Muhammad Syukri Salleh[2]
Islamic Development Management Project
School of Social Sciences
Universiti Sains Malaysia

ABSTRACT

This article has two main objectives. Firstly, to understand the Islamic development approach adopted by the
State of Terengganu in Malaysia, as embodied in the vision of her Second Development Phase (1996-2010), the
Wawasan SIHAT (literally, Vision HEALTHY). This vision is being attempted amidst a political system that is
guided-democracy, an economic system that is dominantly neo-classical, and a social system that is based on
multi-racial and multi-religious situation. Interestingly, this is an endeavour entirely without any obvious
intention of transforming the existing systems into an all-embracing Islamic system. Neither is it an endeavour of
an unequivocal avowal of transforming the existing state into an Islamic one as perceived by quarters that are
normally Islamic-inclined. The Terengganu’s Wawasan SIHAT is an approach to the realisation of Islamic
development, without an establishment of Islamic state as a precedence. It incorporates Islamic development
contents without those involved being intensely mesmerised by efforts changing the existing form.
Secondly, this article intents to analyse the Islamic development vision of the Terengganu State from the
perspective of Islamic political economy. Islamic political economy here is viewed as being characterised by a
multi-dimensional, interactive-integrative analytical methodology binding together the
state-economy-polity-institutions relationship, and recognising their mutual influences and impacts amongst
themselves. Viewing from such a perspective, the analysis of the Wawasan SIHAT in this section includes an
analysis of its epistemological underpinnings, of the politics of its formulation amidst the unIslamic
socio-economic and political system, and of challenges awaiting them.
The article concludes with suggestions for a realisation of the state Islamic development vision, to its maximum,
both philosophically and practically.

INTRODUCTION

Realisation of an all-embracing Islamic system is impossible unless an Islamic state is being established. Such a belief
seems to have become a dominant axiom in the thought of many Islamic-minded quarters. Islamic state is being regarded
as a proviso to, and should be the precedent of, the realisation of other Islamic endeavours. By Islamic state they mean a
state governed by Islamic leadership ruled under complete Shari’ah. Such a state is being thought to be able to ease the
establishment of many Islamic systems, including development.

However, the Islamic state itself has its stipulation, namely the accomplishment of political power. An Islamic state
inevitably linked inextricably with and necessitates accomplishment of political power. Avenues to political power are
many. Two that are the mains are the legal electoral political process and revolution. The legal electoral process itself
contains at least two means toward the accomplishment of political power. Firstly by incorporating oneself with
Islamic-minded into existing ruling power and changing the system from within. Secondly by changing existing ruling
power through efforts undertaken as opposition Islamic political party. Revolution, on the other hand, is also a process of
changing existing rulers. However, it normally involves mobilisation and empowerment of masses, with an extent of
chaotic and uncertain circumstances.

Considering the above belief, realisation of an all-embracing Islamic system relies on a simple sequence of provisos, viz.
political power, Islamic state and eventually the realisation of an all-embracing Islamic system. In reality, nonetheless, such
an ideal sequence of provisos hardly happens. In the first place, it is not easy to gain political power, neither through the
legal electoral process nor, moreover, through the revolution[3]. Furthermore, even if the political power is already in
hands and the formation of Islamic state has been declared as the main objective, there are various hurdles to be
overcome, some at national and international levels, and many within the political power itself[4]. Thus, in the world of
today, realisation of an all-embracing Islamic system through firstly the establishment of an Islamic state as defined in its
strictest sense is much to be desired.

The sequence of the above provisos itself is not necessarily the most feasible. Firstly, the philosophy of the sequence relies
merely on a top-down philosophy that subscribes to the realisation of Islamic systems at state level. While on the other
hand, there is in fact another called bottom-up philosophy that advocates realisation of Islamic systems from below, at
grassroots level[5]. In the latter, both the political power and establishment of Islamic state are insignificant. Realisation of
Islamic system, for instance, could be undertaken by and at a level of an Islamic society, Islamic movement or Islamic
NGOs. They do not essentially need a real political power in hand. Secondly, there are already conventional political
powers that skip the establishment of an Islamic state, but endeavour realisation of many Islamic systems. Within the
untransformed existing socio-economic and political structure, Islamic systems in areas such as education, finance,
development, et cetera are being implemented.

In this case, the sequence of provisos simply consists of political power, albeit normally conventional liberal-capitalist
democracy, and realisation of Islamic systems. It is not at all accompanied with unequivocal avowal of establishing an
Islamic state. It begins with the creation and establishment of Islamic substances, hoping that the interactions of the
substances would form the essential structure. In brief, Islamic systems are being endeavoured, and many have been
accomplished, through an accommodative approach, without the establishment of an Islamic state as the prerequisite[6].
This article attempts to understand and analyse one such approach. The case under study is the development approach
being adopted by the State of Terengganu, one of the thirteen states in Malaysia. It is the only state of the ruling Malaysian
National Front (Barisan Nasional) that has formulated a clear blueprint of an Islamic development, in spite of its
untransformed socio-economic and political structure[7]. Terengganu government does not declare earnestly to transform
Terengganu into an Islamic state in the normal way, namely through the changes of Constitutions and unequivocal
declarations. It rather puts a substantial emphasis on the formulation of a development strategy that aims at the
establishment of an Islamic society, the madani society (mujtama’ madani). In other words, it concentrates on the
creation of the Islamic contents rather than on the Islamic form. Such an approach and objective are to be operated and
achieved respectively through a state’s vision named Wawasan SIHAT. As Wawasan SIHAT has just been introduced,
in particular in her Second Development Phase 1996-2010[8], this paper inevitably has to be an analysis only at the
theoretical and philosophical planes. It is indeed too premature to analyse the result of the Wawasan SIHAT in term of its
accomplishment and success.

WHAT IS WAWASAN SIHAT?

Literally, Wawasan means vision while SIHAT means HEALTHY, forming the literal meaning of Wawasan SIHAT as
HEALTHY Vision. But in its real meaning, letters in SIHAT embody the very philosophical underpinning of the
Terengganu Islamic development vision. S stands for sihat (healthy physically and mentally), IH for ilmu yang dihayati
(practised knowledge), A for akhlak mulia (commendable behaviour) and T for taqwa (piety)[9]. In short, Wawasan
SIHAT carries a value-loaded model of development that aims at establishing the first mujtama’ madani (madani
society) in Malaysia, and in fact, it claims, the first in the world. By mujtama’ madani the state government of
Terengganu means a society that possesses an Islamic life-style and cultural pattern, either at the level of individual, family,
organisations and administration.

Individuals of mujtama’ madani, according to the vision, would be Islamically religious, knowledgeable, educated,
sharp, creative, independent, with integrity, convinced of his ability, respect others’ view, dare to undertake
responsibilities, and uphold their relationship with Allah (hablum-minallah) and with other human beings
(hablum-minannas). Families of mujtama’ madani are characterised by healthy, dynamic and active families which are
able to give birth to human beings who are spiritually and physically clean, and which are religiously educated in all
aspects of life. Such individuals and families will form the mujtama’ madani, the society that is caring (mutual respects,
considerate, friendly and harmonious irrespective of religions, tribes, races and political ideology), thoughtful and
knowledgeable, life-long learning, strong and solid unity (practising real neighbourhood concept, sensitive to surrounding
environment and committed to the concept of amar maaruf nahi mungkar, self-reliant and without begging culture.
From such values will emerge a madani state which is, as mentioned in the Qur’an: “a territory fair and happy, and a
Lord Oft-Forgiving!” (baldatun tayyibatun warabbun ghafur - Surah Saba’ Ayat 15).

On material and physical development, the state of the mujtama’ madani, according to the vision, would be
characterised by a rapid industrial development, sustainable economy, low rate of poverty, emergence of local
entrepreneurs and high productivity[10]. It goes in line with the Balanced Development Policy of the state’s Second
Development Phase (1996-2010) that consists of three aspects: a balance between human and physical development, a
balance between sectors, and a balance of infrastructural development between areas. In general, this policy aims at
raising income and standard of living of Terengganu population[11]. In particular the policy has the following three
objectives: firstly, to maintain the rate of economic growth at 7.4% per annum during the period of Seventh Malaysia Plan
1996-2000 and at 8.0% by the year 2010[12]; secondly, to reduce the rate of poverty to 15.0% by the year 2000 (the
end of Seventh Malaysia Plan) and 10% by the year 2010 (the end of Second Development Phase)[13]; and thirdly, to
reduce the rate of unemployment to 4.0% by similar time frame[14]. These would be achieved through the following
strategies: firstly, a moderate economic growth (around 7.4% to 8.0% per annum)[15]; secondly, shifting of traditional
manpower concentration that is based on agricultural sector to manufacturing and trade sectors; thirdly, increasing the
ability of agricultural sector; fourthly, improving basic infrastructures; fifthly, encouraging tourism activities; and sixthly,
raising human resource quality[16]. The emphasis of the Second Development Phase (1996-2010) lies on five
development bases: human development, rural/infrastructural development, urban development, industrial development
and human resource development[17].

All in all, Wawasan SIHAT is viewed by the government of Terengganu as a reformist movement and an attempt of social
engineering towards nation-building. It intends to change the existing form and goal of development based on her own
mould, namely the Qur’an and Hadith. Its main objective is to create harmonious life (kesejahteraan hidup) for the
ummah so that eventually the people of Terengganu will fulfil the characteristics of ummatan wasata, a moderate
ummah, that practices Qur’anic doctrines in their life and career[18].The operational philosophy of the Wawasan
SIHAT lies in the Qur’anic verse contained in Surah al-Qasas, ayat 77 which means: “But seek, with the (wealth)
which Allah has bestowed on thee, the home of the Hereafter, nor forget thy portion in this world: but do thou
good, as Allah has been good to thee, and seek not (occassion for) mischief in the land: for Allah loves not those
who do mischief”.

Through Wawasan SIHAT, the population of Terengganu regardless of race and religious belief is expected to be united
with a sole line of thinking (wahdatul fikr’), need, aim and struggle towards happiness in this world and the Hereafter
(hasanah fid duniya wa hasanah fil akhirah). The Wawasan SIHAT advocates development with tazkiyyah (human
purification), encompassing all dimensions that acknowledge and absorb the power and Oneness of Allah and the role of
human beings as khalifatullah (representatives of Allah). These God-conscious human beings are expected to create and
uphold justice to achieve al-falah (success) in this world and the Hereafter[19].

The Wawasan SIHAT itself has its own rationales[20]. Firstly, the Wawasan SIHAT is regarded as an effort towards an
Islamic revivalism, reviving Islamic civilisation and glory that has once been established in Terengganu. The state is noted
as one of the earliest state in Malaysia that was introduced to and has practised Islam. This was marked by the founding
of an important Islamic trace, the Batu Bersurat (stone inscription), in 1303[21]. It reflects the existence of an Islamic
civilisation and reformation of the Terengganu people through the sovereignty of the Shari’ah, strong economy and trade,
intellectual development and literary culture. All these were founded on Tawhidic paradigm and Qur’anic vision. The
Wawasan SIHAT attempts to revive such an Islamic glorification and civilisation in the state that has long been destroyed
by colonialism.

Secondly, the Wawasan SIHAT is regarded as an economic struggle based on the eradication of poverty, distribution of
wealth, existence of social justice and enjoyment of development by all irrespective of race and religion. In this regard,
Terengganu is viewed as fortunate to be a late-starter in development. She could learn from development successes and
failures of other states and formulate her own development model based on her own strength, cultural and historical
background.

Thirdly, a development model such as Wawasan SIHAT is deemed necessary in eliminating elements of dichotomies and
dualism in development thinking, organisational administration and management, definition of knowledge, formal education
and social life. Instead, all of these have to be seen in relation to Qur’anic and Sunnatic doctrines such as emphasised by
the Wawasan SIHAT. Finally, Wawasan SIHAT is essential in complementing and strengthening the nation’s Wawasan
2020. It refines the operational definition of the latter in a clearer and practical manner.

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF WAWASAN SIHAT

Wawasan SIHAT is unique in at least three senses. Firstly, it is a clear blueprint of a comprehensive Islamic development
of a state in Malaysia, even though Malaysia itself as a nation has yet to do so. Secondly, it is an attempt to realise a
comprehensive Islamic development system, even though the state itself has yet to be transformed into an Islamic one.
Thirdly, it is a development vision that is avowed to be based on Qur’an and Hadith, even though the state consists of a
multi-religious and multi-racial society. Guided by this uniqueness, this section analyses the Wawasan SIHAT from an
angle of political economy. It involves a discussion on the epistemological underpinnings of the Wawasan SIHAT and the
politics of its formulation.

It is obvious in its philosophy that the foundations of the Wawasan SIHAT are no other than the most authoritative
sources of Islamic knowledge, the Qur’an and Hadith. These philosophical underpinnings reflect clearly the root of its
epistemological framework. However, two questions may arise from this characteristic. Firstly, how could Wawasan
SIHAT be unequivocally founded on Islamic epistemological underpinnings while it is supposed to be under the nation’s
Wawasan 2020 that holds vaguely on its Islamicity? Secondly, how could such a development strategy be executed in
the midst of the state’s plural society?

On the first question, the state government of Terengganu, as mentioned earlier, regards Wawasan SIHAT as emerging
from within the Wawasan 2020 itself, not from without. The arguments are as follows. Wawasan 2020 has stated clearly
that the development to be accomplished is based on “our own mould”. However, there is a flexibility; it goes without
specifying the basis of the “mould”. From within that flexibility, the state government of Terengganu has taken up a step
further. It refines the meaning and nature of the “mould” based on the state’s cultural and historical background. To the
government of Terengganu, the “mould” is Islam, based on the epistemological underpinnings arising from the Qur’an and
Hadith. As such, Wawasan SIHAT is viewed as an extension and a clearer, operational interpretation of the Wawasan
2020 itself. In the words of the state government of Terengganu, Wawasan SIHAT is “a pioneered effort in adding,
complementing and strengthening the struggle of the Wawasan 2020 as the main agenda in establishing Malaysia
as a developed country based on her own mould”[22].

In this argument, Terengganu has successfully shown its strong link with the nation’s development philosophy. It justifies
her continuous philosophical and political resemblance with the Centre as is needed of a state being ruled by the ruling
Barisan Nasional. Terengganu has been under the rule of the ruling Barisan Nasional all through since after
independence in 1957, with the exception of the brief period of 1959-1962 when the opposition Islamic party, PAS,
ruled her. So far the state government of Terengganu has skillfully evaded conflict with the Centre and subscribes strongly
to the nation’s ideology in every aspect. Wawasan SIHAT is the best example. Not only that it is linked to the nation’s
development vision Wawasan 2020, but its introduction to the establishment of mujtama’ madani is done at a right time.
The latter is emphasised at a time when the issue of mujtama’ madani becomes a focal discussion at national level
initiated by the then Deputy Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Anwar Ibrahim. The formulation of Wawasan SIHAT therefore has
not only been the product of the political will of the state government, but also gaining political support from the Centre.

It is perhaps with the similar reason that, in spite of her endeavour in Islamic development, Terengganu is silencing on
transforming herself into an Islamic state. For Terengganu to declare for such a transformation would not be an easy task.
It might engender serious political implications not only on Terengganu, but also on Malaysia as a whole. It will involve
changing of the state Constitutions, which could only be done with the approval of the Malaysian Parliament. Such
changes, if approved, would become precedence for other states to follow suit, the first in particular would be the
neighbouring state of Kelantan. The opposition PAS-led government in Kelantan that believes in the sequence of provisos
(political power - Islamic state - Islamic system), has long been trying to change her Constitutions towards the
establishment of an Islamic state. But it was refused by the Centre and not even brought to the Parliament for
deliberation[23]. Understandably, it is illogical for Terengganu to insist on the similar endeavour from within the political
caucus that shares similar political ideology. Terengganu would certainly try to avoid from being seen as adding to the
problems created by the opposition state. Much more, she certainly abhors to be seen as going against the tide of the
nation from within. The time is just not right as yet.

In such a case, it is not the desire in transforming Terengganu into an Islamic state that is problematic. The problem here is
more of a political rather than the desire. The desire for and commitment of the state leadership to Islam is already
somewhat proven. The formulation of the Wawasan SIHAT, itself the brainchild of the Terengganu Chief Minister Dato’
Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji Wan Mokhtar Wan Ahmad, is one. The other is the Chief Minister’s commitment to
Islamic ideas and confidence. Since the outset of his career as the Chief Minister in 1974, he has been advocating all
along the balanced development concept, namely the importance of developing one’s innerself together with physical
and material development[24]. Being an Azharite[25] and the first Islamic scholar to lead a state in Malaysia, he is very
confident of the future of Islam and the Malay-Muslims. At Terengganu UMNO[26] Convention in 1994, for instance, he
stressed:
“It is impossible for the Malays to exist with their Malay identity without practising Islamic principles and values...Regardless of what people are saying about Terengganu and her Malay population, I have trust and confidence, InshaAllah, that the Malays in Terengganu will paint a glorifying future not only for themselves but also for the whole ummah. We must struggle together for a new image of Terengganu, a state that develops rapidly but without sacrificing their Islamic values...Therefore, the mission and vision of the Malays in Terengganu for the coming centuries should not
be limited to efforts of raising the standard of living and liberating them from poverty per se. Our mission is to develop the people of Terengganu so that our existence would be benefitted by us, others and the whole world. These are the characteristics of ‘Khaira Ummah’ as portrayed in the Qur’an, namely the best Islamic ummah that, with their existence, bring harmonious life and light to others. This is the idealism of our struggle. This is what we should struggle for...Do not surprise if one day, the Terengganu Malay society becomesthe core of the new Malay-Islam civilisation in this
world”[27].

The Chief Minister’s passion for Islam has resulted in the emergence of various Islamic development products in
Terengganu. Beside Wawasan SIHAT, there are Islamic financial products and systems such as Al Bai Bithaman Ajil,
Islamic Pawnshop Ar-Rahn known as Muassasah Gadaian Islam Terengganu (MGIT) and Islamic Unit Trust Fund
named Amanah Saham Darul Iman (ASDI)[28]. All these are pioneered by Terengganu and done in a patient and an
evolutionary manner. The Chief Minister seems to be patient enough to reserve his personal Islamic zeal until an
appropriate time. Wawasan SIHAT, for instance, has been declared only when Wawasan 2020 was launched, while
mujtama’ madani was introduced only when the then Deputy Prime Minister Dato’Seri Anwar Ibrahim started to
highlight it in 1996.

Knowing the patience of the Terengganu’s leadership, it is not surprising if an Islamic state would eventually come into
reality in Terengganu. The Wawasan SIHAT could be seen as a foundation, a concretisation of Islamic substances, an
infrastructure and an avenue towards the realisation of that reality. Islamising development but silencing on the
establishment of Islamic state could be considered as a wise step. At this point of time, the best approach to Islamic
development for Terengganu seems to be the accommodative approach.

On the second question, Terengganu does not encounter many difficulties. Although the state is a plural society, Muslim
Malays are the majority. In 1995, the Malays all of whom are Muslims comprise 94.6% of the total population of
884,319. The Chinese, Indians and others only comprise 4.7%, 0.4% and 0.3% respectively[29]. In such a population
structure, Terengganu appears to be the most conducive state to experiment a comprehensive Islamic development. She is
able to create a model to be seen, felt and experienced by the non-Muslims themselves.

This is relatively easier for Terengganu to do so. The non-Muslims in Terengganu, like those in the neighbouring state of
Kelantan, have long been assimilated into the culture and lifestyle of the Muslims. In Terengganu and Kelantan, the
non-Muslims and the Muslims mix together with neither much racial nor religious boundaries. If the beauty of Islam could
be conveyed and felt by both the Muslims and the non-Muslims through the Islamic development model in Terengganu, it
would be easier for Malaysia to extend the model at national level.

THE CHALLENGES AWAITING WAWASAN SIHAT

However feasible a development approach might be, it would not be totally free of any challenges. So is the Wawasan
SIHAT. Among the challenges that awaits it are as follows.

Firstly, how could Wawasan SIHAT that is based on the Qur’an and Hadith be executed within the paradigm and the
socio-economic and political structure in Malaysia that is based on neo-classical philosophy?

Secondly, how could a mujtama’ madani that is based on the Qur’an and Hadith be established without changing
completely the socio-economic and political system in Terengganu in a clear and concrete way?

Thirdly, how could Wawasan SIHAT overcome the problems of conflict between its Islamic development concept and
measurements with the development concept and measurements of contemporary conventional development?

Fourthly, how could the contemporary conventional development concept and measurements be obliterated to their
roots and simultaneously be replaced with operational development concept and measurements that are really based on Islam?

Fifthly, how could the souls and minds of the Terengganu people be changed to Islam so that values for the establishment
of mujtama’ madani are created amidst different souls and minds of the other Malaysians?

Finally, how could the existing socio-cultural problems in Terengganu be healed and simultaneously obstruct the rise of
new socio-cultural problems in the era of Second Development Phase 1996-2010 embodied in Wawasan SIHAT so
that mujtama’ madani could be formed in its most complete manner?

In facing the above challenges, Terengganu has been endowed with four important assets: firstly, the bestowal of natural
resources such as petroleum; secondly, the history and characteristics of Terengganu people which are very close to
Islam; thirdly, the political will from the leadership of the Terengganu state itself; and fourthly, the support from the
leadership at the Centre. The first two assets ease the execution of Islamic development and formation of Islamic society,
while the last two assets ease the allocation of adequate resources in the form of formulation of policies, formation of
institutions, financial facilities, man-power planning, sacrifices of time, et cetera.

With these assets, at least four things must be done. Firstly, to formulate a clear philosophy and concept of Islamic
development so that an operational guideline could be drawn for reference of all levels of Terengganu population and
institutions. This would overcome the problems of the clash between the conventional and Islamic development concept
and measurements. Secondly, to study and formulate a detailed Islamic development guidelines for all sectors so that all of
them could be developed within the framework of Islam and moved together in a concerted manner towards the
establishment of the mujtama’ madani.

These two suggestions are very necessary. At the moment, both the conventional and Islamic aspects of development in
Terengganu are still mixing together and almost confusing. In many official documents, Wawasan SIHAT has been drawn
as if that it is only one of other development policy statements rather than the umbrella of all. In Terengganu state’s
Guidelines of the Second Long-Term Programme (RRJP2) - Seventh Malaysia Plan, for example, the Wawasan
SIHAT is listed as one of the 82 policy statements along with all others.[30] There seems to be a separation (or dualism
and dichotomy) between human development as seems to be envisaged by the Wawasan SIHAT and the material and
physical development envisaged by the state development policies and strategies. The acronyms in the word SIHAT itself
only cover the statement of values but not of the Wawasan SIHAT as the state’s development framework. It is as if that
Wawasan SIHAT is meant only for human development (pembangunan insan), while physical and material development
remains in the existing conventional domain. This missing variable certainly should be added to the acronyms of the
Wawasan SIHAT.

Thirdly, to execute the vision of the Wawasan SIHAT in stages, so that the consequences of the clash between the
conventional and Islamic development concepts and philosophies could be minimised. Through this approach, the
conventional socio-economic and political systems would erode themselves in an evolutionary manner, without having to
bear prejudices and chaotic situation. Instead, this would prove the beauty of Islamic system in a more practical way,
filling up the vacuum of the conventional systems in stages.

Finally, to mobilise all instruments and methods available in order to indoctrinate the mind of the Wawasan SIHAT into all
levels of society, from the state’s leadership, politicians, senior officers and other government servants, to businessmen
and the masses. At least two ways could be done. Firstly, by using all sorts of medias, and secondly, by using what can
be called mind awareness agent. The former may consists of printed and electronics medias. While the latter may
consists of a formal organisation that advocates ideas of the Wawasan SIHAT and also informal agents such as taxi
drivers, barbers et cetera that could disseminate the ideas through their day to day activities of life.

CONCLUSION

Wawasan SIHAT in Terengganu is indeed a huge, daring, dynamic and unique vision. It is huge as it intents to eventually
change the whole system, the way of thinking, the way of life and the socio-culture of the people of Terengganu. Its
eventual aim is to establish a new society called mujtama' madani that thinks and acts on the basis of the Qur’an and
Hadith. It is daring as it is prepared to suggest and endeavour the change amidst the contrary dominant system. It
carefully overcomes problems and faces inconveniences that the realisation of the vision may cause. It is dynamic as it is
based on Islam, a true way of life that has been already noted to be the best. It is unique as it is the first model of
mujtama’ madani in the world, that will be established out of the framework of Wawasan 2020, amidst a conventional
socio-economic and political system. Interestingly, all these do not have any clear link with an endeavour of establishing
an Islamic state.

POSTSCRIPT

In the just concluding Malaysian General Election held on 29 November 1999, shortly before this article went to press,
the State of Terengganu has fallen into the hand of PAS, the opposition Islamic Party of Malaysia. PAS won
overwhelmingly, winning 7 of the 8 Parliamentary seats (another one by Keadilan, PAS coalition party) and 28 of the 32
State’s seats. Within the first week of its rule, PAS-led government has announced about 20 commitments, one of which
was to review the Second Phase Development of Terengganu (1996-2010), rooted in the philosophy of the Wawasan
SIHAT. At the writing of this Postscript, it is unknown whether the review has started. Further announcement on the fate
of the Wawasan SIHAT has yet to be seen.
As PAS has always been in favour of an establishment of an Islamic state, it is interesting to watch the priority given,
whether to the establishment of an Islamic state, or to the strengthening of the Islamic programmmes initiated by the
previous Barisan Nasional government. If PAS were to concentrate on the latter, it should consider at least three
programmes that have been initiated by the last Barisan Nasional government: the Second Development Phase, the
Islamic financial systems and the network of Foundations: Family Foundation, Islamic Foundation, and Terengganu
Foundation. With relatively higher political will, the new PAS-led government of Terengganu would certainly

NOTES

[1] The author acknowledges the research grant provided by Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang that has resulted in this article. He is
also grateful to Associate Professors Dr Ismail Abdullah and Dr Abdullah Embong and Tuan Haji Ismail Omar for their comments and
suggestions on the earlier draft of the section Challenges Awaiting Wawasan SIHAT. The author is also indebted to the Chief Minister
of Terengganu, Y.Bhg. Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad, Research Officer at the Terengganu Chief Minister’s Office Sdr Ikram Abdullah, Director of Terengganu Foundation Dato’ Haji Saidi bin Mohamed and Director of Terengganu State’s Economic Planning Unit Dato’ Haji Ismail Sulong for their opinions, help and hospitality during his fieldwork in Terengganu.
[2] Dr Muhammad Syukri Salleh is Associate Professor and Head of Islamic Development Management Project (IDMP) at the School of
Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang.
[3] The case of FIS Party in Algeria is one of the best examples of the difficulties faced in electoral political process. The case of Refat
Party in Turkey is another, in spite of its eventual success in assuming the political power. In regard to revolution, there is hardly others
since the Iranian revolution, except the ongoing struggle of the Palestinians and few Muslim groups such as Chezcheyn and Kashmiris.
The struggle of Muslim minority group in Southern Thailand has been `deradicalised’ while in Mindanoa in the Philippines has been
brought into peace agreement (see Suria Saniwa bin Wan Mahmood, De-radicalization of Minority Dissent - A Case Study of the
Malay-Muslim Movements in Southern Thailand, 1980-1994, M.Soc.Sc. Thesis, Universiti Sains Malaysia, 1996; W.K. Che Man,
Muslim Separatism - The Moros of Southern Philippines and the Malays of Southern Thailand, Manila: Ateneo de Manila University
Press, 1990; and Kenneth E. Bauzon, Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, Manila: Ateneo de Manila
University Press, 1990).
[4] The cases of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the state government of Kelantan in Malaysia are the best two examples.
[5] For discussions on the top-down and bottom-up philosophy, see Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Realization of Islamic Development: In
Search of an Effective Approach”, in Masudul Alam Choudhury, Abdad M.Z and Muhammad Syukri Salleh, eds, Islamic Political
Economy in Capitalist Globalization - An Agenda for Change, Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Publications and Distributors and Penang:
International Project on Islamic Political Economy (IPIPE), 1997; and Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Approaches to the Implementation of
Islamic Development”, a paper presented at International Conference on Islam and the 21st Century, organised by
Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in Islamic Studies (INIS), at Leiden University, the Netherlands, 3-7 June 1996.
[6] Malaysia could be considered as the best example and most successful country adopting this accommodative approach.
[7] The other state in Malaysia that attempts an Islamic development is Kelantan, the neighbouring state of Terengganu. Nevertheless,
Kelantan is being ruled by opposition Islamic party, PAS, and believes strongly in the political power - Islamic state - Islamic systems
sequence of provisos (see Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Establishing an Islamic State: Ideals and Realities in Kelantan, Malaysia”, South
East Asian Studies (Kyoto, Japan), Vol.37, No.2., September, 1999). Even so, Kelantan has neither formulated an Islamic development
blueprint nor Islamic development master plan as yet. Her Islamic development endeavours have been undertaken under a broad and
rather vague guidelines (see Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “The Top-Down Approach to Islamic Development: The Experience of PAS-Led
Government in Kelantan, Malaysia, 1990-95”, in Bernard Dahm and Naimah Talib, eds., Religious Revival in South-East Asia, Singapore:
Institute of South-East Asian Studies (ISEAS), forthcoming; and Safie bin Ibrahim, “The Impact of Political Ideology on Economic
Development: The Experience of Kelantan Government”, a paper presented at Second International Conference on Islamic Political
Economy organised by International Project on Islamic Political Economy (IPIPE), Universiti Sains Malaysia at Universiti Sains
Malaysia, 10-11 December 1996).
[8] See Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu,. Fasa Kedua Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu (1996-2010) – Satu Perancangan Strategik Ke
Arah Pembinaan Mujtama’ Madani, Kuala Terengganu, 1997. See also Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu. Laporan Analisis Sektoral – Fasa
Kedua Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu 1996-2010, Kuala Terengganu, 1997.
[9] For an explanation of the definition, philosophy, rationale, objectives, indicators of achievement, implementation and programmes of
the Wawasan SIHAT, see Pejabat Menteri Besar Terengganu, Kertas Konsep Wawasan SIHAT Terengganu - Ke Arah Pembentukan
Mujtama’ Madani, Kuala Terengganu, 14 September 1996; and Panduan Operasi Bina Takwa Darul Iman (Penjanaan Wawasan
SIHAT), Kuala Terengganu: Panel Mengemaskini Buku Panduan Bina Takwa Wawasan SIHAT Terengganu Darul Iman, 1 September
1996. For suggestions of its method of operation, see Dato’ Abdul Rahim bin Tahir, Gerakan Pembangunan Penghayatan Takwa - Ke
Arah Pemajuan Masyarakat Qur’an (Mujtamak Madaniy) Menangani Wawasan 2020 Dengan Acuan Kita Sendiri, Kuala
Terengganu: Jabatan Pendidikan Terengganu, 28 Julai 1996.
[10] Pejabat Menteri Besar Terengganu, Kertas Konsep Wawasan SIHAT Terengganu - Ke Arah Pembentukan Mujtama’ Madani,
Kuala Terengganu, 14 September 1996.
[11] According to 1991 Population Census, Terengganu has a total of 770,931 population. It is estimated that in 1995, there were 884,319
and by the year 2000, there will be 1,011,000. The annual rate of population growth during these years ranges from 3.46 to 3.49 (UPENT,
Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu: Masakini dan Akan Datang, 5 May 1996).
[12] During the First Development Phase (1974-1993), Terengganu’s rates of economic growth are as follows: 1971-1975: 8.2%;
1976-1980: 44.2%; 1981-1985: 13.1%; 1986-1990: 9.4%; and 1991-1995: 8.0%. The state’s per capita Gross Domestic Product improves
from RM615.18 in 1970 to RM4,019.70 in 1980, RM7,124.18 in 1990 and RM7,789.80 in 1995. The main factor contributing to the drastic growth during 1976-1980 was petroleum activities that began in 1978 (UPENT 1996, ibid).
[13] Before the finding of petroleum, poverty rate in Terengganu was very high, viz. 68.9% (in 1970). It decreased to 60.3% in 1980,
28.9% in 1985, 31.2% in 1990, 25.2% in 1992, 19.0% in 1994, and 13.9% in 1995. The average monthly income of households increased
from RM339.00 in 1980 to RM756.00 in 1985, RM905.00 in 1990, RM954.00 in 1992 and RM1,113.00 in 1995 (UPENT 1996, ibid; see also
Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu, n.d. Gelombang Kedua Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman 1995-2010, Kuala Terengganu, pp2-3 and 9).
[14] Like the rate of poverty, unemployment rate in Terengganu prior to 1980 was quite high (13.0% in 1970). In 1980, however, it
decreased to 10.0% and in 1985 to 8.2%. In 1990, the rate increased to 8.8%, but decreased again to 8.4% in 1992 and 5.1% in 1995
(UPENT 1996, ibid.; Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu, n.d. op.cit, p.9).
[15] The moderate growth strategy is meant to accomplish growth-with-redistribution objective. So far, in spite of a rather relatively high
growth, it has been admitted that such an objective has yet to be achieved.
[16] One of the ways of realising these strategies is by developing seven districts in the state with specific sectors concentration: Besut
with agricultural, fisheries and tourism; Dungun with tourism, manufacturing and agricultural; Hulu Terengganu with tourism,
agricultural and manufacturing; Kemaman with petroleum, manufacturing and agricultural; Kuala Terengganu with service,
manufacturing and tourism; Marang with tourism, manufacturing and fisheries; and Setiu with tourism, agricultural and manufacturing (UPENTa, Rancangan Malaysia Ketujuh (RM7) - Dasar dan Strategi Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman (1996-2000),
n.d., p.6).
[17] For a detailed information on the physical and material development strategies and plan of actions, see UPENTb, Rangka
Rancangan Jangka Panjang Kedua (RRJP2) - Rancangan Malaysia Ketujuh (RM7): Kenyataan Dasar dan Pelan Tindakan
Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu, Kuala Terengganu, n.d.
[18] See Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu, n.d. op.cit., p.5.
[19] See Pejabat Menteri Besar, 1996. op.cit; and Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu, n.d. ibid, pp.6-7.
[20] See Pejabat Menteri Besar, 1996. ibid.
[21] For a discussion on the Batu Bersurat, see Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas, The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription:
Friday, 4th Rejab, 702 A.H./Friday 22nd February, 1303, Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara, 1984, second edition.
[22] Pejabat Menteri Besar Terengganu, 1996. op.cit.
[23] For a discussion on this, see, for instance, n.a., Pelaksanaan Hukum Hudud di Kelantan, Kota Bharu, Kelantan: Telda Corporation
Sdn Bhd, 1994.
[24] See, for instance, the Chief Minister’s speech on State Budget 1974 on 9 December 1974 for his Islamic commitment in his earlier
days.
[25] An azharite is a graduate of the noted Al-Azhar University in Cairo, Egypt.
[26] UMNO or United Malay National Organisation is the dominant party of the ruling Barisan Nasional. As the Chief Minister of
Terengganu, Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad is the UMNO Chief in the state.
[27] Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad, Ucaputama di Konvensyen UMNO Terengganu 1994, at
Kolej Sultan Zainal Abidin (KUSZA), Kuala Terengganu, 12 November 1994, pp.7-8. For his other thought on Islamic development and
the vision of Terengganu, see also his book Sekali Penyu Menyusur Pantai, 1990 and his key address at the opening of Seminar Islam
dan Pembangunan at Dewan Konvensyen, Wisma Darul Iman, Kuala Terengganu, 9 April 1994.
[28] For discussions on Ar-Rahn (MGIT) and ASDI, see B.N. Ghosh, Abdul Fatah Che Hamat and Muhammad Syukri Salleh,
“Socio-Economic Development Institutions in Malaysia: An Evaluative Perspective”, in Humanomics, Vol.12, No.2, 1996, pp.21-46; and
Muhammad Syukri Salleh and Abdul Fatah Che Hamat, “Equity Versus Growth: The Malaysian Experience of the Islamic Financial
System Under the Dual Systems”, Humanomics, Vol.13, No.3/4. 1997, pp.174-214.
[29] UPENTc, Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman - Data Asas 1994/95, Kuala Terengganu, n.d., p.11.
[30] UPENTb, n.d., op.cit.

REFERENCES

Abdul Rahim bin Tahir, Dato’, Gerakan Pembangunan Penghayatan Takwa - Ke Arah Pemajuan Masyarakat
Qur’an (Mujtamak Madaniy) Menangani Wawasan 2020 Dengan Acuan Kita Sendiri, Kuala Terengganu: Jabatan
Pendidikan Terengganu, 28 Julai 1996.

Bauzon, Kenneth E., Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, Manila: Ateneo de Manila
University Press, 1990.

Che Man, W.K., Muslim Separatism - The Moros of Southern Philippines and the Malays of Southern Thailand,
Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1990.

Ghosh, B.N., Abdul Fatah Che Hamat and Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Socio-Economic Development Institutions in
Malaysia: An Evaluative Perspective”, in Humanomics, Vol.12, No.2, 1996, pp.21-46.

Kerajaan Negeri Terengganu, Gelombang Kedua Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman 1995-2010, Kuala
Terengganu, n.d.

Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Establishing an Islamic State: Ideals and Realities in Kelantan, Malaysia”, South East Asian
Studies (Kyoto, Japan), Vol.37, No.2., September, 1999.

Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Approaches to the Implementation of Islamic Development”, a paper presented at
International Conference on Islam and the 21st Century, organised by Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in
Islamic Studies (INIS), at Leiden University, the Netherlands, 3-7 June 1996.

Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “Realization of Islamic Development: In Search of an Effective Approach”, in Masudul Alam
Choudhury, Abdad M.Z and Muhammad Syukri Salleh, eds, Islamic Political Economy in Capitalist Globalization -
An Agenda for Change, Kuala Lumpur: Utusan Publications and Distributors and Penang: International Project on
Islamic Political Economy (IPIPE), 1997.

Muhammad Syukri Salleh, “The Top-Down Approach to Islamic Development: The Experience of PAS-Led
Government in Kelantan, Malaysia, 1990-95”, in Bernard Dahm and Naimah Talib, eds., Religious Revival in
South-East Asia, Singapore: Institute of South-East Asian Studies (ISEAS), forthcoming.

Muhammad Syukri Salleh and Abdul Fatah Che Hamat, “Equity Versus Growth: The Malaysian Experience of the Islamic
Financial System Under the Dual Systems”, Humanomics, Vol.13, No.3/4, 1997, pp.174-214.

Panduan Operasi Bina Takwa Darul Iman (Penjanaan Wawasan SIHAT), Kuala Terengganu: Panel Mengemaskini
Buku Panduan Bina Takwa Wawasan SIHAT Terengganu Darul Iman, 1 September 1996.

Pejabat Menteri Besar Terengganu, Kertas Konsep Wawasan SIHAT Terengganu - Ke Arah Pembentukan
Mujtama’ Madani, Kuala Terengganu, 14 September 1996.

Pelaksanaan Hukum Hudud di Kelantan, Kota Bharu, Kelantan: Telda Corporation Sdn Bhd, 1994.

Safie bin Ibrahim, “The Impact of Political Ideology on Economic Development: The Experience of Kelantan
Government”, a paper presented at Second International Conference on Islamic Political Economy organised by
International Project on Islamic Political Economy (IPIPE), Universiti Sains Malaysia at Universiti Sains Malaysia, 10-11
December 1996.

Suria Saniwa bin Wan Mahmood, De-radicalization of Minority Dissent - A Case Study of the Malay-Muslim
Movements in Southern Thailand, 1980-1994, M.Soc.Sc. Thesis, Universiti Sains Malaysia, 1996.

Syed Muhammad Naguib Al-Attas, The Correct Date of the Terengganu Inscription: Friday, 4th Rejab, 702
A.H./Friday 22nd February, 1303, Kuala Lumpur: Muzium Negara, 1984, second edition.

UPENT (Unit Perancang Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu), Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu: Masakini dan Akan
Datang, 5 May 1996.

UPENTa (Unit Perancang Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu), Rancangan Malaysia Ketujuh (RM7) - Dasar dan Strategi
Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman (1996-2000), n.d.

UPENTb (Unit Perancang Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu), Rangka Rancangan Jangka Panjang Kedua (RRJP2) -
Rancangan Malaysia Ketujuh (RM7): Kenyataan Dasar dan Pelan Tindakan Pembangunan Negeri Terengganu,
Kuala Terengganu, n.d.

UPENTc, (Unit Perancang Ekonomi Negeri Terengganu), Negeri Terengganu Darul Iman - Data Asas 1994/95,
Kuala Terengganu, n.d.

Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad, Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji, Sekali Penyu Menyusur Pantai, n.p: n.p.,
1990.

Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad, Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji, Opening Speech at Seminar Islam dan
Pembangunan at Dewan Konvensyen, Wisma Darul Iman, Kuala Terengganu, 9 April 1994.

Wan Mokhtar bin Ahmad, Y.A.B. Dato’ Seri Amar Di Raja Tan Sri Haji, Ucaputama di Konvensyen UMNO
Terengganu 1994, at Kolej Sultan Zainal Abidin (KUSZA), Kuala Terengganu, 12 November 1994.
 
 

Back To Publications Page

Back To Main Page