SlanderCraftMen:- Ghia Nodia
- Jason H. Elbaum
- Mikhail Vignanskii
- John Kohan
- Yuri Zarakhovich
- Raymond C. Finch
- McNair Paper
- Jack Matlock
- Tony Halpin
- Ronald Grigor Suny
- Cowen, R.
- Pattison, S
- Schroeder, K.
- Gray, Malcolm
- Montefiore, S.S.
- Urigashvili, Besik
- Steve James
- Stephen K. Batalden
- Elizabeth Fuller
- Glenny, Misha
- Bach, Wilfrid
Loyal or Dangerous?
Georgians divided minorities into two categories,
dangerous and non-dangerous. Likely territorial claimants were
considered dangerous. By Ghia Nodia
[Chairman of the Board of the Caucasian Institute for Peace,
Democracy and Development] in Tbilisi. February 1997.
(c) Copyright: The Institute for War and
Peace Reporting 1996. Like most nationalists, the new Georgian
leaders in 1989-91 considered minorities to be a headache. The
first Georgian president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, claimed to be
a democrat, but his beliefs were closest to "Georgia
for the Georgians."... ...The new government of Eduard
Shevardnadze branded Gamsakhurdia's movement as "parochial fascism"...
"Presidential
candidates"
[email protected]
(Jason H. Elbaum)
(topical, smirk, original)
From the rec.humor.funny joke
archives. Hard to keep
track of everyone who's running for president. There's the one
whom everyone's calling a fascist.
He's trying to get his name on the presidential ballot in
Georgia, but the authorities are resisting. That's right, I'm
referring to Zviad Gamsakhurdia, ousted president of
formerly-Soviet Georgia.
Eduard
Shevardnadze sharply criticized the anti-Semitic article in the
newspaper "Noi." Criminal charges are pressed
against the newspaper. SEGODNIA (Rus.):
No. 146, 08/15/96. By Mikhail Vignanskii. "...President Shevardnadze said that
he was "ashamed that something like that could be published
in his country where Jews and Georgians are proud of friendship
and brotherhood." Shevardnadze stated that he is outraged
with the article and is sure that the racist escapades will not
remain unpunished. In his opinion the article shall be condemned
by the public because it testifies that the seeds of the provincial
fascism sown in the time of
Zviad Gamsakhurdia have not been uprooted in Georgia..."
(Translated by AM)
MAN
FOR THE "MESS" : VOTERS MAKE SHEVARDNADZE THEIR ELECTED
PRESIDENT, BUT WONDER HOW LONG THE WARM GLOW WILL LAST. (JOHN KOHAN/MOSCOW REPORTED BY YURI ZARAKHOVICH/TBILISI). TIME Magazine. November 20, 1995 Volume
146, No. 21. "...No
one would ever accuse Shevardnadze of shirking his duty. As Soviet
Foreign Minister under Mikhail Gorbachev, he helped bring an end
to the cold war. Then he returned in 1992 to the former Soviet
republic of Georgia, where he had ruled for 13 years as Communist
Party chief, to try and pick up the pieces after the country's
first democratically elected President, the despotic Zviad Gamsakhurdia, was
overthrown in a coup. Since coming home, Shevardnadze has had to
contend with a civil war waged by supporters of the deposed
President, a bloody conflict to restore control over the breakaway
region of Abkhazia and the complete collapse of the economy and
civil order in Georgia--all while surviving three brushes with
death...."
The
Strange Case of Russian Peacekeeping Operations in the near Abroad
1992-1994. Raymond C. Finch, III
, Major, U.S. Army, FA, FMSO. Foreign Military Studies Office,
Fort Leavenworth, KS. July 1996 "...The Russian Army conducted its
first peacekeeping operation in Southern Ossetia, an autonomous
region in the Republic of Georgia. The conflict originated in
early 1991, when the Georgian national government refused to
respect the autonomy of the Ossetian region. The
newly-elected, ultra-nationalist,
president of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, began to enact
legislation designed to create an ethnically-pure Georgian state.
These actions prompted fear and an even greater demand for
Ossetian autonomy, or possible union with their kin in the
adjoining Northern Ossetian region of Russia..." "...An even more adamant Abkhazian
demand for sovereignty distracted Georgian paramilitary units from
disrupting the situation in Southern Ossetia, and explains part of
the Russian success there. The Abkhazian minority (some 17% of the
population in Abkhazia), not content with mere preferential
treatment in local government, began in early 1992 to lobby for
complete independence from Georgia or for union with Russia.14
Again, the nationalistic rhetoric of former Georgian president,
Zviad Gamsakhurdia, compelled the Abkhazians to seek a greater
degree of autonomy. In July 1992, under the pretext of having
to restore order in the region, Georgian paramilitary forces moved
into Abkhazia and stormed the capital city of Sukhumi, forcing the
local Abkhazian government to flee to the neighboring town of
Gudauta. Fighting broke out in earnest between Georgian and
Abkhazian units in August 1992...." "...19. The threat referred to is the
return of former Georgian president Zviad Gamsakhurdia to western
Georgia. He timed his return well. Knowing that the majority of
ethnic Georgians (Mengrelians), would be upset at the humiliation
of signing a ceasefire with the Abkhazians, Gamsakhurdia planned
to use this dissatifaction, and the internal squabblings of the
Georgian parliament (which was reluctant to grant Shevardnadae
emergency powers) as so much political capital. When the
Abkhazians began their attack, forces loyal to Gamsakhurdia
initially promised to assist the Georgians. They changed their
minds, however, and instead proceeded to confiscate whatever
weapons and ammunition they could steal from the retreating
Georgian army. By mid October 1993, Georgia was in the midst
of civil war, and it was only Russian military assistance which
allowed Shevardnadze to defeat Gamsakhurdia's forces. In return,
Georgia granted a host of concessions to the Russian government
(ie. permanent stationing if Russian troops on Georgian soil,
entry into the CIS)..."
MODALITIES
OF THE NEW GREAT GAME -- CENTRAL ASIA AS AN EXTENSION OF THE
MIDDLE EAST. McNair Paper Number
47 Chapter 3, January 1996 3. "...In the case of Georgia, President
Eduard Shevardnazde was also forced to sign a Treaty of
Friendship and Cooperation, accept stationing of Russian troops in
Georgia, and grant the use of three bases in his country. In
return, Russia saved Shevardnazde's government from being defeated
by the forces of the former dictator
of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia..."
AN
AGENDA FOR THE FUTURE. Antoni Kaminski
Defense Ministry of Poland, Department for Strategic Research "...But let me just mention the recent
Georgian experience: there was Shevardnadze's commitment to have
his party away from the CAS. And Georgians were beaten by a small
minority of Abkhazians, then they were beaten by Gamsakhurdia;
and Gamsakhurdia had his troops excellently armed with artillery
and tanks and apparently the Abkhazians were also supplied with
arms by someone. Then the day Shevardnadze decided to sign the
access to the CIS suddenly his fortunes changed: from one day to
another he started beating Gamsakhurdia's troops and possibly he
will even recover the Abkhazian part of Georgia..."
Olivier
Paye and Eric Remacle: "UN and CSCE Policies in
Transcaucasia" in: Bruno Coppieters (ed.). Contested
Borders in the Caucasus. "...Since
1988, two types of conflict have erupted in Transcaucasia. The
first may be described as a "struggle-for-power
conflict". Here, the conflicting parties consist of a State's
regular army and one or more non-governmental armed forces from
the same State. These do not aim to change international borders,
but rather to control state power. Such a "struggle-for-power
conflict" occurred twice in Transcaucasia in recent
times: in Georgia between the supporters and opponents of the
first elected President, Zviad Gamsakhurdia (December 1991 - late
1993), and in Azerbaijan with the coup against the democratically
elected President Elcibey (June 1993). Both successors of the
ousted presidents were former communist leaders: Eduard
Shevardnadze and Geidar Aliyev..." The United Nations paid no attention to the
so-called "struggle-for-power conflicts",
i.e., the coups against elected presidents Gamsakhurdia in Georgia
and Elcibey in Azerbaijan. Different explanations may be offered
for this lack of attention. A first would be that these
coups were perceived as purely internal affairs in which,
according to a traditionally restrictive interpretation of Article
2, paragraph 7 of the UN Charter (principle of non-interference in
domestic affairs), the UN is not called upon to act. According to
a second interpretation, the great powers and the international
community were simply not interested in intervening. Nothing in
the UN Charter prohibits the Security Council from characterizing
an internal conflict as a threat to international peace and
security - as was done, for instance, in the cases of Somalia,
Haiti and Rwanda - and from acting in these situations on the
basis of Chapter VII (coercive measures). Unlike the ousting of
President Aristide of Haiti, the coups against Gamsakhurdia and
Elcibey were simply acceptable to the great powers, and especially
to Russia..."
Democratic
Politics and Policy Workshop. Jack
Matlock, ex-US ambassador to Russia, Jan. 30, 1996 "...Yuri Shevchuk: And personally, did
you have any role in President Bush's address to Ukrainian
parliament, the famous Chicken Kiev speech? You were an ambassador
at that time. JM: Let me
take them in reverse order, because some are simpler than others.
I had no role in writing the speech; I saw it on the plane as we
were flying to Kiev, and at that point you could make only minor
adjustments, I tell about this in the book. Actually it didn't
bother me all that much, because this was a speech which we had
said very clearly before it came was directed not at Ukraine but
at all of the non-Russian republics. Therefore, some of the
comments made were not pointed at Ukraine. For example, the
comments about suicidal
nationalism referred to Georgia, and Gamsakhurdia's
policies at the time, which were getting them into a civil
war. His statement that freedom is not the same as independence
was also meant as a warning that, okay, the independence forces, you
make league with the communist nomenklatura to get
independence, to prevent reform, you're going to have a problem,
and we could see that, and Ukraine still hasn't solved that
one..."
George Bush: The
Unauthorized Biography --- by Webster G. Tarpley & Anton
Chaitkin Chapter -XXV- THYROID STORM "
...Caesar non super
grammaticos
(The emperor cannot defy the grammarians.)
-- Marcus Pomponius Marcellus to Tiberius..."
"...August 21: The Soviet
putsch was a trying time for Bush, who staked a great deal on his
deal with Gorbachov. A remarkable flare-up by Bush came in
response to the opinion expressed by Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the
president of the Republic of Georgia, that Gorbachov was part of
the conspiracy behind the coup. Bush, asked for a reaction,
was incensed: Bush:
--say to him he needs to get a little work done on the kind of
statements he's making. I mean that's ridiculous. There's a man who has been also swimming
against the tide, it seems to me, a little bit. And I
don't want to go overboard on this, but he ought to get with it
and understand what's happening around the world..."
Documents retrived
using "Electric Library" search : Gamsakhurdia
- AIM: Armenian
International Magazine
Tony
Halpin, Juggling Loyalties: Armenian Community Is
Caught in Georgia's., AIM: Armenian
International Magazine, 02-28-1992, pp PG. Ethnic
NewsWatch ? SoftLine Information, Inc., Stamford, CT
"...Already tenuous, relations between the two neighboring
Caucasus republics of Armenia and Georgia were further put to the
test following the sudden departure of ousted President Zviad
Gamsakhurdia from northern Armenia, where he had found refuge for
10 days in Janu ary. His supporters in western Georgia took
Armenians hostage, in the mistaken belief that Gamsakhurdia was
being held prisoner in Armenia. Supplies through Georgia to
Armenia were also disrupted, although it is unclear whether this
was done by followers of the deposed president or his
opponents..."
"...The
community's leader, Van Baiburtian, editor of the
Armenian-language newspaper Vrastan, found himself accused of
"zviadism" by a rival Armenian, who stormed into his
office with two armed men and demanded he resign his post.
Baiburtian, who insisted he only developed relations with
Gamsakhurdia to persuade him not to persecute Armenians and to
reopen an Armenian school, succeeded in gaining the support of the
government.
He also defended his efforts to keep Armenians neutral in the
struggle for power in Georgia. "If there had not been the
precedent of the Baku massacres, Armenians could probably have
protested against Gamsakhurdia, but they felt afraid and couldn't
take that step," he said. "Gamsakhurdia' s anti-Armenian moods were
quite strong," he added.
"Even before the elections, Gamsakhurdia was strongly anti-Armenian, anti-Kurd.
He bulldozed ethnic minorities into quitting the republic. "
Baiburtian admitted that many Armenians had voted for
Gamsakhurdia, who won 87 percent of the national vote, but he said
they did so out of fear of reprisals if the Armenian quarter of
the city was seen not to have supported him. "...Added Barbutian: "Under
Gamsakhurdia, I told Armenians, `let's wait for this period to
come to an end and not have conflicts with the Georgians'. Even if
Gamsakhurdia had quit his post, the conflict would have remained
like a burning wound. With the fanaticism of the people here,
there were many who really wanted to pull the Armenians into the
conflict..." "...Gamsakhurdia
was an unpredictable person, while with the new regime I
myself feel more comfortable. They seem to be normal
and civilized people..."
Tony
Halpin, Interview: Across the Border., AIM: Armenian International Magazine,
02-28-1992, pp PG. Ethnic NewsWatch ? SoftLine Information, Inc.,
Stamford, CT [Interview
with T.Sigua] "...
> Will you try to extradite him [Gamsakhurdia] later to stand
trial in Georgia? < A
number of political organizations and unions in Georgia have asked
for an international medical symposium to be conducted to
discuss the psychological state of Mr. Gamsakhurdia. There
were some documents about his state of health, but at that time
the psychological profession was under the Soviet authorities, so
I am not inclined to confirm documents issued by Soviet
physicians. If Mr. Gamsakhurdia turns out to be mentally ill, then there will be
no question of him being extradited to Georgia. > How will you carry out this
examination? < If
Gamsakhurdia goes to the West, we will probably ask that highly
qualified physicians [in his host country] check his mental state.
Probably Georgian doctors will go, too. > Does that mean he will be put on
trial? < The question
of whether or not Mr. Gamsakhurdia will be tried depends not
solely on the provisional government but on the whole people of
Georgia. I personally think that if no verdict of mental
illness is found, then no one has the right to relieve
Gamsakhurdia from his enormous responsibility. It is not just a
thief we are talking about but the first president of Georgia who
has managed in a period of one year to lead us to ethnic and
civil war. The prosecutor general's office has stated that the
accumulated material concerning Mr. Gamsakurdia is enough to try
10 presidents. >
There has been much speculation that you plan to restore the
Georgian monarchy or to invite former Soviet Foreign Minister
Eduard Shevardnadze (a Georgian) to become president. Is there any
truth to this? <
...As far as Mr. Shevardnadze is concerned, there has been no
invitation to him to return to Georgia as president, and he had
not expressed anything that could prompt us as to his intention of
becoming president. What he has said is ready to promote to the
fullest extent the democratic forces over totalitarianism.
Mr. Shevardnadze has high international reputation and he can play
his role in the democratization of the republic. We can already
feel that support since, from January 12, there have been numerous
proposals from foreign embassies in Moscow concerning the
establishment of embassies in Georgia. Another step taken by Mr.
Shevardnadze is his donation of $100,000 toward the restoration of
the center of Tbilisi, damaged in the fighting. But there has been
no invitation to him from the provisional governmental nor
proposals from Shevardnadze's side..."
Ronald
Grigor Suny, A Bitter Freedom: Extremist Nationalism
Spoils Georgia's Taste of., AIM:
Armenian International Magazine, 02-28-1992, pp PG.
Ethnic NewsWatch ? SoftLine Information, Inc., Stamford, CT"...In multinational Georgia, the exclusionary nationalism of
former dissident Zviad than integrating. In his words,
non-Georgians were "foreigners. " Their protests
were seen to be the handiwork of the Kremlin, which was waging war
on the republic. Fearful of Communist designs on his republic,
surrounded by armed men, his house guarded by vicious dogs, Gamsakhurdia
saw enemies everywhere. A particular target of his wrath was
the internationally respected diplomat Eduard Shevardnadze,
who had been falsely portrayed as a martyr to democracy, he said.
After Gamsakhurdia sent a telegram to the United States regretting
George Bush as its choice of president, both foreign minister
Giorgi Khoshtaria and prime minister Tengiz Sigua left the
government. They were replaced by the men many believe to be close
to the Georgian "mafia," politicians and criminals
that ran much of the "second economy" under the Soviets..." "...The presidential election [of 1991
-- Ed] itself was marred by an undemocratic election law, smear
campaigns and violence. One popular
candidate, Jaba Isoeliani [ aka Jaba Joseliani - Sic. -- Ed.], was
excluded by law from running. Others had their offices
raided or were beaten up. Tens of thousands of young Georgians
organized into paramilitary bands, some loyal to Gamsakhurdia,
others to his rivals..." "...On December 22, the president's
opponents launched armed attacks on the parliament building where
Gamsakhurdia was holed up in a basement bunker. The most prominent
leaders of the armed forces were Kitovani, commander of the
National Guard, and Chanturia, leader of the paramilitary unit
called mkhedrioni (Horsemen) [! -- Ed.]..." "...On his side, the president could
claim the legitimacy of election sand his own enormous popularity.
On their side, the opposition condemned Gamsakhurdia as a dictator who had sabotaged
democracy in Georgia and led the country into ethnic and civil
war. In the fissiparous politics of Georgia, where about 130
parties compete for power, ordinary Georgians faced a brutal
dilemma: either pushing for a militarily backed dictatorship,
with the usual democratic trappings, or supporting a
popularly elected president who had shown tyrannical tendencies..." "...Divided politically and
ethnically, the peoples of Georgia are experiencing the costs
of an intolerant nationalism that progressively excludes more
and more of the country's inhabitants from full participation in
the fledgling democratic polity..."
Cowen,
R., Divided they fight.., Vol. 318, Economist, 03-02-1991, pp 52.
Copyright 1991 by Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc. Text may not be
copied without the express written permission of Economist
Newspaper, NA, Inc. "...Mr
Gamsakhurdia has said Georgian citizenship might be given only to
those who can show that their ancestors lived in Georgia before
1801..."
Pattison,
S., Georgia's iron fist of independence.., Vol.
319, Economist, 06-15-1991, pp
44. Copyright 1991 by Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc. Text may not
be copied without the express written permission of Economist
Newspaper, NA, Inc."...Yet
Mr Gamsakhurdia's behaviour in power has given rise to fears that dictatorship is rising in Georgia
along with nationalism. Rivals are denounced as traitors. The
local press is given over to singing the praises of his
government. Anyone insufficiently enthusiastic in his support-
-like the respected former leader of the Rustaveli Society (a
group associated with his Round Table)--finds himself removed from
office or, in other cases, in jail. Mr Gamsakhurdia has even
suggested that citizenship, and therefore property rights, in a
future independent Georgia should be restricted to those who can
show that their ancestors lived in the area before 1801..."
Schroeder,
K., First things second.., Vol. 320, Economist, 09-21-1991, pp 61.
Copyright 1991 by Economist Newspaper, NA, Inc. Text may not be
copied without the express written permission of Economist
Newspaper, NA, Inc. "...Many
of the voters who put him in office have since changed their mind.
His opponents say he is increasingly paranoid and has adopted the tactics of
his former tormentors. Newspapers have been shut, television
stations taken off the air and opponents forced from office. Mr
Gamsakhurdia has, says a long-standing acquaintance, ``a vision of
himself as St George on a white horse, appointed by God to lead
the Georgian people''..."
Gray,Malcolm.,
Dictator or democrat?., Vol. 104, Maclean's,
10-07-1991, pp 36. Copyright 1991 by Maclean's Magazine. Text may
not be copied without the express written permission of Maclean's
Magazine. "...About
one kilometre to the west were opposition leaders, using the television studios that they have
seized to denounce Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia as a dictator. To the east, along
a six-lane thoroughfare, loyalists at the barricaded state
legislature swore that only Gamsakhurdia could lead Georgia to
full independence.."' "..Strongly held political positions
are customary in Georgia, a sunny, mountainous republic whose 5.4
million residents can choose between more than 100 political
parties. And Gamsakhurdia, a former dissident who has endured jail
terms and solitary confinement during the long struggle for
Georgian independence, has been one of his native land's most
controversial political figures. Supporters of the 52-year-old
president point to the overwhelming popular mandate that he
received last May, when 87 per cent of participating voters
awarded him a five-year term in office. But opposition leaders,
including his former prime minister and foreign minister, say that
Gamsakhurdia is becoming a dictator who is stifling
democracy by jailing rivals and critics and taking
control of the media..." "...Tengiz Sigua, the former prime
minister who was recently dismissed from Gamsakhurdia's
government, added another element to the conspiracy theories
swirling around Tbilisi. He cited Gamsakhurdia's swift co-operation
with the hard-line coup leaders in August, particularly his
attempt to dissolve the republic's 15,000-member
national guard. But 1,500 men in the newly formed militia
refused to obey that order, providing Gamsakhurdia's opponents
with an armed force to support their demands. Sigua said that the
Georgian president's motive for initially accepting the coup was
simple: he thought that it would help him to develop his personal
dictatorship. Gamsakhurdia denies that charge and, in fact,
any suggestion that he is building authoritarian power..."
Gray,
Malcolm, A dirty little war.., Vol. 104, Maclean's, 05-20-1991, pp 26.Copyright 1991 by
Maclean's Magazine. Text may not be copied without the express
written permission of Maclean's Magazine. "...Now, the republic's president says
that he wants to foster a market economy in the fertile land where
the ancient Silk Road trade route still links Asia and Europe.
Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the overwhelming favorite to retain his post
in a May 26 election, is the most widely known politician among
Georgia' s 5.4 million residents. But in the quarrelsome realm of
the republic' s politics, where one measure of prominence is the
number of bodyguards that a leader commands, the 52-year-old
Gamsakhurdia is variously described as either a dictator-in-waiting, or the only man capable of taking on Moscow
-- and winning..." "...Gamsakhurdia,
who has traded the jeans and
casual shirts of his dissident days for carefully
tailored, double-breasted suits, is the forceful leader of the
Round Table..."
Montefiore,
S.S., Curious Georgia.., Vol. 206, New Republic, 06-29-1992, pp 17. New
Republic is the property of New Republic and may not be copied
without the express written permission of New Republic"...But now Tbilisi is grateful for
the return of the "silver fox. " Georgia's revered
capital was burned and scarred during the civil war that exploded
at the end of last year: a veteran dissident (who had often been
jailed and reportedly tortured by none other than Shevardnadze),
Gamsakhurdia, a nationalist professor with a Hitlerian mustache, was elected
president by a stunning 87 percent. But he then adopted the powers
and language of his Bolshevik predecessors in the name of free
Georgia; he ranted at his opponents, calling them
"bandits and criminals." His prime minister,
Tengiz Sigua, and the commander of the National Guard, Tengiz
Kitovani, rebelled and fought their way down Rustaveli Avenue over
Christmas to drive the tyrannical Gamsakhurdia from
power..." "...In
this land of private armies, fought over for centuries by Russia,
Persia, and Turkey, Shevardnadze, now 64, faces the real test of
his career. He has managed to undo some of Gamsakhurdia's damage, garnering
recognition by fifty-five countries and visits by German Foreign
Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and, recently, Secretary of State
James Baker. But there are no George Bushes or Jim
Bakers in Shevardnadze's own country. In Ruritanian Georgia, everything is
flamboyant, surreal, and somewhat absurd. The politicians here are half
scholar, half bandit [but not Shevi !!! - Ed.].
The fallen Gamsakhurdia, who still lurks over the border in
Chechen-Ingushia, is the son of Georgia's favorite novelist this
century. His father habitually wore medieval Georgian costume even
in the darkest days of Stalin's purges. The ex-president looks the
very image of the late comic Peter
Sellers playing the role of the dictator of a Caucasian
nation..."
Montefiore,
Simon, Zviad egg.., Vol. 210, New Republic, 02-21-1994, pp 9. New
Republic is the property of New Republic and may not be copied
without the express written permission of New Republic "...Never did an unluckier man aspire
to the bloody mantle of dictator than ex-President Zviad
Gamsakhurdia of Georgia, whose New Year's Eve suicide ends, at 54,
a bizarre career. Gamsakhurdia was the longtime dissident
professor elected the first president of Georgia. Within six months his tyranny and apparent lunacy provoked the revolt
that overthrew him. For the next two years he rebelled against the
government of Eduard Shevardnadze and finally went too far and
fell on his sword. The
first time I met Gamsakhurdia, I thought he looked exactly like the actor Peter Sellers playing the part of the crazed
dictator of a small, wild Caucasian republic. He had
a little mustache and the saddest eyes, but they were
illuminated with the flickering energy of madness. He was slight, tall,
gray-haired, deep-voiced, elegant, like an aging gigolo wilting at a tea dance.
Initially, I presumed rumors of
his madness were
exaggerated by his critics, but when I
knew him better, I knew
better..." "...Gamsakhurdia
was faced with the choice of fleeing or fighting. Typically, he
did both: first, he fled back to Chechenya. Then he returned to
die in the fray like the Georgian knights of yore, whose heroic,
ironclad ranks he so yearned to join..."
- Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists
Urigashvili, Besik, `Damn this war...'.,
Vol. 50, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,
01-01-1994, pp 20. Copyright 1994 by Educational Foundation for
Nuclear Science. Text may not be copied without the express
written permission of Educational Foundation for Nuclear Science. "...I asked, "Who stole it?" "When in 1990 the communist regime in
Georgia was destroyed, we were all like happy children. People in the arts -- and not only them
-- saw this as a new opportunity for Georgia, the beginning of the
era of true freedom. "We were wrong," he continued.
"The communists were replaced by nationalistic radicals
with their horrible program of action and their disgusting slogan,
'Georgia for Georgians.' The most terrible thing is that
the Georgian people themselves elected these provincial fascists led by their little fuhrer, Gamsakhurdia."..."
Steve James,
Former Georgian rebel sentenced to long jail term., Reuters, 03-05-1996. Copyright 1996
Reuters Ltd. All rights reserved. The above news report may not be
republished or redistributed, in whole or in part, without the
prior written consent of Reuters Ltd. "...Gamsakhurdia, a Soviet-era
dissident and son of Georgia's most celebrated author, was elected
President overwhelmingly in 1991 but ousted the following year in
a bloody coup by armed opponents who claimed he had turned into a paranoid dictator..."
- The Newly
Independent States of Eurasia : Handbook of Former Soviet
Republics
Stephen K. Batalden, Georgia :
Contemporary Issues., Vol. 1, The
Newly Independent States of Eurasia : Handbook of Former Soviet
Republics, 10-15-1993. Copyright ? 1993 by The Oryx
Press "...The Rise
and Fall of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, 1989-92 More unpredictable has been the lasting
influence of Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the charismatic Georgian
intellectual who, with useful credentials as a Soviet dissident,
emerged as a popular national hero and political leader in the
months following April 1989. The son of a recognized national poet [! Ed.], Zviad Gamsakhurdia never made a
significant mark as an original writer, but he came to national
attention as an outspoken opponent of Georgian Communist
officialdom, earlier serving time in prison for his underground
activities..." "...Claiming
that his goals were those of liberating Georgia and restoring its
state sovereignty-goals entirely in line with the anti-Soviet
theme of the day-Gamsakhurdia appointed a collection of loyal
anti- Communists to the new government, many of them without any
prior professional governmental experience. Viewing himself as a
moral savior of the Georgian nation, Gamsakhurdia proclaimed, "The
Almighty has imposed a great mission on Georgia. The day is not
far off when Georgia will become an example of moral greatness for
the whole world." (Cited in Elizabeth
Fuller, "Gamsakhurdia's First 100 Days,"
Report on the USSR, 8 March 1991, p. 10.) Conspicuously
identifying himself with the Georgian Orthodox church-despite
earlier conflicts he had had with Patriarch
Catholicos Ilia - Gamsakhurdia was clearly
appealing to Georgian
chauvinism and anti-Communism. This moral, chauvinist appeal was
coupled with a ruthless and vindictive approach toward
political opponents, an approach that quickly began to raise
concern among Georgians as well as among the national minorities
within the Georgian state. The concerns were well founded as seen
in several policy reversals that came to highlight his first
months in office. In the election campaign, Gamsakhurdia had
committed himself to the preservation of autonomous regions for
the Abkhazians and South Ossetians, but by the end of 1990, he had
abandoned that position, arguing rather that South Ossetiia
should be abolished..." "...Beyond the challenges that
Gamsakhurdia had posed to the sensibilities of a Georgian
democratic intelligentsia, several concrete incidents contributed
to his fall. First of all, he had irreparably broken with minority
nationalities in Georgia. Contradicting his own election promises,
he abolished the autonomous status of the South Ossetiian
Autonomous Oblast. Indeed, Georgian troops ended up fighting
against Russian military forces in South Ossetiia in order to
establish Georgian authority in the city of Tskhinvali.
Furthermore, Gamsakhurdia arrested some of his political
opponents [Jaba Joseliani among them -- Ed]. and
introduced far-reaching curbs on freedom of the press. At one
point, he even used his presidential powers to strip the
Georgian Communist Party deputies of their status in the Supreme
Soviet, the Georgian parliament. The most serious of Gamsakhurdia's problems
began with the celebrated incident in early September 1991
when Gamsakhurdia used National Guard troops loyal to
himself to fire on peaceful
demonstrators. Calling to mind the fate of innocent
victims from "Bloody Sunday," this single
incident was most significant in spawning the erosion of popular
support for Gamsakhurdia..." "...An uneasy calm confronts the
Georgian government. Rebellious factions still loyal to
Gamsakhurdia hold out in enclaves within Georgia, particularly in
western Georgia and Abkhazia. The chauvinist directives of
the former president have added fuel to the deepening conflicts
over South Ossetiia, Abkhazia, Ajaria, and other border regions.
To secure the kind of Western investment that the internationally
recognized Shevardnadze has promised, these troublesome domestic
problems must be solved. There is also the status of remaining
Russian military troops in Georgia awaiting bilateral
agreement..."
- Colliers
Encyclopedia CD-ROM
Stephen F.
Jones, GEORGIA., Vol. 10, Colliers
Encyclopedia CD-ROM, 02-28-1996. Copyright ? 1996 P.F.
Collier, A Division of Newfield Publications, Inc. "...After October 1990, this system
was radically changed with the election of a non-Communist
government in the republic's first genuinely contested multiparty
elections since 1919. The radical nationalist Round Table-
Free Georgia bloc won 155 of the 250 seats in the new supreme
soviet. The new government rapidly replaced the Communist
administration with a virtually autocratic presidential system...
The first president, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, abused this system and
was overthrown by a military revolt in January 1992..." "...Political life in 1991 was
dominated by anti-Gamsakhurdia hunger strikes, occupations, and
rallies until December, when the opposition resorted to force of
arms to oust the president. The provocative and exclusionary
policies of the government, including censorship and the nonrecognition
of ethnic parties, together with the government's economic
failure and Georgia's international isolation,
alienated important sections of Georgian society. After the
abortive coup in Moscow in August 1991, the large intellectual
community in Tbilisi, a new parliamentary opposition known as
Charter '91, and various government officials, including cabinet ministers and military leaders,
joined together in calling for Gamsakhurdia's resignation. After
fierce fighting in Tbilisi in December 1991 and January 1992 he
was ousted. Gamsakhurdia fled the country, eventually reaching
Russia's autonomous republic of Checheno-Ingushetia. In the autumn
of 1993 he attempted to return to power, triggering a brief but
intense civil war. He was killed in
January 1994 under mysterious circumstances..." "...The country's long-term energy
needs can be met only by further hydroelectric development, but
hydroelectric facilities have been targets of sabotage by
supporters of former President Gamsakhurdia. Georgia's
environmental (Green) movement blames frequent mud slides and
pollution of the Black Sea on hydroelectric schemes..." "... An Arbitration Court to settle
labor disputes was created by the Gamsakhurdia regime.
White-collar employees organized independent professional unions,
laying the basis for an independent civil service..." "...Later in April 1991 the Georgian
supreme soviet adopted a new constitution and elected Gamsakhurdia
to the post of president of the republic. Direct elections for
president were held on May 26, and Gamsakhurdia won almost 87
percent of the votes cast. Opposition to Gamsakhurdia increased
dramatically after the failed Soviet coup in Moscow in August
1991, during which he refrained from publicly condemning the
leaders of the coup. He responded to opposition demands for
his resignation by declaring a state of emergency, imposing
censorship, and arresting many of the opposition leaders.
Violent clashes erupted between opposition supporters and
Gamsakhurdia loyalists. Finally, in December 1991 the opposition,
which now included the leadership of the national guard, resorted
to force to oust the president. After several weeks of fighting in
central Tbilisi, Gamsakhurdia fled..." "...Gamsakhurdia's supporters had
launched a guerrilla war against the new government
shortly after his ouster. Throughout 1992 and 1993 they carried
out terrorist attacks against government leaders and strategic
economic facilities. They had particularly strong support in
western Georgia. In the fall of 1993 Gamsakhurdia attempted to
return to power, triggering a brief but intense civil war.
Shevardnadze was forced to call in Russian troops to end the
fighting, and Gamsakhurdia was killed
under mysterious circumstances in January 1994. In
return for the Russian military aid, Georgia joined the
Commonwealth of Independent States..."
Glenny, Misha,
The bear in the Caucasus.., Vol. 288, Harper's
Magazine, 03-01-1994, pp 45. Copyright 1994 by Harper's
Magazine Foundation. Text may not be copied without the express
written permission of Harper's Magazine Foundation. "...I had traveled to western Georgia
to see for myself how the country was faring in its attempt to
pull itself out of the civil war that had followed Gamsakhurdia's
election as president in May 1991; he had won 87 percent of the
vote, on a platform of messianic nationalism. A philologist and
political prisoner in the Soviet era, Gamsakhurdia demanded "Georgia
for the Georgians." He propounded a pseudo-scientific theory
of Georgia's historical role as a mediator between the
civilizations of the Orient and the Occident [See: http://www.clinet.fi/~bpg/amb-sp.htm
-- Ed.] as well as a vision of a privatized Georgian economy
linked to the West. The appetite of Georgian citizens for such
rhetoric was understandable: Georgia's sovereignty has been
defined largely by Russian imperial interests since the early
1800s. Soon after his election, Gamsakhurdia started driving out
the Russians. The result was not merely that the economy ceased to
function; the country began to split into its constituent parts.
In addition to the Russians, there are four large minority groups
in Georgia: the Ossetians, the Armenians, the Abkhazians, and the
Azeris. And in Ajaria, in the southwest, there are Georgians who
profess Islam. The minute the Russians relinquished their role of
imperial mother figure, relations between the dominant Georgians
and their minorities deteriorated. The situation was not enhanced
by Gamsakhurdia's dictatorial
behavior, which included shutting down opposition
newspapers and ordering troops to fire on demonstrators.
He frittered away his popularity, and within six months of his
election the country fell into armed strife between the Georgians
and the various minorities--a war that had two theaters of
conflict. In the same period, Gamsakhurdia was challenged by
Ioseliani and others. After he was ousted, Gamsakhurdia fled the
capital, yet continued to draw strength from his supporters in
western Georgia and from mercenaries..."
- Bach, Wilfrid, Implementation of the
Helsinki Final Act.., Vol. 3, Dispatch, 09-01-1992, pp 1.
Copyright 1992 by Office of Public Communication. Text may not
be copied without the express written permission of Office of
Public Communication.
IMPLEMENTATION OF
THE HELSINKI FINAL ACT Text of the President's 30th CSCE Report,
"Implementation of the Helsinki Final Act, April 1, 1991 -
March 31, 1992," submitted to Congress on June 2, 1992 "...Georgia Georgian President Zviad Gamsakhurdia fled
Tbilisi in January 1992, after intense fighting between government
forces and opposition troops destroyed much of the downtown area
of the capital. Gamsakhurdia's opposition claimed that the President
stifled basic freedoms, including freedom of the press and freedom
of assembly, and provoked conflicts between ethnic groups.
Gamsakhurdia also had large
numbers of political opponents arrested..."
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