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QUAKERS IN TROUBLED WATERS

by Thomas R. Cole

 

Second Book of Instruments 1597-1689: SRO.

 Agreement between George Lyde, George Balling, (both of Swanage) and John Jeffrey of Southampton, 27 Feb 1600/1-

 "...an arrangement was concluded when John Jeffrey, a Southampton merchant, lent £20 to the joint-owners of half the ship the George  of that city. Jeffrey was to receive £25 within fourteen days of the ship's arrival at Bordeaux or La Rochelle from Newfoundland, or within a month of her return to England if she did not go to France. The half-owners, George Lyde and George Balin [Balling] of Swanage, agreed that their half of the vessel was to be enjoyed by Jeffrey as his own property, and gave bonds of £50 as security..."

 

The above John Jeffrey is perhaps the forerunner of the Quaker Newfoundland merchants.

 The Society of Friends historians traced their beginnings in Canada to the town of Barrington, Nova Scotia, about the year 1760. The following references to Quaker- Newfoundland involvement suggest a much earlier date.

 Journal of Friends Historical Society vol 8 (1911),p 169, State Papers of John Thurloe (vol v. p422):

 "Portugal"

"To Secretary Thurloe"

 

"... There is an English shipp come in here from Newfoundland. The master hath beene on board of us. There is not, they say, one person in the shipp, officer or marriner, but are all Quakers. I feare they will meete with affronts from these people, and I heare they have beene in danger alreadye for not puttinge off their hatts to the Portugese, when they have saluted them in the streetes..."

 

"Your very humble servant.

E. Montagu*

Sept 16, 1656, Aboard the Naseby, in the bay of Wyers, in the river of Lisbone."

 The Journal of George Fox, Cambridge (1911), p334:

For the year 1656.

 

"... Alsoe this yeere Capt: Marshall & Jo: Parrott: & others went for Turkey: and Esther Beedle: to new founde lande:..."

 

The Journal of James Yonge (1641-1721), Plymouth Surgeon, ed., F.N.L.Poynter, (London).:

 "...In February (1663/4) I were again shipped by my father [to Newfoundland] to go Chyryurgeon of the Robert Bonaventure, a ship of 130 tons, 28 men, 16 guns, commanded by one William Mitchell, a Quaker...".

Ship owners, partners, victuallers and other adventurers were involved in the Newfoundland trade to turn a profit. These were not haphazardly arranged voyages and the English Outfitters and Insurers would insist upon a well qualified Master and well acquainted with the Newfoundland trade. Mitchell's crew were certainly industrious - at about the same time another well known Newfoundland trader, Christopher Martin, made sail from England with a smaller ship (100 tons) but with triple the manpower of William Mitchell's ship. I am not suggesting that Martin was a Quaker; I am merely pointing out how hard working and industrious these Quakers were.

 The 1664 fishing season is described by Yonge:
"...but this year there were miserable, poor voyages made throughout the land". In spite of this scarcity, the old pro, Skipper Mitchell, fared well-: "...We took in our fish and were full to about 400 Kentals (Quintals) and our master being greedy to press the fish well." Mitchell then took his fish to the markets of Spain and Italy before returning to England.

 Considering the fact that only seasoned sea- captains were chosen for these Newfoundland voyages we can be assured that Capt. Mitchell was in Newfoundland before; nepotism too suggests that Mitchell's "Friends" were chosen as seamen. Although Yonge makes no other mention of Mitchell's affiliation with the Quakers, nor is there mention of a Quaker service or meeting held by Mitchell, we can presume that, with all the hardships endured on this particular voyage, a Quaker prayer was often repeated by Mitchell in Newfoundland.

 Thomas & William Evans, eds., The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols):

 vol 11, p 151, refers to a John Burnyeat in the waters of Newfoundland, in 1673.

 vol 14 pp 3-4, Brief memoir of the life of John Croker (1672-1727), which had first been published in Barclay's select series vol 6 (London, 1839), and recounts his capture by French privateers in 1689 or 1690, sailing from Pennsylvania to Newcastle upon Tyne. He was stranded with others on an island off the coast of Newfoundland, and from there got to the mainland (i.e. main island- Nfld.), to `Renuse' where there was an English settlement, and by `Todes Cove', another fishing settlement to St. John's.

 Philadelphia Monthly Meeting minutes for 31. x. 1700 [January 1700/1]: they are printed in Pennsylvania Genealogical Society Publications vol 6 (1917): pg73, corrected from a microfilm here of the originals: 

"...George Skeffington late of Newfoundland having been travelling upon the service of truth in these parts, appeared at this meeting signifying his departure and desired a Certificate from us to friends, where he may have occasion to travel, whereupon Thomas Story, Nicholas Waln, & Griffith Owen or any two of them are desired to write him one and sign it, with as many friends as are free on behalf of this meeting...".

The late Professor Keith Matthews, Newfoundland historian, traced the name Skeffington to Poole and Dorset (Ross); Another biographer, Carson I. A. Ritchie, in The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p 609, traced the name to Bristol (probably). Skeffington was perhaps the same persons referred to as George Skimmington of St. John's Harbour in the Colonial Records of 1703. Personally I am well acquainted with the Bonavista dialect and especially in the way we interchange the `v' and the `f' and the name Skivington then comes to mind, which name was very familiar around Shillingstone in Dorset.

 Ritchie stated:

"...Skeffington was established as a small trader in Bonavista by about 1700. There he practiced the trades of ships chandler and cooper. During the winter months he sold rum and wine on credit, and was reimbursed with interest at the end of the fishing season. Soon he recognized that there was a potentially lucrative trade in freshwater fish (salmon). Although the rivers of Newfoundland were rich in salmon, few attempts had been made to develop inland fishing. Leaving a capable factor to manage the chandlery business during his absence, Skeffington, with the help of a few adventurous hired hands, was soon netting large catches of salmon. He was able to sell his fish to the merchant ships touching at Bonavista, and for a time thrived without opposition.

I am not sure about the Quaker stance on selling rum and wine but in Newfoundland and the other colonies the merchants' shelves were usually well stocked..."

 Who Were the First Quakers in Canada? by Jack C. Ross from Issue #12, June 1975 Newsletter: Quaker History in Canada, Canadian Friends Historical Assoc.-3-, pp 3-7.:

 In or just before 1700 the SPG sponsored a fact finding tour of North America by Thomas Bray, D.D. He passed by Newfoundland, toured the colonies, and returned to write a book, A Memorial Representing the Present State of Religion on the Continent of North America, 1700. Bray he was and bray he did, loud and long about many things. He did not set foot on Newfoundland, but interviewed a passenger on his boat who had been there. Sensitive as he was about Quakerism, he reported none in Newfoundland. This would seem to establish the earliest date to consider in relation to the following materials - no Quakers there, worth converting, at least, before 1700.

A London newspaper, The Flying Post, 10 March 1705 (OS)/ 21 March 1706 (NS), reprinted in Prowse's A History of Newfoundland.  London: MacMillan, 1895., pp 239-240 re: the burning of Capt. Auten's ship the Society  of Poole in a French attack on Bonavista in 1704. This letter could be passed over as insignificant to Quaker history but for the name of one of the ships- the Society   from Poole; This attack occurred on the 18th of August 1704 (OS)/ 29 August 1704 (NS): 

"St. John's in Newfoundland, Sep 21.

On the 18th of August last, about 144 French and Canada Indians came about two o'clock in the morning in two sloops and canoes to Bonavista Harbour, about 30 leagues to the Northward of this place and surprised the Pembroke  galley of London of 250 tons, 44 men and 20 guns, John Noll, Commander laden with dry fish. And the Society  of Poole of 140 tons, 14 guns and 24 men, Captain Auten, Commander. And also the William  of about 115 tuns, 10 men but no guns, having 30 tuns of lamp oil on board. They also attempted to surprize Captain Michael Gill of Charles-Town in New England, of 14 guns and 24 men, who discovered their boat to be French, fired briskly upon them, killed and wounded some of them so that they returned to the Prizes they had taken and brought the great guns of both ships to bear upon Captain Gill and continued firing upon him with both great and small arms for the space of 6 hours, till his ship was much shattered, He, on the other hand, playing his great guns and small arms all the time on them.

During the action, he veered his ship somewhat to the shoar, About 8 o'clock, when they found he could not be taken, they set fire to the Society and cut her loose in a flame to drive upon him, but by the great diligence of Captain Gill, he got clear of her and she burnt to the keel. Finding that would would do, they set fire to the ship William  and set her before the wind, furiously burning to that degree, that the lamp oil burning in a flame on the water, was like to have set him on fire, but that both he and his men laboured in the fire, and turned her clear of them. [The buoy-rope of the William's  anchor got between the rudder and the stern and kept her clear of them.- Penhallow*]. And when the inhabitants who had fled into the woods and rocks, saw Captain Gill's courage, they came down and appeared in a body in arms, which when the French saw, they immediately weighed and set sail and carried the Masters and men with them. And about forty leagues off [on the N.E. coast], they gave the Masters and some of the men a boat, who soon after returned, to whom the French declared, that had they taken Captain Gill they would not have left house stage or goods in the harbour; all which is owing under God to the courage and conduct of Captain Gill. He had but one man killed and three wounded; but the enemy had several killed and wounded."

*[TC Note - Sam Penhallow, whose daughter married William Knight].

There is nothing in the records to indicate that the Bonavista hero from New England, Michael Gill, was a Quaker; He was baptised 09 Sept. 1673 at St. Marys Church, Dover, England, a son of John and Catharine Gill.

 From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p 246, GILL, MICHAEL, by M.C.Rosenfield:

"...In 1698 Gill was trading with Canada in a 40 ton vessel, handling mixed cargoes. He traded also with the outports at Bonavista and other parts of Newfoundland. On 18 August 1704 (NS) /29 August 1704 (OS), when Bonavista was attacked by a French fleet under Jean Leger de La Grange, Gill was the only English captain to escape after a six hour battle...". 

From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, pp 531-2, PRAT, LOUIS, by J.P.Asselin, C.SS.R:

"...In 1704 he [Louis Prat] joined the group organized by the seafarer Jean Leger de LaGrange "for fitting out ships for privateering against the enemies of the state." To this purpose Prat had the Joybert built. The undertaking was crowned with success; some months after it was launched the ship returned to Quebec in triumph, bringing with it the Pembroke  galley, which had been taken from the English...".

From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, pp 387-8, LEGER DE LA GRANGE, JEAN, by David Lee. Also [P.-G.Roy], "Un corsaire canadien: Jean Leger de La Grange," BRH, XXIV (1918),33-48, 65-76, 97-104:

"...Late in 1703, with business falling off and little to satisfy the need for adventure felt by the youth of the colony, La Grange obtained permission from Rigaud de Vaudreuil and Francois de Beauharnois de La Boische to lead another expedition against the English in Newfoundland. He interested some merchants...in the venture...and thus bought and equipped two ships; La Grange also found at least 26 men willing to provide their own arms and sign on as crew with no wages but with the expectation of a share in the booty...One of the merchants, Claude Pauperet of Quebec, and La Grange were to captain the two ships, the Joybert and the Philipeau.  La Grange had over all command. Attacking the port of Bonavista on 18 Aug 1704 (OS) /29 Aug 1704 (NS), they burned two smaller ships and captured the 250 ton Pembroke  galley of London, which was armed but burdened with about 2,500 quintals of dry cod. The attack was bravely but vainly resisted by Captain Michael Gill...The booty was divided up at Quebec, each man of the crew receiving about 40 ecus; some cod was sold there to lighten the ship in case of attack en route to Europe. Ironically, the ship was recaptured by the English between Bilbao and La Rochelle after the fish had been sold..."

We have no surviving records of a Quaker community in Bonavista, The Poole Port Books  might reveal the owners of the ship called the Society, destroyed in Bonavista in 1704.

 The French Canadians commemorated this destructive event in a painting dated 1706 which was given as a votive offering to the sanctuary of Sainte-Anne de Beaupre. [See J.-P. Asselin, "Louis Prat, associe du corsaire Jean de la Grange, offre un ex-voto a Sainte Anne," Annules de Sainte-Anne de Beaupre (avril, 1958), pp105-108, referred to in The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, pp531-2, PRAT, LOUIS, by J.P.Asselin, C.SS.R].

 The Colonial Records contain a deposition  by Richard Sampson dated 18 June 1705 and reprinted in Prowse, A History of Newfoundland,  pp 262-263:

 "...On 21 Jan 1705 (OS)/ 01 Feb 1706 (NS) the French Canadians first arrived at St. John's."

This was during Queen Anne's War or The War of The Spanish Succession; they captured and held St. John's for the entire month of February with the exception of the fort and castle. 

"Recueil de ce qui s'est passe au Canada, au sujet de la guerre tant des Anglais que des Iroquois, depuis l'annee 1682." AN, col., F3, 2, ff. 100-29. It was published in Le Blant (see DCB ) pp170-272, written no earlier than 1716 by Gedeon Catalogne, who became a lieutenant in 1704, took part in the raid led by Auger de Subercase in 1705 against St. John's, Newfoundland, during Queen Anne's War or The War of the Spanish Succession. Catalogne's Recueil  describes a characteristic Quaker community- Quidi Vidi, where the inhabitants would not fight nor would they run.

"...At about a league from the fort there is a small harbour, called Quidimity (Quidi Vidi) where there were 72 English fishing. M. de Montigny [Jacques Testard de Montigny- De La Forrest see also DCB], with some Canadians and Indians, went to take them, and there was there a Reformer of the Tremblers, a Quaker (un Religionnaire de la Tremblade un Quakre), who was their commander. They asked to be paroled. It was granted on condition that if anyone deserted to go to the fort, all the rest would be put to the sword, to which they consented. Some of our Indians went there to count them. As soon as the Indians came they all put themselves in a row. It happened that one day one of them wished to desert; the others followed and arrested him, and gave notice of it to the French, and without further trial or procedure he had his head broken on the spot where he was taken.".

Sampson's deposition  reveals that Richard King was the inhabitant killed in Quidi Vidi:

"...They allowed the people of Kitty Vitty having a hundred men fit to bear arms to live in their own houses but they never offered to go to the help of the garrison and told the enemy of one Richard King proposing going to ye fort and they had him presently killed. Several inhabitants were suspected of being in correspondence with the French...".

 

From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p 626, TESTARD DE MONTIGNY, JACQUES, by Louise Dechene:

"...In 1705 Auger de Subercase undertook a second campaign, in which Montigny again took part. This time it is he who has left us the account (5 March- 6 June 1705) of this expedition, which was conducted with as much dash as the first. After raising the siege of St. John's with the able help of Francois Picote de Belestre and Etienne de Villedonne, he sent forces through the woods and by sea to gather up and disarm all the settlers along the coast. In the deserted harbours, the houses, boats, and drying platforms were set on fire, and the salt was thrown into the sea. Hearing that Montigny was conducting this campaign, Bonavista, following George Skeffington's advice, agreed to capitulate. The victory was complete, but it was to have no more consequences than the first one...The next year Montigny went to France to present to the king and the court the Abenaki chief Nescambiouit, who had served with distinction at his side in the two Newfoundland campaigns...".

An indication of what the Quakers had to contend with in Newfoundland:

 From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, pp 494-5, NESCAMBIOUIT, by Thomas Charland:

"...an Abenaki chief from what is now Fryeburg, Maine. He had a great reputation among the Abenakis for his name means "he that is so important and so highly placed because of his merit that his greatness cannot be attained, even in thought". .His sang-froid is so great that he has never been seen to laugh. So far he has taken by himself more than 40 scalps...Among the New Englanders, too, he was well known. They called him "a bloody devil" and "that insulting monster", and claimed that he had killed over 150 men, women, and children...In 1703 he approached the fort at Casco Bay under a flag of truce and with hatchets hidden under his coat attacked the commander John March... In 1705 he was again in Newfoundland. The new governor of Placentia (Plaisance), Auger de Subercase, assigned to one of his officers, Testard de Montigny, the task of ravaging the entire coast of the island. On this occasion Nescambiouit distinquished himself, "as usual", wrote Charlevoix again...In the Autumn of 1705 Montigny went to France and took along with him his faithful Nescambiouit. The latter was received at the court of Versailles, made much of and showered with presents by King Louis xiv. He was given the title of Prince of the Abenakis.

Is this not a Quaker attitude - to assist even your enemy? On 22 February 1706 (OS)/ 05 March 1705 (NS), when the French Canadians were withdrawing from the St. John's area Catalogne's Recueil  continues:

"...In the meantime the inhabitants of Quidimity, who had 12 shaloupes ready, offered to carry our loads to Beboulle [TC Note - Bay Bull- could be Bay Bull Arm in Trinity Bay]. Their offer was accepted but we only gave them provisions to carry...".

From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p 582, ROOPE, JOHN, by C. P. McFarland:

"...engineer and Gentleman of the Ordnance in Newfoundland...several English inhabitants of St. John's blamed Roope after Auger de Subercase's attack on St. John's 21 Jan 1704/5...and accused him of having had treasonable communications with the French...when Subercase's troops left St. John's they took Roope with them. His enemies (ie TC Note - English enemies) said that he went willingly, though he maintained that he was forced to go. After eight months at Placentia, Roope was exchanged for some French prisoners held at St. John's. He sailed for England in November 1705..."

Departing the St. John's area, with the aid of their English captives to carry the booty, this particular French Canadian detachment returned (by sea?) to Plaisance (Placentia), their home base. Another detachment, under Montigny, continued their raids on various villages in Conception Bay and through these French infested shores we find George Skeffington of Bonavista venturing into St. John's. Lt. John Moody, the English Commander of the Land Forces, who had earlier defended the fort at St. John's, without surrender, during the entire 33 day French siege, met with Skeffington on 29 March 1705 (OS) /09 April 1705 (NS), gave him "provisions" and "means of defense" and asked him to be a "spy for the garrison". 

Skeffington, and the inhabitants of Bonavista, relied on the annual supplies obtained from the well provisioned seasonal fishing captains from England and New England, who frequented the Bonavista fishing grounds. Towards the end of March, and in the midst of Queen Anne's War, Skeffington wondered whether the supplies were coming at all this year. Bonavista had already been attacked in 1702, 1703 and 1704. Driven by the want of provisions one can well visualize Skeffington's dilemma in agreeing to some un-Quakerly activity such as Chief Keeper of the Ordinance now being imposed upon him by Lt. Moody. 

Skeffington again returned to Bonavista with provisions for the inhabitants, undetected by the French who were still inflecting damages in Conception Bay.

 The Recueil  continues:

"M. de Montigny returned with some prisoners, and some plunder to Placentia, where we had arrived about a month ago, when he asked for a party to go along the English coast, which was granted and continued his course to Bonavista, where he found the inhabitants entrenched on the island [Green Island]. He attacked them and, without much resistances, they surrendered to about 50 men. The commander of the English, who was a merchant, asked to ransom himself for 4,000 pounds sterling, which he paid by draught on Mr. Nelson, of Boston. De Montigny, on receipt of the money, retired to Placentia, promising the people that they should not be further molested by the French, and that they might pursue their fishery in peace."

The events of the Montigny raid on Bonavista are described in "L'Expedition de M. de Montigny a Terreneuve en 1705" APQ Rapport 1922-23 pp (290-298). Montigny had heralded himself as a conqueror and he makes no mention of a Quaker influence at Bonavista for this would only detracted from his fighting prowess and abilities. Accompanied by his Abenaki savages, Montigny arrived in Bonavista 03 May 1705 (OS) /14 May 1705 (NS).

 The same event is recorded by John Roope, Engineer and Gentleman of the Ordinance in Newfoundland, in the Colonial Records and reprinted in Prowse, A History of Newfoundland:

"M. Montigny, came from Placentia with soldiers and Indians to Buena Vist [Bonavista], where Lt. Moody (as 'tis said) had constituted one George Sciffington chief, who is a Quaker, and the spirit not moving him, he capitulated as soon as summoned and agreed to pay a certain sum, two hundred and fifty pounds of which was to be paid by bill of exchange in Boston to M. Montigny. But when he capitulated he was on an island and had one hundred and twenty men with eight guns and several stores and arms of the Queen's which he had had from Lt. Moody. He had notice of the enemy and was well on the watch as 'tis said".

Cadbury wrote:

..."Skeffington was a fishing vessel master whose charge was exploiting the rich cod fishery off Newfoundland each Spring as soon as the ice permitted ships to land, and to establish shore stations for the season...".

Ross wrote:

"...it is unlikely that Skeffington, or any other fisherman, stayed the winter in Bonavista...".

The authors Cadbury,  and Ross, both underestimated Bonavista's beginnings. From a letter dated 14 March 1764, written in Poole Harbour by George Davis, Merchant and Newfoundland trader, to the famous Capt. James Cook: (indicates that the English first settled in Bonavista c1654).

"...Mrs. Fizzard/ Tizzard? was born in Bonavista whose uncle Mr. John Walcome was the first man- child born there who was 80 years old when he dyed and has been dead upwards of 30 years. [i.e. born 1654 in Bonavista]..."

In Prowse’s pg 699 for 1677 (there were undoubtedly more residemts there during these frightening events of 25 years later) Bonavista had 16 housekeepers, 13 wives, 21 sons, 96 men servants, 13 daughters. This is sufficient proof to show that Bonavista was permanently settled in Skeffington's era, but the best proof of all to show that Skeffington was not a visiting seasonal fisherman is the fact that he was given provisions in St. John's-- fishing masters arriving from England and New England were well stocked with provisions, enough for their own use and plenty left over to barter with the settlers, indeed, the settlers depended on the arrival of the fishing captains. 

The French promise to Skeffington that the settlers might pursue their fishery in peace was ignored. Catalogne wrote:

"...After that another Canadian went to Bonavista and seized more prisoners, who also had to offer round sums to secure their ransom..."

Ritchie wrote:

"...In the winter of 1704-5, however, a French expedition, led by Auger de Subercase, attacked the English settlements in Newfoundland. Skeffington, as one of the town's leading men, was in charge of the Bonavista settlement when news arrived of the approach of a French force under Testard de Montigny. Perhaps in order to save his property, perhaps because of his Quaker principles, Skeffington promptly surrendered the town and agreed to pay a ransom. When the French withdrew they took Skeffington with them, and he remained for some months at Placentia (Plaisance) before an exchange of prisoners procurred his release.

Ritchie writes of Skeffington: (after the French attacks of 1705/6.

"...On his return to Bonavista, he continued to explore the lakes and rivers north of the town [i.e. Bonavista Bay], taking care not to overfish any particular water...".

Here we see another display of Skeffington's familiarity with New Englanders; Skeffington was dealing with William Keen, the second, murdered in St. John's 1754. William Keen, Sr. of New London, CT was also in the Newfoundland trade, as was William Keen, the third, out of Greenspond..  Ritchie wrote:

"...In September 1718 Skeffington proposed to set up a joint fishery with William Keen, a merchant of St. John's. Skeffington was to organize the actual fishing, while Keen would provide the salt and necessary equipment. The enterprise was not particularly successful, however, partly because interlopers encroached on the area claimed by the partners; Keen lost 120 pounds in the deal...".

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 6, p37, refers to Thomas Chalkley as being in or near Newfoundland, in 1719.

 Ritchie wrote:

"...Despite the manifold problems, Skeffington's fishery was extensive. In 1720 he had successfully petitioned the crown for salmon fishing rights for 21 years in a large area around Bonavista. During this year it was estimated that he employed 30 men, and sent abroad 530 "tierces" of salmon, valued at 30s. a tierce, together with fur and seal oil to a value of 6,000 pounds...".

Skeffington also experienced difficulties from the Newfoundland Red Savages, who were more evasive and yet more bothersome than any other tribe in all of North America. No doubt the Quakers were committed to a peaceful recourse with these natives but, in Newfoundland, this was clearly impossible. Ritchie wrote:

"...Fishing in the interior of Newfoundland was difficult and dangerous. The men had to construct dams, clear the rivers, and build houses for curing the salmon; provisions were scarce and the weather was harsh. The Beothuks [Red Savages] frequently wandered across the fishing areas looking for ochre. In 1721 they killed some of Skeffington's men; they also broke his dams, took away his nets, and made off with his provisions and gear..."

Ritchie wrote:

"...During 1724 they [Red Savages] were again troublesome, and Skeffington petitioned the government for two boats with six soldiers apiece, with which he proposed to keep the country free from Indians. He was granted a guard and no doubt contributed to the destruction of the Beothuks...".

From The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p89:

"...In 1725 Commodore Bouler reported a complaint by George Skeffington that certain individuals had interferred with his salmon fisheries; the commodore investigated the matter and ordered two of the offenders to be flogged, `with a catt of nine tails on the bare back'...".

Ritchie wrote:

"...By 14 Oct. 1729 Skeffington had disposed of his fishery and, as he figures no more in the Newfoundland records, he presumably retired to England..."

Not to be overlooked is the involvement of the Poole, Dorset, Quaker merchant, Joseph White (1685-1771), and his substantial Newfoundland trade established in the Trinity locale in the 1740's and 1750's, at which time there were over 100 influential Quakers in the Poole area of Dorset and the great majority of them involved in the Newfoundland trade. Joseph was preceded in the Newfoundland trade by his father Samuel White (1642-1720) and his Grandfather likewise, Samuel White (1590?-). 

Capt. Sam Mifflin died Trinity 19 Feb 1760 was an agent for the Poole merchant Joseph White; Mifflin born in Warminster, Wilts. of a Quaker family; Solomon Mifflin of Bonavista was his brother (Solomon was married to Jane Randall); Capt Sam's Will Pro (434) Lynch 1760. Capt Sam was a God-Father to Joseph Randall's daughter, Mary Randall in Bonavista. Other familiar Quaker names: White, Vallis, Rolles

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 5, pp 380/420), suggest that John Griffith was in or near Newfoundland 1750 and 1765.

 London Yearly Meeting for Sufferings minutes: vol 33 (Feb 1772):

"Quaker books to be sent, through Moses Neave of Poole, for deposit at a library in Placentia, Newfoundland."

The Skeffington name however still survived in Newfoundland. From Soe Longe as there comes noe women - Origins of English Settlement in Newfoundland, by W. Gordon Handcock, Newfoundland History Series 6, 1989. pp 196-204-304:

"... George Skeffington, the first person to establish a commercial salmon fishery north of Bonavista in the early 1700s, apparently came from Ringwood [Hants]...where the marriage register also records the nuptials of `George Skeffington of Bonavisty [Bonavista] in Newfoundland and Jane Friar*of Ringwood in 1780...,[also mentions PRO will of Joseph Skeffington (58 Machen), 1789]..."

*[TC Note - Jane Friar/Fryer's mother was a Tilly]

 The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 8, p 65 Thomas Scattergood, 1794, in or near Newfoundland

 The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols). Martha Routh must certainly be related to the later Loyalist and Newfoundland Chief Justice, Richard Routh.

vol 12, p426 Martha Routh 1794, mentioned as in or near Newfoundland.

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 4, p208, Sarah Stephenson, 1801, mentioned as in or near Newfoundland.

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 4, p 271, Henry Hull, 1810, mentioned as in or near Newfoundland.

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 3, pp 346-348, Thomas Shillitoe, 1826, mentioned as in or near Newfoundland.

 Parts of letters from Howard Knight (a Quaker in Bristol,1991) re: Quaker references to Stephen Knight, Merchant in Newfoundland:

"...I have traced Stephen's father and grandfather (but not where the latter came from) but I would dearly like to know more about Stephen and his family in Newfoundland (wife and children)- also about the Quaker connections with Newfoundland...".

"...His father was James bapt. 1736 Shaftsbury, died 1782 also Shaftsbury, carpenter. James's father was George, born about 1713 (to judge by his age given at death) but where I do not know, died 1779 Shaftsbury, millwright. Stephen had an older brother, James (also a carpenter) and younger brothers Thomas (plumber), Joseph (tallow chandler/grocer) and Jeremiah ( tailor, my ancestor) all of whom died in London and all of them apparently Quakers. George evidently became a Quaker after the birth of his first three children but had fallen out with the Quakers at the time of his death, probably has a result of his remarriage. I have found no sign of any connection between the family and Newfoundland other than Stephen. However he did have an uncle, William and perhaps a "step-uncle", John, who are not properly accounted for.

"...Meanwhile, I can tell you about Stephen Knight's maternal names. His mother was Ann Free and she was said to be of Newport, Isle of Wight when she married Stephen's father, James, in 1765. I have not been able to trace Ann's birth or parent's names. Stephen's other grandmother was Mary Long; she may have been born in 1704 in Shaftsbury, married George Knight there in 1735 and died there in 1751. The entry for the birth which may be hers gives only the father's name. George remarried to Elizabeth Foot in 1751.

Stephen's aunt married a William White (Farmer/ Miller) and an uncle may have married Mary Dashwood. A possible "step uncle" married Elizabeth Kibble. Brothers married Mary Gibbs, Elizabeth Freeth, Elizabeth Peers, Elizabeth Arnold, Elizabeth Ann Reeves, and Martha Ring; as far as I know, only the last had any connection with Dorset...". 

The Quaker records in Poole will, no doubt, reflect the following surnames:  Bennett, Biddle, (Capt) Botley, Bulley, Carter, Drivers, Eppes, Fox, Gulston, Jeffrey, Jolliffe, Masters, Mifflin, Nichols, Nickleson, Randall, Rolles, Routh, Seagers, Skinner, Steeles, Knight, Vallis, and Watson. 

The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols).:

vol 2, p 125 William Edmondson, in or near Newfoundland, no date.

From: Lynch's: The Story of Methodism in Bonavista by Charles Lench, 1919.

"Skeffington's 1705 ransom note was still extant up until about 1880; it was lost in a fire when the Oakley cottage burnt down...".

 

The present day Newfoundland Skeffingtons are descendants of the above George, also James Skeffington who was an adult in Bonavista in 1790, and Samuel who was well established in Greenspond in 1806.


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Quaker Reference Notes

The Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol ii, p 609:

SKEFFINGTON, GEORGE, owner of a large salmon fishery in Newfoundland: fl. 1700-1729.

Born probably in Bristol of Quaker parents, Skeffington was established as a small trader in Bonavista by about 1700. There he practiced the trades of ships chandler and cooper. During the winter months he sold rum and wine on credit, and was reimbursed with interest at the end of the fishing season. Soon he recognized that there was a potentially lucrative trade in freshwater fish (salmon). Although the rivers of Newfoundland were rich in salmon, few attempts had been made to develop inland fishing. Leaving a capable factor to manage the chandlery business during his absence, Skeffington, with the help of a few adventurous hired hands, was soon netting large catches of salmon. He was able to sell his fish to the merchant ships touching at Bonavista, and for a time thrived without opposition. In the winter of 1704-5, however, a French expedition, led by Auger de Subercase, attacked the English settlements in Newfoundland. Skeffington, as one of the town's leading men, was in charge of the Bonavista settlement when news arrived of the approach of a French force under Testard de Montigny. Perhaps in order to save his property, perhaps because of his Quaker principles, Skeffington promptly surrendered the town and agreed to pay a ransom. When the French withdrew they took Skeffington with them, and he remained for some months at Placentia (Plaisance) before an exchange of prisoners procurred his release.

On his return to Bonavista, he continued to explore the lakes and rivers north of the town [i.e. Bonavista Bay], taking care not to overfish any particular water. In September 1718 Skeffington proposed to set up a joint fishery with William Keen, a merchant of St. John's. Skeffington was to organize the actual fishing, while Keen would provide the salt and necessary equipment. The enterprise was not particularly successful, however, partly because interlopers encroached on the area claimed by the partners; Keen lost 120 pounds in the deal.

Fishing in the interior of Newfoundland was difficult and dangerous. The men had to construct dams, clear the rivers, and build houses for curing the salmon; provisions were scarce and the weather was harsh. The Beothuks [Red Savages] frequently wandered across the fishing areas looking for ochre. In 1721 they killed some of Skeffington's men; they also broke his dams, took away his nets, and made off with his provisions and gear. During 1724 they [Red Savages] were again troublesome, and Skeffington petitioned the government for two boats with six soldiers apiece, with which he proposed to keep the country free from Indians. He was granted a guard and no doubt contributed to the destruction of the Beothuks.

Despite the manifold problems, Skeffington's fishery was extensive. In 1720 he had succesfully petitioned the crown for salmon fishing rights for 21 years in a large area around Bonavista. During this year it was estimated that he employed 30 men, and sent abroad 530 "tierces" of salmon, valued at 30s. a tierce, together with fur and seal oil to a value of 6,000 pounds. By 14 Oct. 1729 Skeffington had disposed of his fishery and, as he figures no more in the Newfoundland records, he presumably retired to England.

PRO, CO 194/6, 194/7, 195/7. PRO, CSP, Col., 1720-21, 1722-23, 1724-25, 1728-29. Prowse, History of Nfld. Michael Godfrey, "Newfoundland salmon pioneeer," Fish Trades Gazette (London), 4359 (7 Jan. 1967).

"L'Expedition de M. de Montigny a Terreneuve en 1705 APQ Rapport 1922-23 pp (290-298). I have this in French.

"Recueil de ce qui s'est passe au Canada, au sujet de la guerre tant des Anglais que des Iroquois, depuis l'annee 1682. AN, col., F3, 2, ff. 100-29. It was published in Le Blant (see DCB and obtain a copy of vol ii, p 122) pp170-272.


 

925 Bayly St. #51

Pickering, On.

Canada, L1W-1L4

26 Nov 1986

Archives Nationale du Quebec

1210, avenue du Seminaire

PO Box 10450

Sainte Foy

Quebec

G1V 4N1

Dear Sir;

Would you please advise if the following document is available at your archives and how a copy might be obtained:

"L'Expedition de M. de Montigny a Terreneuve en 1705." APG Rapport, 1922-23, 293-98.

Sincerely

Thomas R. Cole


 

Letter from the Quebec Archives in French dated 19 Jan 1987, translated:

as per your letter on 26 Nov, I unfortunately have to inform you that it is impossible to find the document you mention in your letter. It is a transcript from the colonial archives and we do not have the instruments (tools) which would enable us to trace quickly. Hoping this is to your satisfaction.

Sincerely yours

Sonia Chasse


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Re: Quakers downtown Toronto library, open Tues. & Thur.

Jane Sweet- Monday? Librarian- 921-0368/ 486-5578.

Jane Zavitz- Pickering College, Newmarket, 389 Second, Newmarket-Gormley, 887-5000


 

Dorland Friends Collection

Pickering College

Newmarket, On., L3Y 4X2

Jan/1990.

Dear Tom Cole,

Here is the article I referred to yesterday on the phone. It may not assist you in family research- since you mentioned Mitchell in 1699 [TC Note- this was earlier 1669? Capt Mitchell, a Quaker, mentioned in James Yonge]. Jack Ross, the author, now lives in Argenta, B.C. and can be reached through that address, if you think he might be helpful for your particular search- it is possible since he looked over the Newfoundland Quaker scene with interest for a number of years while at the univ. in St. John's.

Good luck with your research,

Jane Zavitz

Archivist/CYM

PS- Flyer on CFHA for your interest- we encourage and need support. JVZ.

Address for Jack Ross, RR#1. Cooper Creek, Kaslo, BC., V0G 1M0.

Included in this letter and photocopied in the Dorland Friends Collection at Pickering College- 16 Jan. 1990 "WHO WERE THE FIRST QUAKERS IN CANADA by Jack C. Ross, from Issue #12, June 1975 Newsletter: Quaker History in Canada, Canadian Friends Historical Assoc.-3-, pp 3-7.


 

"WHO WERE THE FIRST QUAKERS IN CANADA?

by Jack C. Ross

from Issue #12, June 1975 Newsletter: Quaker History in Canada, Canadian Friends Historical Assoc.-3-, pp 3-7.

When and where was the first Quaker establishment in Canada? The answer depends on how the question is phrased: the first Monthly Meeting? The first families? The first settlement? The first Friend? Or, Canada as it was, was to become, or is now?

All, I suppose, are secondary questions, for the more important matter must always be: when was the spirit manifest among those who listened and responded? I accept as basic J. Ormerod Greenwood's demonstration in Quaker Encounters that the essentials of Quakerism were independently discovered in many countries in the mid-seventeenth century, and the religion of the Inner Light to which George Fox contributed clarity, order and form was only the best known. Thus I suppose that we must speak, regarding Canada, both of Children of the Light who first set foot on this land, and those who met the boat.

Still, we must take care to be accurate when we do make historical statements about the Society of Friends, and regarding the issue broached in the first paragraph, there has been great carelessness. Here are some examples.

A recent book by Margaret Springer, The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) - an Introduction, may reach a number of information seekers who visit our meetings. She says, "the first Quakers in Canada came from the American colonies in the late 18th century. They settled in the Maritimes, and in many counties of what is now southern and south- eastern Ontario". (p.7). She adds that further settlers came from Britain in the 19th century. This is general enough to be fairly accurate, except it excludes the earlier direct settlers from England among whom there may have been Friends, and it excludes Newfoundland, not one of the Maritimes.

An earlier version comes from Arthur Dorland's The Quakers in Canada, A History, the most widely known historical work on Canadian Friends. He says. "so far as we know the first Quakers in Canada came from the Island of Nantucket to Barrington, Nova Scotia, fourteen years before the United States declared their independence". (p.30). He is correct that this was a relatively small settlement and ultimately not significant for the growth of Quakerism in Canada. But yet it is factually misleading. I shall now present two kinds of evidence for the existence of Quakers in Newfoundland at least 60 years before the settlement in Nova Scotia: the one inferential and the other decisive. Dorland's map, which runs of the page before Newfoundland, might have to be revised in the next edition.

A renewed Protestantism began to take hold in England at the end of the 17th century with unambiguous Protestants on their thrones. One of the results was the formation of gospel societies. George Keith, former Quaker turned bitter foe, was active in one of these, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, and there were many Keithites in the American colonies. His vigorous anti-Quaker propaganda infected the entire SPG, which took conversion of the Quakers as one of its passions. In or just before 1700 the SPG sponsored a fact finding tour of North America by Thomas Bray, D.D. He passed by Newfoundland, toured the colonies, and returned to write a book, A Memorial Representing the Present State of Religion on the Continent of North America, 1700. Bray he was and bray he did, loud and long about many things. He did not set foot on Newfoundland, but interviewed a passenger on his boat who had been there. Sensitive as he was about Quakerism, he reported none in Newfoundland. This would seem to establish the earliest date to consider in relation to the following materials - no Quakers there, worth converting, at least, before 1700.

The first Newfoundland Quaker about whom there is definite information is George Skeffington (also spelled Skiffington, Sceffington), a rare name that is still found in rural Newfoundland. Professor Keith Matthews, Newfoundland historian, traces the name to Poole and Dorsetshire. Poole had many Quaker sailors.

The incidents regarding Skeffington are contained in Henry Cadbury's "Now and Then" occasional column, number 59, Friends Intelligencer, 1945. His source is a book by James Bowden, which I have been unable to locate, but I have found the records upon which Bowden must have relied, and recapitulate the essence here. I encountered Henry Cadbury in New Jersey in 1968. Hearing that I was going to Newfoundland, he told me the story of George Skeffington, and asked that I investigate further. I promised I would, but Henry Cadbury died before I could complete the task. This is my attempt to fulfill that obligation.

Cadbury tells Skeffington's story in his usual witty fashion. Skeffington was a fishing vessel master whose charge was exploiting the rich cod fishery off Newfoundland each Spring as soon as the ice permitted ships to land, and to establish shore stations for the season. The first master to land each year was named "Admiral" of the port for the season, the second his assistant, and so on. Skeffington apparently landed first at a Newfoundland port, perhaps Bonavista ("Buena Vista") in 1705. A French commander from Placentia, a French fortress (recently restored) on the south coast, attacked the garrison where a Lt. Moody had established Skeffington as leader. Our hero hastily surrendered to avoid fighting, though the island on which he was situated was fortified with 120 men and eight guns (cannon).

A payment of 250 pounds was demanded, which Skeffington agreed to pay from his personal account. Cadbury's account has him taken hostage to Placentia and soon released. He was noted some years later as a settler, building facilities and catching salmon 40 miles north of Cape Bonavista, which would put him well out to sea. He is last heard of in 1729, but nothing more is known of his Quakerism.

Cadbury also notes, from Bowden, a French account that puts Skeffington, or someone like him, at another place. It is this account that introduces the possibility, far less definite than the evidence regarding Skeffington, for a number of Friends in Newfoundland, in 1705 but not before 1700. I will turn now to original sources from the military records of the Colonial Office in St. John's.

The colonial records of 1703, the first complete and accessible account, make no mention of Skeffington, but there are notes of events in which he might well have appeared had he been there. Equally, the military records do not note the presence of anti-militarists nearby, which would have threatened them, since war was expected constantly, the French garrison being only 75 miles distant by modern roads.

Fishing masters testified in St. John's in 1704, but Skeffington was not among them.

A memo of 4 May 1705 from Whitehall explains reasons for putting the garrison in the hands of the "Captain of Convoy".

In June, 1705, there were reports of attacks by French and Indians.

On June 30 there was a memorial of an attack on June 15. A French force attacked many harbours and destroyed St, John's, except the fortress, after which a sub-force under M. de Montigny went north, destroying settlements as they went, and attacked "Kitty Vitty".

The last named place is now known as Quidi Vidi, but has had many similar names. It is a few hundred meters north of the St. John's harbour and could have been reached in a few minutes. The account does not make very good sense here.

A petition to the Queen was dispatched on 19 June, 1705, by 150 merchants, but Skeffington was not among them - evidence, I think, that he was not in or near St. John's then. If at Quidi Vidi his signature would have been solicited.

The next minute, in June, sets the attack the previous January, which is supported by tales of winter hardships undergone by the French north to Bonavista.

The records then show, apparently a late entry, a visit by Skeffington, 29 March, 1705, from Bonavista. He was given provisions and "means of defense" and asked to be a spy for the garrison. The note is from one J. Moody, commander at St. John's whom we may assume had little understanding of Quakers. Or perhaps Skeffington was a dissembler of a not- very- Quakerly sort who took the arms but later dumped them at Bonavista.

Cadbury apparently also used D.W. Prowse's A History of Newfoundland, 1895. Prowse cites the French account of the raids, I could not find the original among French histories of Newfoundland. The one of interest was on "Quidimity", another name for Quidi Vidi. There were 72 English fishing there. M. de Montigny attacked with some "Canadians and Indians" (p.265), and "there a Reformer of the Tremblers, a Quaker (un religionnaire de la Tremblade un Quakre), who was their commander". The rest of the story resembles the one concerning the hasty surrender at Bonavista. The added feature of interest is the character given the fishermen, collectively. The men were cooperative with the Indians who were their captors, voluntarily organizing themselves daily to be counted. When one attempted to escape, they pursued him and brought him back, where upon the French, without trial, "had his head broken on the spot where he was taken" (p.265). The date of this was about March, 1705. Does that sound like a Quaker garrison of fishermen? By circumstances they could not anticipate being put in a position of defending a military post when they needed to be about their urgent business of making a living!

Another account, from Lord Dartmouth, has Skeffington paying a ransom of 4,000 pounds.

What can we conclude from this miscellany of data, with all its contradictions? Cadbury concludes that there were either one or two Quaker groups, and lets it go at that. There are problems with either conclusion. How could there have been an attack on Bonavista after an overland trip, following an attack on St, John's in January, if Skeffington was in St. John's 29 March requesting supplies and accepting arms, which must have been before the surrender? The French account seems possibly confused, and perhaps the editor did not distinguish Quidi Vidi from Bonavista, an understandable second hand error. Further, it is unlikely that Skeffington, or any other fisherman, stayed the winter in Bonavista, since the practice was to return to England with the catch if possible. Further, there is no island at Quidi Vidi on which there could be a fortress. The fortress, a log stockade, is on a cliff overlooking the harbour where the fishing village was established. The harbour itself is very narrow, big enough for only small boats and cannot receive ocean-going craft. If there were 70 fishermen there they would have been very crowded indeed, and not very wise in choice of location.

The only thing certain is that there was a Quaker named George Skeffington in St. John's on 29 March 1705, the first specific date for the existence of a Quaker in Newfoundland, and according to one way of looking at it, in Canada. Less definite but fairly likely, there was a group with him, some of whom were probably Quakers or strongly influenced by Skeffington. The site was more likely Bonavista than Quidi Vidi.

Skeffington was not the only Quaker sailing master. There were many, and some of them came from the port towns where ships departed for Newfoundland. There is no reason to assume that Skeffington was the first.

Cadbury notes that a George Skeffington "of Newfoundland" was recorded as a minister in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys "in 1700". Perhaps he was established in the fishery at that early date.

No matter which option among these facts we choose, it is no longer possible to make simple and unqualified statements about first Quakers in Canada like the ones cited above. Alas for simplicity.

Jack Ross is a member of the Society of Friends, originally from the States. He is Professor of Sociology at Memorial University, St. John's, Newfoundland.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BRAY, Thomas, D. D.

1700 A Memorial Representing the Present State of Religion on the Continent of North America. London: William Downing.

CADBURY, Henry J.

"Mr. Skeffington", Friends Intelligencer, 1944, reprinted in Henry J. Cadbury, Friendly Heritage, Norwalk, Conn.: Silvermine Publishers, 1972.

DORLAND, Arthur G.

The Quakers in Canada, A History. Toronto: Ryerson, 1968.

GREENWOOD, J. Ormerod.

Quaker Encounters, 3 vols., York: Sessions of York, 1975, 1977, 1978.

PROWSE, D.W.

A History of Newfoundland. London: MacMillan, 1895.

SPRINGER, Margaret.

The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) - An introduction. Argenta, B.C.: Argenta Friends School Press, 1978.

Re: George Keith.

see Newsletter No. 26, March 1980, Some lesser known separations in the Society of Friends, by David L. Holden.

Re; The name "Skeffington" appears four times in the 1982 Toronto telephone directory! The name is also familiar along the north- west coast of England, around the original Quaker country. Editor.


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Religious Society of Friends (Quakers).

Friends House

Euston Road

London NW1 2BJ

England

Recording Clerk: Donald HD Southall, Assistant Recording Clerk Christopher Thomas.

The Library 8 ii 1990.

 

 

Thomas Cole

925 Bayly Street #51

Pickering, Ontario

CANADA, L1W 1L4

 

 

Dear Friend,

Early Newfoundland Friends.

Thank you for your letter, received on the 23rd of last month. I'm sorry to say that I've drawn an almost complete blank. You may well have covered some of the ground already, but I'm enclosing on a separate sheet a list of possible sources checked which haven't produced anything helpful. Also enclosed is a copy of a piece by Henry J. Cadbury, reprinted in Friendly Heritage (1972): you probably have it, but it seemed worth sending, just in case not. HJC is usually reliable in his more depressing statements on source material (penultimate sentence but one). There is also an early reference - 1656- to Newfoundland (copy enclosed) in Thurloe's State Papers, reprinted in the Journal of Friends Historical Society vol 8 (1911); and of course Fox writes of Esther Biddle having been there in that year (Fox, Journal (Cambridge, 1911) vol 2 p334.

SKEFFINGTONS. The source for James Bowden's reference is presumably Philadelphia MM minutes for 31. x. 1700 [January 1700/1]: they are printed in Pennsylvania Genealogical Society Publications vol 6 (1917): I enclose a photo copy of pg73, corrected from a microfilm here of the originals. There are no Skeffingtons recorded in our Digest Registers of Births, Marriages and Burials for Bristol & Somerset Quarterly Meeting, nor (since Poole had a long-standing trade with Newfoundland) for Dorset & Hants QM. Nor are they in the indexes to the end of the 18th century to the London Two Weeks Meetings (mainly marriages, but some certificate of removal) or London Six Weeks Meeting (recording disownments in the London area). They don't appear in the indexes to the Journal of Friends Historical Society, Russell Mortimer's edition of the Bristol Men's Meeting minutes to 1704, or Hinshaw's American Quaker Genealogy volumes for New York or Philadelphia in the right period. (Admittedly the latter only cover some monthly meetings within the yearly meeting). They are not in our indexes to signatories to epistles received from other yearly meetings by London YM to 1801; we have none in our Dictionary of Quaker Biography (either existing or intended entries); there are none in `Ministers deceased 1700-1843' (LSF MS Vol 13). None appear in our card-catalogues of printed or manuscript material (although we wouldn't want to claim that these are anything like complete) with the exception of some Irish, non-Quaker, 20th century Sheehy Skeffingtons. I did wonder whether they might have been Irish Friends, but there is nothing in Olive Goodbody's Guide to Irish Quaker records (Dublin 1967) or Quaker records, Dublin: abstracts of wills (Dublin 1957).

NEWFOUNDLAND. Apart from the 1656 references in JFHS (above), nothing in this period. There are a good many references in the Pendle Hill index to Thomas & William Evans, eds., The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols) to the banks of Newfoundland, but little to the land (and none to Skeffingtons). The only useful section, and you will know it already, comes in vol 14 pp 3-4, `Brief memoir of the life of John Croker' (1672-1727), which had first been published in ¯Barclay's select series vol 6 (London, 1839), and recounts his capture by French privateers in 1689 or 1690, sailing from Pennsylvania to Newcastle upon Tyne. He was stranded with others on an island off the coast of Newfoundland, and from there got to the mainland (TC Note - i.e. main island- Nfld.), to `Renuse' where there was an English settlement, and by `Todes Cove', another fishing settlement to St. John's. We have a manuscript "Something by way of journal or part of the life of John Croker" (LSF MS Box D3/5): this is clearly a copy, since the journal and some later letters with an account of his death are all in the same hand (18th century). The `Brief memoir' follows the manuscript in general terms; although spelling, grammar and sentence structure have been revised and modernised in a number of places for smoothness, the information all seems to be there. Francis Dymond contributed an article `John Croker' to Friends quarterly examiner 1887, pp 225-249, but apart from a few sentences on Croker's ancestors it is taken directly from the `Brief memoir'.

I'm sorry nothing more useful turned up: if it should. I'll let you know; and if you discover more of George Skeffington, we would be interested to hear.

Yours sincerely,

Malcolm Thomas

Librarian

Two pages of references entitled NEWFOUNDLAND dated 9 ii 1990 included with the above letter from London Friends House: [TC Note- I believe it was my letter of inquiry into Quakerism which prompted them to begin a file on Newfoundland, likewise I believe my inquiry here in Ontario caused the creation of a separate Newfoundland file.]

PAGE 1.

There appear to be few references to Newfoundland itself, although a good many to Friends crossing the Atlantic passing the banks of Newfoundland and often meeting fishing vessels there. There is, for example, nothing in Arthur G. Dorland, The Quakers in Canada: a history. (Toronto, 1927, repr 1968), although at the time of writing Newfoundland was not, of course, a part of Canada.

1656.

Esther Biddle (1629?-1696) there. "Alsoe this yeere Capt: Marshall & Jo: Parrott: & others went for Turkey: & Esther Beedle: to new founde lande:" (Norman Penney, ed., Journal of George Fox (Cambridge, 1911) vol 2 p 334.

"There is an English shipp come in here from Newfoundland. The master hath beene on board of us. There is not, they say, one person in the shipp, officer or marriner, but are all Quakers. I feare they will meete with affronts from these people, and I heare they have beene in danger alreadye for not putting off their hatts to the Portugueses, when they have saluted them in the streetes." (Letter, E. Montagu to Secretary Thurloe, 16 Sept 1656, aboard the Naseby in the Bay of Wyers, in the River of Lisbone, State papers of John Thurloe vol 5 p 422, quoted in JFHS vol 8 no 4 (Oct 1911).

1689/90:

"Something by way of journal or part of the life of John Croker (1672-1727)." (LSF MS Box D3/5): copy (18th century). This or a similar manuscript forms the basis for `Brief memoirs of the life of John Croker' in John Barclay, ed., Barclay's select series vol 6 (London, 1839), pp 290-297 and Thomas and William Evans, eds., The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols) vol 14 pp 3-5. Francis Dymond, `John Croker' Friends quarterly examiner 1887, pp 225-249, apart from a few sentences on Croker's ancestors adds nothing to the `Brief memoir'.

1700:

"... several ministers from other parts of America visited the meetings in Pennsylvania and the Jerseys. Among these may be noticed George Skeffington of Newfoundland, in 1700..." (James Bowden, The History of the Society of Friends in America vol 2 pp 231-232). Philadelphia MM minutes as edited in Pennsylvania Genealogical Society Publications, vol 6 (1917) state (p73): "George Sheffington [sic) late of Newfoundland having been travelling upon the service of Truth in these parts, appeared at this meeting signifying his departure and desired a Certificate from us to friends, where he may have occasion to travel, whereupon Thomas Storey, Nicholas Waln, & Griffith Owen or any two of them are desired to write him one and sign it, with as many more friends as are free on behalf of this meeting..." (The spelling has been modernised; the original minute reads `Skeffington' and includes the underlined phrase.)

1700-1729:

Henry J. Cadbury, `Mr. Skeffington', Friendly heritage, 1972, pp 81-83, on George Skeffington at Bonavista, surrendering an island to the French in 1705. He may also have been at Quidimity (?). He had a grant of the salmon fishery in Newfoundland until 1729.

PAGE 2.

SOURCES FOR WHICH INDEXES WERE CHECKED FOR REFERENCES TO NEWFOUNDLAND.

London YM minutes: none.

London Yearly Meeting for Sufferings minutes: vol 33 (Feb 1772: Quaker books to be sent, through Moses Neave of Poole, for deposit at a library in Placentia, Newfoundland."

London YM Epistles Received: none.

LSF MS and printed books card-indexes: none.

Journal of Friends Historical Society vols 8 p 169; 9 p91; 25 pp 36, 48; Supplement 24 p 16.

Thomas & William Evans, eds., The Friends library (Philadelphia, 1837-1850, 14 vols):

vol 2 p 125 William Edmondson.

vol 3 pp 346-348 Thomas Shillitoe, 1826.

vol 4 p 208 Sarah Stephenson, 1801.

vol 4 p 271 Henry Hull, 1810.

vol 5 pp 380, 420 John Griffith, 1750 & 1765.

vol 6 p 37 Thomas Chalkley, 1719.

vol 8 p 65 Thomas Scattergood, 1794.

vol 11 p 151 John Burnyeat, 1673.

vol 12 p 426 Martha Routh, 1794. [TC Note check Richard Routh, Loyalist & Nfld Chief Justice].

vol 14 pp 3-5 John Croker, 1689/90.

All except the last referring to the Banks of Newfoundland, or the sea between Newfoundland and the British Isles.

see also letter to T. Cole, 8 ii 1990 (LIBRARY CORR).

 

Public Archives of Canada

395 Wellington St.

Ottawa

K1A 0N3

Letter dated 18 Feb 1990 re: French documents.


Quaker records in NC, the "Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy" by William Wade Hinshaw is an excellent source for NC Quakers.  It contains the records and minutes of 33 monthly meetings of the North Carolina Yearly Meeting of Friends.  I found the volume at my local library, and I'm sure most larger libraries would have it.   

You might also check the "Quaker Corner"  at http://www.rootsweb.com/~quakers/ .  I ordered some records from Jerry Richland through this site, and they arrived promptly and were also quite reasonable.


 The Quaker Family History Society is at http://www.qfhs.mcmail.com/

The Quaker (Society of Friends) site is at http://www.quaker.org.uk/

 Both these are listed on the Hampshire Family History site http://website.lineone.net/~hantshistory


Poole Parish

Dorset Record Office

Catalogue Ref. PE/PL

Creator(s):
Church of England, Poole Parish, Dorset
CHURCHWARDENS
Rates - ref. PE/PL/CW 2
COURT ORDERS

FILE-Court Order for distraining the goods of Joseph White, Richard Croker, Samual White, Thomas Nickleson, William Beshand, William Harrison, William Harrison the younger, Richard Paul and Thomas Knowles, all Quakers, for non payment of the rates - ref. PE/PL/CW 2/2/1 - date: 1766.
 

FILE-Court Order for distraining the goods of Samual White the elder, a quaker, for non payment of the rates - ref. PE/PL/CW 2/2/3 - date: 1774.


Also in Hampshire Quaker marriages dated 1663-1837 are a lot of Nfld. Trinity surnames i.e. Bayley, Moore, Rolles, Knight, Blunden, Mosley, Naftel, Martin, Strong, Embree, Curtis, White, Ford, Jewer, Lester, Pike, Vallis, Bemester, Tuffin, Penney, Randall, Sweetapple, Ayles to name a few quaker. 

Also, quite a few early Trinity surnames are showing up in the Hampshire 1663-1837 Quaker marriages i.e. Bayley 1677; Moore 1699; Rolles; Knight; Mosley; Martin; Dawes; Strong; Embree; White; Ford; Jewer, Lester 1709; Pike, Vallis; Tuffin 1689; Penney; Randall 1677; Browne; Ayles; Sweetapple. 


Hampshire Quaker registers 1663-1837 are at the PRO (Kew) in Class RG 6. They have been filmed by the LDS, and Hampshire Record Office holds microfilm copies. 

All Quaker marriages in Hampshire 1663-1837 are indexed on my website

http://website.lineone.net/~hantshistory/ 

Quakers kept many detailed records in addition to the registers.  Those for Hampshire are at Hampshire Record Office. 

Alan McGowan

Further to my earlier message, Hampshire Record Office holds Digests of Quaker registers (reference 4M54/25,26).  The Digests provide indexes to the registers of all Quaker meetings in Dorset and Hampshire.  They are not strictly alphabetical, but are arranged by the first letter of the surname.  They cover births, marriages, and burials 1638-1837. 


The following are Somerset and Dorset people mentioned in a will of 1683 from White Lackington, Dorset.  I recognise three of them as being from Quaker families. It is therefore possible that some of the others are also non-conformist and hence may not appear in the usual parish records. 

Diana 

William BENNET of Crewkerne

Malachi BLAKE of Pitminster, gent

Walter BOVET of Winsham, gent

Richard DALTON of West Chinnock

Elizabeth HASELWOOD

William HUNT of Ilminster, schoolmaster

Mary HUTCHINGS, widow

Mary JENNINGS of Curry Rivel, Mrs.,

Thomas MARSH of Ilminster

Thomas MARSHAL of Ilminster

Jone TYLER of Winsham

George WOOD

John TURNER of Crickett, minister

__ BACKALLER of Chard, minister

Jo GALPIN of Ash Priors, minister 

The witnesses to the will were:

Elizabeth BAILEY

Hannah BENNETT

Wm BENNETT

Jo CHASE

Margaret CHASE

Although these were probably servants, it is also possible that they were non-conformist, especially as two have the same surname as one of the beneficiaries (BENNETT). 

[email protected]

From: Diana Trenchard  


QUAKERS

SCATTERGOOD IN LEWES, SUSSEX:

When Thomas Scattergood visited the meeting on Sunday 25th February 1789 he was not impressed. He had been born in New Jersey in 1748. As a young man he yielded to the corrupt inclinations of the vain mind, indulging in folly and forming associations, the tendency of which was to alienate him from a serious and self-denying life. Although later he was troubled by an incident when, as a schoolboy, he stole apples, it seems that the worst that he did was to indulge in sailing on the Delaware river on Sunday afternoons. After some years of trying to resist the call he devoted himself to the ministry. His tender conscience and willingness to confront others with what he considered as their failings now makes him appear an unattractive character, but it seems that he was much loved and admired in his day. Eventually he came to England where he remained for 6 years.


the Quaker Meeting House in Poole, an influential group of about 100 people in the 1700s. 


Thomas Chalkley (1675-1741) Quaker preacher.

 


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