| By Gerry Coleman (for the Irish People)
The scene: The Royal Dublin Society Hall, Ballsbridge. Very old and very official books, ghosts from the British Raj in Ireland, lined the walls. Outside the grandchildren of the Irish ascendancy still go to theatre, watch dog shows, and practice sounding European. One Irish republican, Brendan Behan, once called the RDS "a terrible place to bring a dog." On the 18th of April 1998, Sinn Fein was there. One thousand strong. The exact tone of this Ard Fheis is hard to describe, despite the obvious clash of opinions. Friends, foes and agnostics of the Good Friday Agreement all applauded equally enthusiastically whether a delegate voiced any opinion -- pro or con. Many posed both at the same time. One delegate said, "I can take it or leave it; we've had documents before. We need to concentrate on what to do now." Emphasis on the "do". Many who absolutely rejected some or all of the agreement also supported the work of the leadership. Some comments ignored the agreement altogether: "We are a growing force now." "Don't get depressed; keep your nerve." "Look at the big picture." It was as if it was a relief to all to hear each other stand up to talk honestly and not behind closed doors. And each time someone did it verified the final truth of this meeting regardless of what side was espoused: this party was holding together. There wasn't much debate regarding the POW resolutions, all of which passed unanimously, but it came to light that women in Maghaberry jail were strip-searched at least three times just last week. So much for good will. It was also noted that the British have yet to release a single Irish POW early. A number of POWs out on parole attended the meeting. Those that spoke emphasized unity and that release of the prisoners in no way equals an agreement. The prisoners refuse to be used as political hostages; the way forward should be decided on the merits, not on their situation. Noel Magee, just released from Portlaoise prison, supported the efforts of the leadership during this phase and expressed the prisoners support during future phases. He said, "We all know it is not all going to change by May. Stand united!" He stated that the prisoners were not buying the rhetoric of some who call the agreement "a sell-out" unless they have alternatives to propose. Other prisoners warned not to fall for the thinking that they were tools to be bargained for decommissioning concessions. There must be no guns for prisoners exchanges. The first order of business was to scrap the planned agenda, move up and double the president's address and open big chunks of time to debate the agreement through "comradely exchanges of views" on Saturday and Sunday afternoon. Martin McGuinness was also added to the agenda to give a lengthy and detailed report on the frantic events of the ten days prior to the agreement. Whether you liked the agreement or not, after hearing this tale you could hardly say that the republican perspective was not heard and well fought for. Gerry Adams emphasized that the agreement was transitional and could be used as a stop on the road to a united Ireland and that because of Sinn Fein's initiative, "the political landscape of Ireland is changed forever." Adams explored the positive aspects of the agreement while not denying the work to be done: "I totally reject any notion of accepting the legitimacy of the six-county state or of partition." He called the agreement a "mixed bag" that none-the-less could enable Sinn Fein to pursue its "root objective"--a united Ireland. He said that while the agreement did not give them an equal playing field, it did give them at least "a visible playing field". The republican analysis has been put forward to the world and the "days of Unionist domination are gone and they are gone forever." He noted that there will be no hiding place anymore for those who wish to maintain the status quo. The debate itself was brilliant, articulate and often filled with florid metaphors, e.g., learning to drive and dealing with roundabouts or figuring out the agreement was like an Irish breakfast with you picking out things you like to eat and pushing the bacon around with your fork. I guess the point was eat the damn bacon and get back to work. This sort of thing was typical in that it showed how open all of this is to interpretation and misinterpretation, trying to anticipate the unknown, and being forced to take all or nothing. And then what? Bobby Lavery of north Belfast, whose brother and son were murdered by loyalists, said, "People need to have the strength to change their mind, and let their minds be changed, if it's necessary." Sean McManus, whose son was killed by the British army, said that Sinn Fein had "little choice but to go into the Assembly. And it pains me to have to say that." Others were not so meditative. "We as republicans cannot and will not, now or in the future, let our army...surrender to anyone," Dessie Murphy of Camlough told a cheering crowd. John Murtagh of Dublin said, "This agreement reaffirms British occupation and the partition of Ireland." The consensus seemed to be: let's think, let's talk together frankly, vote the thing up or down and get on with the struggle. Gerry Adams said, "United we can do whatever we want." The debate on whether to accept or reject the agreement will continue on the community and Sinn Fein cumann level over the next two weeks and then Sinn Fein will reconvene the Ard Fheis and vote. The dilemma over the next two weeks will be to objectively balance the document itself with the dynamics it presents to the party. And the problems it presents to the Unionists. Recent polls indicated that a significant percent of unionists believe that the agreement will lead inevitably to a united Ireland while a significant percent of nationalists believe it copper-fastens the union. Both can't be right! Stay tuned. More on the issues and this debate over the next two weeks. |