voivode" after winning a battle against the Turks in the First Balkan War, allowed the Austrians to come on. He thus was able to choose his own ground for battle and avoided being caught between the two armies coming from the north and west. The area between the two rivers was too flat for the type of fighting that Putnik preferred. The Austrians soon occupied the Serbian fortress town of Sabac, just across the Sava. The army that had crossed the Drina soon joined up with the forces that had captured Sabac and the Austrians prepared to move on toward Belgrade.
London
The British were not in the least fooled by the French silence on their intentions in the Eastern Mediterranean. Grey summoned Cambon and asked that the French government make its intentions in relation to Turkey clear. Cambon was told to inform his government that the British government viewed with alarm the arrival of the German warships. Short of going to war with Germany, the British were not going to let the matter rest. Cambon could inform his government that there would be an increased British naval presence in the Mediterranean and that some form of support for France could be expected. However, the French had to be completely open with the British, who would naturally respect the secrecy of the French plans.
East Prussia
General Rennenkampf, commander of the Russian First Army sent his first troops into East Prussia at dawn. One cavalry division, under General Gourko, plus an infantry division crossed the frontier and occupied Marrgrabowa, about five miles inside German territory, near Oletzko. The incursion was not followed through, as Rennenkampf was still waiting for further troops and equipment to come up to the frontier.
The Germans quietly moved their forces up to meet the Russians and to confine them to the small gains already made. General von Prittwitz kept the Eighth Army on alert waiting for further movements. Meanwhile units of the Third Army advanced beyond Lyk to the frontier. Just as on the front in Alsace and Lorraine, the German forces were allowing the enemy to come forward before any retaliatory blow would fall.
St Petersburg
There was great consternation following the news of the arrival of the German ships at Constantinople. This was the very move that the Russians feared, with implications for trade, food supplies and war materiel. The Russians were particularly keen for the Turks to remain neutral while they concentrated on dealing with the Germans and Austrians. Now they were faced with the threat of naval attack across the Black Sea and land assault in the Caucasus.
Russian diplomats in Bucharest were frantically ordered to increase pressure on the Romanians for neutrality or even an alliance. However, the Romanians were resisting, as King Carol had strong German and Austrian connections, notwithstanding difficulties over Romanian minorities in the Hapsburg dominions.
London
David Lloyd George, the Welsh born Chancellor of the Exchequer, had originally been aligned with the anti-war forces in the Liberal Cabinet. However, being more an opportunist than a pacifist, he soon saw his way clear to supporting intervention in the event of an assault on Belgium. Lloyd George was happy that a little more pressure had been applied to Germany, albeit subtly, and that Britain was spared the prospect of immediate war. For all of this, Lloyd George was ambitious and, while warm relations were maintained between the two, he had little respect for Grey's talents as Foreign Secretary.
Lloyd George considered that, if Grey had played the Belgian card even sooner, "it might have averted war altogether".* In Cabinet, he recalled his Mansion House Speech of 1911, when he had strongly asserted Britain's special role among the nations of Europe. Peace was the ideal, he had said, but not at the price of surrendering Britain's hard won status. Now he saw Britain's quiescence as posing a risk that Germany, triumphant in the present conflict, might usurp Britain's status and dominate Europe into the bargain. While it was advantageous for Britain to remain neutral for now, the measures that had been undertaken to prepare for later involvement were vital. Once Britain was ready for war, with an army of a million men to back up her naval supremacy, Germany would be foolish to refuse British peace initiatives. Britain would continue to maintain the balance of power but that chance would be lost if she stood idly by waiting for a result in Europe.
Lloyd George argued that now was the time for renewed diplomatic activity by Britain, aimed at keeping Germany isolated from further potential allies. Balkan countries must be secured against German overtures. Bulgaria was vital, as were Romania and Greece. It might not be too late to wean Turkey away from the German embrace but the potential French action had to be covertly supported and backed up by overt diplomatic action in Sofia, Athens and Bucharest. Nor should Italy be neglected and the positive statements from Rome at the time of the outbreak of war must now be met with friendship and the offer of close collaboration in the interests of peace. Grey must not be allowed to dither on this and it really was a matter for full scrutiny by Cabinet.
Grey was somewhat taken aback by the implied criticism from Lloyd George. He said that he had already insisted to Cambon that the French disclose their plans for action in the Eastern Mediterranean. British Intelligence was already suspicious of developments in that arena. If Cabinet were prepared to back its sentiments with generous loans and other incentives for the Balkan states, he would cheerfully instruct his diplomats to do whatever was necessary. This was not something that could be handled by the visit of a high ranking politician. The Germans would instantly perceive the reason for the journey. Grey thus spared himself the unpleasant chore of a trip out of England while neatly deflecting any prospect of a grandstanding exercise by Lloyd George. Perceiving a threat from an unexpected quarter, Grey was now thoroughly on his guard.
"Ireland!", growled Churchill. "You have forgotten Ireland. You talk about tying up the Balkans, and so you should but we still have an unexploded shell on our own land. Fix it, Fix it now!"
* War Memoirs, p40
Alsace-Lorraine
At Longwy, Crown Prince Wilhelm's forces rested, consolidating their position and scouting the enemy's position. Joffre, meanwhile, was transferring the bulk of the Fifth Army eastward to protect his left flank in readiness for the great attack through Lorraine to Sarrebourg.
The French waves were beginning to break on the entrenchments rapidly accumulating around Strasburg, as more Germans poured in to the defensive perimeter hurriedly cast about the city. Bonneau's forces paused, waiting for their reserves and support to come up for the major assault, timed to coincide with the thrust further west. Meanwhile, the French were heavily fortifying the west bank of the Rhine in eastern Alsace.
To be continued ...
© D John Trungove, Melbourne, Australia, 2000-2001
Permission granted for use subject to full acknowledgement of authorship.
The author’s moral rights to this work are asserted.