Prepared Testimony and Statement for the Record
of Wayne Madsen
Author, "Genocide and Covert
Operations in Africa 1993-1999"
Investigative Journalist On:
Suffering and Despair: Humanitarian
Crisis in the Congo
Before the
Subcommittee on International Operations and
Human Rights
Committee on International
Relations
United States House of
Representatives
Washington, DC
May 17, 2001
My name is
Wayne Madsen. I am the author of Genocide and
Covert Operations in Africa 1993-1999[1][1], a
work that involved some three years worth of
research and countless interviews in Rwanda,
Uganda, France, the United Kingdom, United
States, Belgium, Canada, and the Netherlands. I
am an investigative journalist who specializes
on intelligence and privacy issues. I am
grateful to appear before the Committee today. I
am also appreciative of the Committee's interest
in holding this hearing on the present situation
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
I wish to discuss the record of American
policy in the DRC over most of the past decade,
particularly involving the eastern Congo region.
It is a policy that has rested, in my opinion,
on the twin pillars of military aid and
questionable trade. The military aid programs of
the United States, largely planned and
administered by the U.S. Special Operations
Command and the Defense Intelligence Agency
(DIA), have been both overt and covert.
Prior to the first Rwandan invasion of
Zaire/DRC in 1996, a phalanx of U.S.
intelligence operatives converged on Zaire.
Their actions suggested a strong interest in
Zaire's eastern defenses. The number-two person
at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali traveled from
Kigali to eastern Zaire to initiate intelligence
contacts with the Alliance of Democratic Forces
for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL-CZ)
rebels under the command of the late President
Laurent Kabila. The Rwandan embassy official met
with rebel leaders at least twelve times.[2][2]
A former U.S. ambassador to Uganda -
acting on behalf of the U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID) -- gathered
intelligence on the movement of Hutu refugees
through eastern Zaire. The DIA's second ranking
Africa hand, who also served as the U.S.
military attache in Kigali, reconnoitered the
Rwandan border towns of Cyangugu and Gisenyi,
gathering intelligence on the cross border
movements of anti-Mobutu Rwandan Tutsis from
Rwanda.[3][3]
The Defense Intelligence
Agency's African bureau chief established a
close personal relationship with Bizima (alias
Bizimana) Karaha, an ethnic Rwandan who would
later become the Foreign Minister in the Laurent
Kabila government. Moreover, the DIA's Africa
division had close ties with Military
Professional Resources, Inc. (MPRI), an
Alexandria, Virginia private military company
(PMC), whose Vice President for Operations is a
former Director of DIA.
The political
officer of the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa,
accompanied by a CIA operative, traveled with
AFDL-CZ rebels through the eastern Zaire jungles
for weeks after the 1996 Rwandan invasion of
Zaire. In addition, it was reported that the
Kinshasa embassy official and three U.S.
intelligence agents regularly briefed Bill
Richardson, Clinton's special African envoy,
during the rebels' steady advance towards
Kinshasa.[4][4] The U.S. embassy official
conceded that he was in Goma to do more than
meet rebel leaders for lunch. Explaining his
presence, he said "What I am here to do is to
acknowledge them [the rebels] as a very
significant military and political power on the
scene, and, of course, to represent American
interests."[5][5] In addition, MPRI was
reportedly providing covert training assistance
to Kagame's troops in preparation for combat in
Zaire.[6][6] Some believe that MPRI had actually
been involved in training the R! PF from the
time it took power in Rwanda.[7][7]
THE
BA-N'DAW REPORT The covert programs
involving the use of private military training
firms and logistics support contractors that are
immune to Freedom of Information Act requests is
particularly troubling for researchers and
journalists who have tried, over the past
several years, to get at the root causes for the
deaths and mayhem in the DRC and other countries
in the region. These U.S. contractor support
programs have reportedly involved covert
assistance to the Rwandan and Ugandan militaries
- the major backers of the Rassemblement
Congolais pour la democratie (RCD factions and -
as reported by the UN's "Panel of Experts on the
Illegal Exploitation of Natural Resources and
Other Forms of Wealth of the DRC" -- are
responsible for the systematic pillaging of
Congo's most valuable natural resources. The UN
panel - chaired by Safiatou Ba-N'Daw of Cote
d'Ivoire -- concluded "Top military commanders
from various countries needed and continue to
need this conflict for its lucrative nature and
for temporarily solving some internal problems
in those countries as well as allowing access to
wealth." There is more than ample evidence that
the elements of the U.S. military and
intelligence community may have - on varying
occasions - aided and abetted this systematic
pillaging by the Ugandan and Rwandan militaries.
The UN Report named the United States, Germany,
Belgium, and Kazakhstan as leading buyers of the
illegally exploited resources from the DRC.
Sources in the Great Lakes region
consistently report the presence of a U.S.-built
military base near Cyangugu, Rwanda, near the
Congolese border. The base, reported to have
been partly constructed by the U.S. firm Brown
& Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, is said
to be involved with training RPF forces and
providing logistics support to their troops in
the DRC. Additionally, the presence in the
region of black U.S. soldiers supporting the RPF
and Ugandans has been something consistently
reported since the first invasion of Zaire-Congo
in 1996. On January 21, 1997, France claimed it
actually recovered the remains of two American
combatants killed near the Oso River in Kivu
province during combat and returned them to
American officials. The U.S. denied these
claims.[8][8]
COVERT AMERICAN SUPPORT
FOR THE COMBATANTS As U.S. troops and
intelligence agents were pouring into Africa to
help the RPF and AFDL-CZ forces in their 1996
campaign against Mobutu, Vincent Kern, the
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for
African Affairs, told the House International
Operations and Human Rights Subcommittee on
December 4, 1996 that U.S. military training for
the RPF was being conducted under a program
called Enhanced International Military Education
and Training (E-IMET). Kathi Austin, a Human
Rights Watch specialist on arms transfers in
Africa, told the Subcommittee on May 5, 1998
that one senior U.S. embassy official in Kigali
described the U.S. Special Forces training
program for the RPF as "killers . . . training
killers."[9][9]
In November 1996, U.S.
spy satellites and a U.S. Navy P-3 Orion were
attempting to ascertain how many Rwandan Hutu
refugees were in eastern Zaire. The P-3 was one
of four stationed at old Entebbe Airport on the
shores of Lake Victoria. Oddly, while other
planes flying over eastern Zaire attracted
anti-aircraft fire from Kabila's forces, the
P-3s, which patrolled the skies above Goma and
Sake, were left alone.[10][10]
Relying
on the overhead intelligence, U.S. military and
aid officials confidently announced that 600,000
Hutu refugees returned home to Rwanda from
Zaire. But that left an estimated 300,000
unaccounted for. Many Hutus seemed to be
disappearing from camps around Bukavu.
By December 1996, U.S. military forces
were also operating in Bukavu amid throngs of
Hutus, less numerous Twa refugees, Mai Mai
guerrillas, advancing Rwandan troops, and
AFDL-CZ rebels. A French military intelligence
officer said he detected some 100 armed U.S.
troops in the eastern Zaire conflict
zone.[11][11]Moreover, the DGSE reported the
Americans had knowledge of the extermination of
Hutu refugees by Tutsis in both Rwanda and
eastern Zaire and were doing nothing about it.
More ominously, there was reason to believe that
some U.S. forces, either Special Forces or
mercenaries, may have actually participated in
the extermination of Hutu refugees. The killings
reportedly took place at a camp on the banks of
the Oso River near Goma.[12][12] Roman Catholic
reports claim that the executed included a
number of Hutu Catholic priests. At least for
those who were executed, death was far quicker
than it was for those who escaped deep into the
jungle. There, many died from tropical diseases
or were attacked and eaten by wild
animals.[13][13]
Jacques Isnard, the
Paris based defense correspondent for Le Monde
supported the contention of U.S. military
knowledge of the Oso River massacre but went
further. He quoted French intelligence sources
that believed that between thirty and sixty
American mercenary "advisers" participated with
the RPF in the massacre of hundreds of thousands
of Hutu refugees around Goma. Although his
number of Hutu dead was more conservative than
the French estimates, the U.N.'s Chilean
investigator, Roberto Garreton, reported the
Kagame and Kabila forces had committed "crimes
against humanity" in killing thousands [emphasis
added] of Hutu refugees.[14][14]
It was
known that the planes the U.S. military deployed
in eastern Zaire included heavily armed and
armored helicopter gunships typically used by
the Special Forces. These were fitted with 105
mm cannons, rockets, machine guns, land mine
ejectors, and, more importantly, infra red
sensors used in night operations. U.S. military
commanders unabashedly stated the purpose of
these gunships was to locate refugees to
determine the best means of providing them with
humanitarian assistance.[15][15]
According to the French magazine Valeurs
Actuelles, a French DC-8 Sarigue electronic
intelligence (ELINT) aircraft circled over
eastern Zaire at the time of the Oso River
massacre. The Sarigue's mission was to intercept
and fix the radio transmissions of Rwandan
military units engaged in the military
operations. This aircraft, in addition to French
special ground units, witnessed U.S. military
ethnic cleansing in Zaire's Kivu
Province[16][16].
In September 1997, the
prestigious Jane's Foreign Report reported that
German intelligence sources were aware that the
DIA trained young men and teens from Rwanda,
Uganda, and eastern Zaire for periods of up to
two years and longer for the RPF/AFDL-CZ
campaign against Mobutu. The recruits were
offered pay of between $450 and $1000 upon their
successful capture of Kinshasa.[17][17]
Toward the end of 1996, U.S. spy
satellites were attempting to ascertain how many
refugees escaped into the jungle by locating
fires at night and canvas tarpaulins during the
day. Strangely, every time an encampment was
discovered by the space-based imagery, Rwandan
and Zaire rebel forces attacked the sites. This
was the case in late February 1997, when
160,000, mainly Hutu refugees, were spotted and
then attacked in a swampy area known as Tingi
Tingi.[18][18] There was never an adequate
accounting by the Pentagon and U.S. intelligence
agencies of the scope of intelligence provided
to the RPF/AFDL-CZ.
An ominous report on
the fate of refugees was made by Nicholas
Stockton, the Emergencies Director of Oxfam U.K.
& Ireland. He said that on November 20,
1996, he was shown U.S. aerial intelligence
photographs which "confirmed, in considerable
detail, the existence of 500,000 people
distributed in three major and numerous minor
agglomerations." He said that three days later
the U.S. military claimed it could only locate
one significant mass of people, which they
claimed were identified as former members of the
Rwandan armed forces and the Interhamwe militia.
Since they were the number one targets for the
RPF forces, their identification and location by
the Americans was undoubtedly passed to the
Rwandan forces. They would have surely been
executed.[19][19] Moreover, some U.S. military
and diplomatic personnel in central Africa said
that any deaths among the Hutu refugees merely
constituted "collateral damage."
When
the AFDL-CZ and their Rwandan allies reached
Kinshasa in 1996, it was largely due to the help
of the United States. One reason why Kabila's
men advanced into the city so quickly was the
technical assistance provided by the DIA and
other intelligence agencies. According to
informed sources in Paris, U.S. Special Forces
actually accompanied ADFL-CZ forces into
Kinshasa. The Americans also reportedly provided
Kabila's rebels and Rwandan troops with high
definition spy satellite photographs that
permitted them to order their troops to plot
courses into Kinshasa that avoided encounters
with Mobutu's forces.[20][20] During the rebel
advance toward Kinshasa, Bechtel provided
Kabila, at no cost, high technology
intelligence, including National Aeronautics and
Space Administration (NASA) satellite
data.[21][21]
AMERICAN MILITARY SUPPORT
FOR THE SECOND INVASION OF CONGO
By
1998, the Kabila regime had become an irritant
to the United States, North American mining
interests, and Kabila's Ugandan and Rwandan
patrons. As a result, Rwanda and Uganda launched
a second invasion of the DRC to get rid of
Kabila and replace him with someone more
servile. The Pentagon was forced to admit on
August 6, 1998 that a twenty man U.S. Army
Rwanda Interagency Assessment Team (RIAT) was in
the Rwanda at the time of the second RPF
invasion of Congo. The camouflaged unit was
deployed from the U.S. European Command in
Germany.[22][22] It was later revealed that the
team in question was a JCET unit that was sent
to Rwanda to help the Rwandans "defeat ex FAR
(Rwandan Armed Forces) and Interhamwe" units.
U.S. Special Forces JCET team began training
Rwandan units on July 15, 1998. It was the
second such training exercise held that year.
The RIAT team was sent to Rwanda in the weeks
just leading up to the outbreak of hostilities
in Congo.[23][23] The RIAT, specializing in
counter insurgency operations, traveled to
Gisenyi on the Congolese border just prior to
the Rwandan invasion.[24][24] One of the
assessments of the team recommended that the
United States establish a new and broader
military relationship with Rwanda. National
Security Council spokesman P. J. Crowley, said
of the RIAT's presence in Rwanda: "I think it's
a coincidence that they were there at the same
time the fighting began."[25][25]
Soon,
however, as other African nations came to the
assistance of Laurent Kabila, the United States
found itself in the position of providing
military aid under both the E-IMET and the Joint
Combined Exchange Training (JCET) programs. U.S.
Special Operations personnel were involved in
training troops on both sides of the war in the
DRC - Rwandans, Ugandans, and Burundians
(supporting the RCD factions) and Zimbabweans
and Namibians (supporting the central government
in Kinshasa).
As with the first
invasion, there were also a number of reports
that the RPF and their RCD allies carried out a
number of massacres throughout the DRC. The
Vatican reported a sizable killing of civilians
in August 1998 in Kasika, a small village in
South Kivu that hosted a Catholic mission
station. Over eight hundred people, including
priests and nuns, were killed by Rwandan troops.
The RCD response was to charge the Vatican with
aiding Kabila. The Rwandans, choosing to put
into practice what the DIA's PSYOPS personnel
had taught them about mounting perception
management campaigns, shepherded the foreign
press to carefully selected killing fields. The
dead civilians were identified as exiled
Burundian Hutu militiamen. Unfortunately, many
in the international community, still suffering
a type of collective guilt over the genocide of
the Tutsis in Rwanda, gave the Rwandan
assertions more credence than was warranted.
The increasing reliance by the
Department of Defense on so-called Private
Military Contractors (PMCs) is of special
concern. Many of these PMCs --once labeled as
"mercenaries" by previous administrations when
they were used as foreign policy instruments by
the colonial powers of France, Belgium,
Portugal, and South Africa -- have close links
with some of the largest mining and oil
companies involved in Africa today. PMCs,
because of their proprietary status, have a
great deal of leeway to engage in covert
activities far from the reach of congressional
investigators. They can simply claim that their
business in various nations is a protected trade
secret and the law now seems to be on their
side.
PROFITING FROM THE DESTABILIZATION
OF CENTRAL AFRICA America's policy toward
Africa during the past decade, rather than
seeking to stabilize situations where civil war
and ethnic turmoil reign supreme, has seemingly
promoted destabilization. Former Secretary of
State Madeleine Albright was fond of calling
pro-U.S. military leaders in Africa who assumed
power by force and then cloaked themselves in
civilian attire, "beacons of hope."
In
reality, these leaders, who include the current
presidents of Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Angola,
Eritrea, Burundi, and the Democratic Republic of
the Congo preside over countries where ethnic
and civil turmoil permit unscrupulous
international mining companies to take advantage
of the strife to fill their own coffers with
conflict diamonds, gold, copper, platinum, and
other precious minerals - including one -
columbite-tantalite or "coltan" -- which is a
primary component of computer microchips and
printed circuit boards.
Some of the
companies involved in this new "scramble for
Africa" have close links with PMCs and America's
top political leadership. For example, America
Minerals Fields, Inc., a company that was
heavily involved in promoting the 1996 accession
to power of Kabila, was, at the time of its
involvement in the Congo's civil war,
headquartered in Hope, Arkansas. Its major
stockholders included long-time associates of
former President Clinton going back to his days
as Governor of Arkansas. America Mineral Fields
also reportedly enjoys a close relationship with
Lazare Kaplan International, Inc., a major
international diamond brokerage whose president
remains a close confidant of past and current
administrations on Africa matters.[26][26]
The United States has a long history of
supporting all sides in the DRC's civil wars in
order to gain access to the country's natural
resources. The Ba-N'Daw Report presents a cogent
example of how one U.S. firm was involved in the
DRC's grand thievery before the 1998 break
between Laurent Kabila and his Rwandan and
Ugandan backers. It links the Banque de
commerce, du developpement et d'industrie (BCDI)
of Kigali, Citibank in New York, the diamond
business and armed rebellion. The report states:
"In a letter signed by J.P. Moritz, general
manager of Societe miniere de Bakwanga (MIBA), a
Congolese diamond company, and Ngandu Kamenda,
the general manager of MIBA ordered a payment of
US$3.5 million to la Generale de commerce
d'import/export du Congo (COMIEX), a company
owned by late President Kabila and some of his
close allies, such as Minister Victor Mpoyo,
from an account in BCDI through a Citibank
account. This amount of money was paid as a
contribution from MIBA to the AFDL war effort."
Also troubling are the ties that some
mining companies in Africa have with military
privateers. UN Special Rapporteur Enrique
Ballesteros of Peru concluded in a his March
2001 report for the UN Commission on Human
Rights, that mercenaries were inexorably linked
to the illegal diamond and arms trade in Africa.
He stated, "Mercenaries participate in both
types of traffic, acting as pilots of aircraft
and helicopters, training makeshift troops in
the use of weapons and transferring freight from
place to place. Ballesteros added, "Military
security companies and air cargo companies
registered in Nevada (the United States), in the
Channel Islands and especially in South Africa
and in Zimbabwe, are engaged in the transport of
troops, arms, munitions, and diamonds."
In 1998, America Minerals Fields
purchased diamond concessions in the Cuango
Valley along the Angolan-Congolese border from
International Defense and Security (IDAS Belgium
SA), a mercenary firm based in Curacao and
headquartered in Belgium. According to an
American Mineral Fields press release, "In May
1996, America Mineral Fields entered into an
agreement with IDAS Resources N.V. ("IDAS") and
IDAS shareholders, under which the Company may
acquire 75.5% of the common shares of IDAS. In
turn, IDAS has entered into a 50-50 joint
venture agreement with Endiama, the Angola state
mining company. The joint venture asset is a
3,700 km mining lease in the Cuango Valley,
Luremo and a 36,000 km2 prospecting lease called
the Cuango International, which borders the
mining lease to the north. The total area is
approximately the size of Switzerland." [27][27]
America Mineral Fields directly
benefited from America's initial covert military
and intelligence support for Kabila. It is my
observation that America's early support for
Kabila, which was aided and abetted by U.S.
allies Rwanda and Uganda, had less to do with
getting rid of the Mobutu regime than it had to
do with opening up Congo's vast mineral riches
to North American-based and influenced mining
companies. Presently, some of America Mineral
Fields' principals now benefit from the
destabilization of Sierra Leone and the
availability of its cut-rate "blood diamonds" on
the international market. Also, according to the
findings of a commission headed up by Canadian
United Nations Ambassador, Robert Fowler, Rwanda
has violated the international embargo against
Angola's UNITA rebels in allowing the "to
operate more or less freely" in selling conflict
zone diamonds and making deals with weapons
dealers in Kigali.[28][28]
One of the
major goals of the Rwandan-backed RCD-Goma
faction, a group fighting the Kabila government
in Congo, is restoration of mining concessions
for Barrick Gold, Inc. of Canada. In fact, the
rebel RCD government's "mining minister" signed
a separate mining deal with Barrick in early
1999.[29][29] Among the members of Barrick's
International Advisory Board are former
President Bush and former President Clinton's
close confidant Vernon Jordan.
Currently, Barrick and tens of other
mining companies are helping to stoke the flames
of the civil war in the DRC. Each benefits by
the de facto partition of the country into some
four separate zones of political control. First
the mineral exploiters from Rwanda and Uganda
concentrated on pillaging gold and diamonds from
the eastern Congo. Now, they have increasingly
turned their attention to col-tan.
It is
my hope that the Bush administration will take
pro-active measures to stem the conflict in the
DRC by applying increased pressure on Uganda and
Rwanda to withdraw their troops from the
country. However, the fact that President Bush
has selected Walter Kansteiner to be Assistant
Secretary of State for African Affairs,
portends, in my opinion, more trouble for the
Great Lakes region. A brief look at Mr.
Kansteiner's curriculum vitae and statements
calls into question his commitment to seeking a
durable peace in the region.
In an
October 15, 1996 paper written by Mr. Kansteiner
for the Forum for International Policy on the
then-eastern Zaire, he called for the division
of territory in the Great Lakes region "between
the primary ethnic groups, creating homogenous
ethnic lands that would probably necessitate
redrawing international boundaries and would
require massive 'voluntary' relocation efforts."
Kansteiner foresaw creating separate Tutsi and
Hutu states after such a drastic population
shift. It should be recalled that the creation
of a Tutsi state in eastern Congo was exactly
what Rwanda, Uganda and their American military
advisers had in mind when Rwanda invaded
then-Zaire in 1996, the same year Kansteiner
penned his plans for the region. Four years
later, Kansteiner was still convinced that the
future of the DRC was "balkanization" into
separate states. In an August 23, 2000
Pittsburgh Post-Gazette article, Kansteiner
stated that the "breakup of the Congo is more
likely now than it has been in 20 or 30 years."
Of course, the de facto break up of Congo into
various fiefdoms has been a boon for U.S. and
other western mineral companies. And I believe
Kansteiner's previous work at the Department of
Defense where he served on a Task Force on
Strategic Minerals - and one must certainly
consider col-tan as falling into that category
-- may influence his past and current thinking
on the territorial integrity of the DRC. After
all, 80 per cent of the world's known reserves
of col-tan are found in the eastern DRC. It is
potentially as important to the U.S. military as
the Persian Gulf region.
However, the
U.S. military and intelligence agencies, which
have supported Uganda and Rwanda in their
cross-border adventures in the DRC, have
resisted peace initiatives and have failed to
produce evidence of war crimes by the Ugandans
and Rwandans and their allies in Congo. The CIA,
NSA, and DIA should turn over to international
and congressional investigators
intelligence-generated evidence in their
possession, as well as overhead thermal imagery
indicating the presence of mass graves and when
they were dug. In particular, the NSA maintained
a communications intercept station in Fort
Portal, Uganda, which intercepted military and
government communications in Zaire during the
first Rwandan invasion. These intercepts may
contain details of Rwandan and AFDL-CZ massacres
of innocent Hutu refugees and other Congolese
civilians during the 1996 invasion. There must
be a full accounting before the Congress by the
staff of the U.S. Defense Attache's Office in
Kigali and certain U.S. Embassy staff members in
Kinshasa who served from early 1994 to the
present time.
As for the number of war
casualties in the DRC since the first invasion
from Rwanda in 1996, I would estimate, from my
own research, the total to be around 1.7 to 2
million - a horrendous number by any
calculation. And I also believe that although
disease and famine were contributing factors,
the majority of these deaths were the result of
actual war crimes committed by Rwandan, Ugandan,
Burundian, AFDL-CZ, RCD, and military and
paramilitary forces of other countries.
SUMMARY It is beyond time for the
Congress to seriously examine the role of the
United States in the genocide and civil wars of
central Africa, as well as the role that PMCs
currently play in other African trouble spots
like Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Equatorial Guinea,
Angola, Ethiopia, Sudan, and Cabinda. Other
nations, some with less than stellar records in
Africa - France and Belgium, for example - have
had no problem examining their own roles in
Africa's last decade of turmoil. The British
Foreign Office is in the process of publishing a
green paper on regulation of mercenary activity.
At the very least, the United States, as the
world's leading democracy, owes Africa at least
the example of a critical self-inspection.
I appreciate the concern shown by the
Chair and members of this committee in holding
these hearings.
Thank you.
--------
[1][1] Lewiston, NY and
Lampeter, Wales, UK: Edwin Mellen Press, 1999.
[2][2] Colum Lynch,
"U.S. agents were seen with rebels in Zaire:
Active participation is alleged in military
overthrow of Mobutu," BOSTON GLOBE, 8 October
1997, A2.
[3][3] Ibid.
[4][4]
Ibid.
[5][5] David Rieff, "Realpolitik
in Congo: should Zaire's fate have been
subordinate to the fate of
Rwandan
refugees?" THE NATION, 7 July 1997.
[6][6] Georges Berghezan, "Une guerre
cosmopolite," ("A cosmopolitan war,"), Marc
Schmitz and Sophie Nolet, editors, Kabila prend
le pouvoir ("Kabila Takes Power) (Paris:
Editions GRIP, 1998), 97.
[7][7] Andre
Dumoulin, La France Militaire et l'Afrique (The
French Military and Africa) (Paris: Editions
GRIP, 1997), 87.
[8][8] "Fighting with
the rebels," ASIA TIMES, 1 April 1997, 8;
Jacques Isnard, "Des 'conseillers' americains
ont aide a renverser le regime de M. Mobutu"
("American advisers helped to oust the regime of
Mr. Mobutu"), Le Monde, 28 August 1997;
"Influence americaine" ("American influence"),
La Lettre du Continent, 3 April 1997.
[9][9] Dana Priest, "Pentagon
Slow to Cooperate With Information Requests,"
THE WASHINGTON POST, 31 December 1998, A34.
[10][10] Christian Jennings, "U.S. plane
seeks "missing" refugees in east Zaire," Reuters
North American Wire, 26 November 1996.
[11][11] Lynch, op. cit.
[12][12] Hubert Condurier, "Ce que les
services secrets francais savaient" ("What the
French Secret Services Knew"), VALEURS
ACTUELLES, 30 August 1997, 26 27.
[13][13] "Priests Speak of Massacres,
Destitution," All Africa Press Service, AFRICA
NEWS, 24 March 1997.
[14][14] Lara
Marlowe, "Rwandans got combat training from U.S.
army, paper claims," THE IRISH TIMES, 28 August
1997, 11.
[15][15] Condurier, 27.
[16][16] Ibid.
[17][17] "Helping
Africa to help America," JANE'S FOREIGN REPORT,
4 September 1997.
[18][18] Donald G.
McNeil, Jr., "In Congo, Forbidding Terrain Hides
a Calamity," THE NEW YORK TIMES, 1 June 1997, 4.
[19][19] Edward Mortimer, "The moral
maze: The dilemmas of African conflict cannot be
avoided by identifying one side as victims and
the other as aggressors," FINANCIAL TIMES, 12
February 1997, 24.
[20][20] "Oil Wars in
the Congo," ASIA TIMES, op. cit; Frederic
Francois, "A la recontre du Kivu libere: carnet
de route (janvier-fevrier 97)" ("Recounting the
liberation of Kivu: the roadmap (January
February 1997)," Marc Schmitz and Sophie Nolet,
op. cit., 57.
[21][21] Robert Block,
"U.S. Firms Seek Deals in Central Africa," THE
WALL STREET JOURNAL, 14 October 1997.
[22][22]Milan Vesely, "Carving up the
Congo," AFRICAN BUSINESS, October 1998, 12;
[23][23] Lynne Duke,
"Africans Use Training in Unexpected Ways," THE
WASHINGTON POST, 14 July 1998, A10
[24][24] "Washington urges peace as U.S.
team goes to Rwanda," Agence France Presse, 5
August 1998.
[25][25] Colum Lynch,
"Congo, Rwanda appear headed to full scale war,"
THE BOSTON GLOBE, 6 August 1998, A1.
[26][26] Richard Morais,
"Friends in High Places," FORBES, August 10,
1998, 50.
[27][27]
http://www.am-min.com/amf/96/news/jan14-98.html
[28][28] "RWANDA: Government denies
busting UNITA sanctions," UN Integrated Regional
Information Network (IRIN), March 13, 2000.
[29][29] "Former Okimo Boss Named
Rebels' 'Minister'," AFRICA ENERGY & MINING,
No. 245, February 3, 1999.
FAIR USE NOTICE. This webpage contains copyrighted material the use of which has not been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of environmental, political, human rights, economic, democracy, scientific, and social justice issues, etc.. We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond 'fair use', you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.
TOP BACK HOME
|