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Restaging Fetal Traumas in War and Social Violence

This seminal piece has been presented in the following :
Keynote address at the 7th International Congress of the Association for Pre-and Perinatal Psychology and Health in San Francisco, California on Sept. 29, 1995. 
Pre- and Perinatal Psychology Journal 11 (4) Summer 1997 
The International Journal of Prenatal and Perinatal Psychology and Medicine 8(2) June 1996 
The Journal of Psychohistory Volume 23, Number 4, pages, 344-392.

Restaging Fetal Traumas in War and Social Violence
By Lloyd deMause
"A just war for the true interests of the state advances its development within a few years by tens of years, stimulates all healthy elements and represses insidious poison."
--Adolf Lasson

 

When Adolf Hitler moved to Vienna in 1907 at the age of eighteen, he reported in Mein Kampf, he haunted the prostitutes' district, fuming at the "Jews and foreigners" who directed the "revolting vice traffic" which "defiled our inexperienced young blond girls" and injected "poison" into the bloodstream of Germany.1

Months before this blood poison delusion was formed, Hitler had the only romantic infatuation of his youth, with a young girl, Stefanie.2 Hitler imagined that Stefanie was in love with him (although in reality she had never met him) and thought he could communicate with her via mental telepathy. He was so afraid of approaching her that he made plans to kidnap her and then murder her and commit suicide in order to join with her in death.

Hitler's childhood had been so abusive--his father regularly beat him "with a hippopotamus whip," and he said he once endured 230 blows of his father's cane without a murmur3 'hat he was full of rage toward the world. When he grew up, his sexual feelings were so mixed up with his revenge fantasies that he believed his sperm was poisonous and might enter the woman's bloodstream during sexual intercourse and poison her.4 Obviously Hitler's rage against "Jewish blood-poisoners" was a projection of his own fears that he might become a blood-poisoner. Therefore, faced with the temptation of the more permissive sexuality of Vienna, Hitler wanted to have sex with the prostitutes, but was afraid his sperm would poison their blood. He then accused Jews of being "world blood-poisoners" who "introduced foreign blood into our people's body."5

As is usually the case with delusional systems, Hitler's projection of his fears of his own poisonous sexuality into Jews and foreigners helped him avoid a psychotic breakdown and allowed him to function during his later life. He said so quite specifically in Mein Kampf; saying that when he "recognized the Jew as the cold-hearted, shameless, and calculating director of this revolting traffic in the scum of the big city, a cold shudder ran down my back .. . the scales dropped from my eyes. A long soul struggle had reached its conclusion."6 From that moment on, Hitler became a professional anti-Semite, ordering Nazi doctors to find out how Jewish blood differed from Aryan blood, having his own blood regularly sucked by leeches to try to get rid of its "poison,"7 and, eventually, ordering the extermination of all "world blood-poisoners" in the worst genocide and the most destructive war ever experienced by mankind.

The success of Hitler's ability to use the group-fantasy of antiSemitism to save his sanity was, of course, dependent upon there being millions of followers who shared his fantasies about poisonous enemies infecting the body of Europe. Much of Europe at that time shared Hitler's experience of a severely abusive childhood,8 and many shared his fantasy that the ills of the modern world were caused by the poisonous nature of Jews.9 Therefore, when he regularly used metaphors of blood poisoning in his speeches, saying the world was a constant warfare of one people against another, where "one creature drinks the blood of another," and that Jews were spiders that "sucked the people's blood out," he was cheered on by millions who shared his fantasies.10

GROUP-FANTASIES OF POISON BLOOD

I have regularly found "poison blood" group-fantasies in nations prior to outbreaks of war. It is usually found in conjunction with images of guilt for recent prosperity and progress that is felt to "pollute the national blood-stream with sinful excess," making men "soft" and "feminine," a frightful condition that can only be cleansed by a blood-shedding purification.11 This fantasy of periodic shedding of poisoned blood through war is based on the same presumed cleansing effects as the bloodletting therapies physicians prescribed through the nineteenth century to cure many diseases, which also were believed to be caused by "gluttony, luxury and lustful excesses."12 As one military leader put it, war "is one of the great agencies by which human progress is effected. [It] purges a nation of its humors...and chastens it, as sickness or adversity. ..chastens an individual;" it cures it of its "worship of comfort, wealth, and general softness..."13 When John Adams asked Thomas Jefferson "how to prevent...luxury from producing effeminacy, intoxication, extravagance, vice and folly?" Jefferson's answer was: "The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots."14 As Sherlock Holmes expressed it in a story set in August 1914, rapid material progress until then had produced a feeling that "God's curse hung heavy over a degenerate world, for there was an awesome hush and a feeling of vague expectancy in the sultry and stagnant air...[but] a cleaner, better, stronger land will lie in the sunshine when the storm has cleared....A bloody purging would be good for the country."15

Wars have often been thought of as purifying the nation's polluted blood by virtue of a sacrificial rite identical to the rites of human sacrifice so common throughout history. War, said those preparing for the bloody Finnish Civil War, purges guilt-producing material prosperity by means of the blood of soldiers sacrificed on the battlefield: "The idea of sacrifice permeated the war...Youth...have heard the nation's soul crying for its renewal, their heart's blood Because] nations drink renewal from the blood of the fallen soldiers."16 Usually the blood of the soldiers is thought of as being needed to feed a maternal figure, either mother-earth or, as with the Aztecs, an actual bloodthirsty mother-goddess.17 War renewed national strength; the state was "reborn" by the soldier's blood and war cleansed the polluted national bloodstream as if there was a "rebirth from the womb of history," a "bloody baptism" that removed all poisonous self-indulgence.18 "A nation hath been born again,/ Regenerate by a second birth!" wrote W. W. Howe after the bloody American Civil War.19 Another American, speaking of World War I, said "It was like the pouring of new blood into old veins."20

The question immediately arises: How do such poisoned blood fears originate? And what do they have to do with birth? The answers to this question will become more convincing only after we have examined another related question: Why is war so often depicted as a woman?

GROUP-FANTASIES OF DANGEROUS WOMEN

For the past two decades, I have collected historical material from sources such as magazine covers and political cartoons on images of war. One of the most unexpected of these was that war was shown as a dangerous, bloodthirsty woman.21 Despite the fact that women neither play much part in deciding on wars nor in fighting them, war has so often been depicted as a dangerous woman that a visitor to our planet might wrongly conclude that women were our most bellicose sex. From Athena to Freyja, from Marianne to Brittannia, terrifying women have been depicted as war goddesses,22 devouring, raping and ripping apart her children. The image has become so familiar we no longer think to question why women are so often shown as presiding over war rather than being thought of as its victims, as they are in reality.

Even in later antiquity, when the god of war was male, his mother usually was imagined to have hovered above the battlefield, demanding more blood to feed her voracious appetite.23 And even though it was almost always men who fought the battles,24 women in early societies were expected to come along to watch from the sidelines, rather like at a sports match, shrieking their own battlecries, heckling and insulting those warriors who held back and demanding a plentiful show of blood on the battlefield.25

THE MARIE ANTOINETTE SYNDROME AND SOCIAL VIOLENCE

The French Revolution fully demonstrates the role of the dangerous woman fantasy in social violence, being preceded by a deluge of pamphlets and newspapers picturing Marie Antoinette-actually a rather sweet-natured woman---as a sexually voracious, incestuous, lesbian, murderous "bloodsucker of the French."26 The French Revolution, Terror and revolutionary wars were accompanied by increasingly violent Marie Antoinette fantasies, centering on grotesque images of her imagined sexual perversities, while the king was pictured as merely an impotent tool in her hands. Finally, the Tribunal, whipped up by the press, declared her a "ravening beast" and chopped off her head, after she had been accused of being a "tigress thirsty for the blood of the French," a "ferocious panther who devoured the French, the female monster whose pores sweated the purest blood of the sans-culottes," a "vampire who sucks the blood of the French," and a "monster who needed to slake her thirst on the blood of the French."27

I have found that media images of monstrous bloodthirsty women have preceded every war I have analyzed. Even the most popular movies prior to wars reflect this dangerous woman fantasy. The biggest movie preceding W.W.II was The Wizard ofOz, which is about a wicked witch and how to kill her; the second biggest was The Women, a movie featuring 135 dangerous women. All About Eve just before Korea and Cleopatra before Vietnam had similar dangerous women as leads, and the Persian Gulf War was preceded by a whole string of dangerous women movies, from Fatal Attraction to Thelma and Louise,28 including a popular TV series entitled Dangerous Women.

When war breaks out, all these terrifying women disappear from the media, and the dangerous woman image is projected into the enemy, so that the war is experienced as a battle with a mother-figure. For example, when the United States attacked Libya, the New York Post reported the rumor that American intelligence had discovered that Moammar Khadafy was actually a "transvestite dressed in women's clothes and high heels,"29 even touching up a photo to show how he "might look...dressed in drag." Similarly, in the Persian Gulf War, Saddam Hussein was depicted as a dangerous pregnant mommy with a nuclear bomb in his womb.

Hallucinating dangerous feminine characteristics in one's enemies in fact goes all the way back to antiquity, when the earliest battles were imagined to have been fought against female monsters, often the mother of the hero, whatever her name--Tiamat, Ishtar, Inanna, Isis, or Kali.30 Typical is the Aztec mother-goddess Huitzilopochtli, who had "mouths all over her body" that cried out to be fed the blood of soldiers.31 Early Indo-European warriors had to pass through initiatory rituals in order to attain full status in which they dressed up and attacked a monstrous dummy female poisonous serpent, complete with three heads.32 Although early warriors fought against men, not women, they often anally raped and castrated their enemies, turning them into symbolic women; from ancient Norse to ancient Egyptian societies, heaps of enemy penises on the battlefield are commonly portrayed.33 In addition, according to the world's leading historian of war, "the opportunity to engage in wholesale rape was not just among the rewards of successful war but, from the soldier's point of view, one of the cardinal objectives for which he fought."34 In fact, more women have been raped and killed in most wars than enemy soldiers. The hero is therefore symbolically a mother-killer, inflicting our revenge for early traumatic experiences.35

At the same time, by restaging early traumas in wars the magical goal is achieved of merging with the mother in a defensive maneuver to deny her as a dangerous object. Giving one's life for one's Motherland means finally joining with her. The soldier who dies in war, says one patriot, "dies peacefully. He who has a Motherland dies in comfort...in her, like a baby falling asleep in its warm and soft cradle..."36

Yet even though we understand that both the Motherland and the enemy in wars are ultimately the early mother, the question remains: what could possibly be the infantile origin of fantasies of the enemy as a poisonous blood-sucking monster? Why did Americans before the Revolutionary War feel "poisoned by Mother England" and fight a war rather than pay a minor tax? Why did Hitler fear "blood-sucking Jews and foreigners" and why did Aztec soldiers go to war to feed blood to a mother-goddess? Closer to today, why did Americans for so long fear their "national life-blood" was being "poisoned" by Communists? Why do so many today feel the government and welfare recipients are "sucking their blood?" Images of blood-sucking, engulfing enemies are ubiquitous throughout history. Surely our blood was never really poisoned or sucked out of us by a maternal monster in our past. Or was it?

WAR, BIRTH AND THE POISONOUS PLACENTA

As I described in my Foundations of Psychohistory,37 when I first began collecting the emotional imagery surrounding the outbreak of war I was puzzled by recurring claims by aggressors that they were forced to go to war against their wishes because "a net had suddenly been thrown over their head" or a "ring of iron was closing about us more tightly every moment" or they had been "seized by the throat and strangled." I piled up hundreds of these images of nations being choked and strangled, "unable to draw a breath," "smothered, walled-in," "unable to relieve the inexorable pressure" of a world "pregnant with events," followed by feelings of being "picked up bodily" in "an inexorable slide" towards war, starting with a "rupture of diplomatic relations" and a "descent into the abyss," being "unable to see the light at the end of the tunnel" as the nation takes its "final plunge over the brink," and even that wars were "aborted" if ended too soon. Given the concreteness of all this birth imagery, I concluded that war was a rebirth fantasy of enormous power shared by nations undergoing deep regression to shared fetal traumas.

War has long been described in images of pregnancy: "War develops in the womb of State politics; its principles are hidden there as the particular characteristics of the individual are hidden in the embryo" (Clausewitz); "Germany is never so happy as when she is pregnant with a war" (proverb).38 Wars are felt to be life-and-death struggles for "breathing space" and "living room," Eebensraum, as though nations were reliving the growing lack of space and oxygen common to all fetuses just prior to and during birth. Nations become paranoid prior to wars and feel they have to resort to violence in order to get out of what appears to be a choking womb and birth canal. Bethmann-Hollweg, for example, told the Reichstag in announcing war in 1914 that Germany was surrounded by enemies, and "he who is menaced as we are and is fighting for his highest possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through."39 As Hitler repeated over and over again, only a violent "rebirth" could "purge the world of the Jewish poison" and avoid it being "asphyxiated and destroyed."40

Now, the notion that war might be a battle against a dangerous mother is difficult enough to believe. That it in addition includes fantasies that you are hacking your way out of the engulfment of your own birth is infinitely harder to accept. But what followed then in my psychohistorical research into imagery prior to wars was a discovery that seemed to be a final step into the unbelievable, revealing a depth of regression prior to wars greater than anything yet contemplated in the psychological literature. Yet it was a discovery that for the first time seemed to explain the true origin of the poison blood imagery.

What I found was that the cartoons, past and present, of the enemy in war were dominated by an image that was even more widespread than that of the dangerous mommy: it was that of a seabeast, often with many heads or arms, a dragon or a hydra or a serpent or an octopus that threatened to poison the lifeblood of the nation. Most early cultures believed in this beast as a dragon that was associated with watery caves or lakes; modern wars show the beast as a blood-sucking, many-headed enemy. This serpentine, poisonous monster I soon began calling the Poisonous Plancenta, since it resembled what the actual placenta must have sometimes felt like to the growing fetus, particularly when the placenta fails in its primary tasks of cleansing the fetal blood of wastes and of replenishing its oxygen supply. When the blood coming to the fetus from the placenta is bright red and full of nutrients and oxygen, the fetus feels it is being fed by a Nurturant Placenta, but when the mother smokes, takes drugs or is hurt or frightened or otherwise stressed, the placenta does not remove the waste from fetal blood, which becomes polluted and depleted of oxygen. Under these stressful conditions, the helpless fetus experiences an asphyxiating Poisonous Placenta, the prototype for all later hate relationships, including the murderous mother, the castration father or the dangerous enemy. It is even likely that the fetus, like Oedipus, feels it is actually battling with the dangerous beast (Sphinx means "strangler" in Greek) in order to restore connections with the Nurturant Placenta. This battle, what I have termed the fetal drama, is repeated in death-and-rebirth restagings of traumatic battles in all wars and other social violence.

The cosmic battle with the Poisonous Placenta, where we repeat the fetal drama of a paradise lost, of being sucked into the whirlpool and crushing pressures of birth, and where we fight the placental dragon, is well depicted in a comic-book character, Conan the Barbarian, although I could just as easily have used pictures and texts from ancient myths of battles with seabeasts such as Tiamat, Rahab, Behemoth, Humbaba, Apophis, Hydra, Gorgon or Typhon.41 In this version, a baby is first shown abandoned, beginning his watery birth passage between headcrushing bones, going down the whirlpool of birth after the amniotic waters break, being choked by the Poisonous Placenta, a black seamonster that tries to asphyxiate it. The hero, an imaginary powerful version of the fetus, battles with the Poisonous Placenta and frees the fetus, who reaches the safety of land. The final panel shows that the goal, however, is not birth, the arrival on land, but the reuniting with the placenta. That it is the Nurturant not the Poisonous Placenta that holds the baby in its embrace is depicted by its being shown as a white sea beast.

In most cultures, past and present, the actual placenta is considered very much alive after delivery; it is felt to be so dangerous to the community that unless it is buried somewhere deep the whole tribe will fall sick.42 The Poisonous Placenta is even present in most small groups we form. As one group analyst describes his conclusions from a lifetime of studying unconscious group images:

"One of the most active, or rather paralyzing, unconscious group representations is that of Hydra: the group is felt to be a single body with a dozen arms at the ends of which are heads and mouths, each functioning independently of the others...incessantly searching for prey to be squeezed and suffocated, and ready to devour one another if they are not satisfied."43

Obviously, full understanding of the placental source of "poison blood" and sea-beast imagery and of the fetal origins of war and social violence is going to have to wait until we investigate more fully the psychology of dangerous wombs, Poisonous Placentas and asphyxiating births--which is to say, until we understand more about both the psychology and neurobiology of fetal life

THE ORIGINS OF FETAL PSYCHOLOGY

After Freud initially proposed that mental life began after birth, he later admitted that he had come to believe he was wrong, saying that "the act of birth is the first experience of anxiety."44 Although most other psychoanalysts believed mental life began only with infancy, there were a number of exceptions, beginning with Otto Rank's The Trauma of Birth in 1923,45 which began the investigation of birth anxiety derivatives in adult life and culture. After Rank, David Winnicott wrote in the early 1940s a paper on "Birth Memories, Birth Trauma, and Anxiety,"46 which, however, was little noticed, since, as he said, "It is rare to find doctors who believe that the experience of birth is important to the baby, that it could have any significance in the emotional development of the individual, and that memory traces of the experience could persist and give rise to trouble even in the adult." While still a pediatrician, Winnicott saw that newborn babies varied enormously and that prolonged labor could be traumatic to the fetus, resulting in extreme anxiety--so much so that he thought "some babies are born paranoid, by which I mean in a state of expecting persecution."47 He was even able to conclude that "at full term, there is already a human being in the womb, one that is capable of having experiences and of accumulating body memories and even of organizing defensive measures to deal with traumata..." He sometimes would allow his child patients to work through birth anxiety directly, having one child sit in his lap and "get inside my coat and turn upside down and slide down to the ground between my legs; this he repeated over and over again....After this experience I was prepared to believe that memory traces of birth can persist."48 He also encouraged some adult patients to relive the breathing changes, constrictions of the body, head pressures, convulsive movements and fears of annihilation experienced during their births, with dramatic therapeutic results. 49

After Winnicott, psychotherapists such as Fodor, Mott, Raskovsky, Janov, Grof, Verny, Fedor-Freybergh, Janus and others published extensive work showing how their patients relived birth trauma in therapy and removed major blocks in their emotional lives.50 These traumatic birth feelings of being trapped, of crushing head pressures and cardiac distress, of being sucked into a whirlpool or swallowed by terrifying monsters, of explosive volcanoes and death-rebirth struggles-appear regularly in the 60 percent of our dreams that have been found to contain overt pre-and perinatal images,51 although most therapists continue to overlook their connections with actual birth memories.

Perhaps one of the most important results of clinical research by therapists sensitive to perinatal trauma--as described particularly in the work of Lynda Share52--is how regularly early trauma produces an overwhelming fear of all progress in life. It is as though the fetus concludes, "Going forward in life led to disaster; I must remain 'unborn' all my life to avoid a repetition of this horrible start."

Fetuses that experience injuries in the womb, premature births, birth complications, and many other medical conditions as newborn regularly live the rest of their lives in fear of all growth and individuation.53 For instance, one baby who was born with a congenital atresia of the esophagus, so that she choked on feedings, was seen to have multiple fears of dying all during a 30-year followup study into her life.54 Another, who often dreamed of lying in a refrigerator, asked his parents about the image, and they told him that as a newborn the window of his room had mistakenly been left open on an extremely cold winter night, and they "had thawed him out of his urine, feces and vomitus."55 Interpretation of this continuing fear led to a turning point in the treatment and in the patient's life. Another baby was born with an intestinal obstruction that prevented digestion, so she vomited up all her milk. Although the condition was repaired at one month, for the rest of her life she was concerned with disaster fantasies every time growth was imminent. As Share described her, "Each new opportunity for advancement stood for a metaphorical 'birth.' To be born in any kind of way meant to have to reexperience the disaster of her infancy: starvation, pain, surgery, and near-death. These, then, were the disasters she fantasized, the panic attacks each time she headed for something new and creative."56 As with all early trauma, any progress threatened repetition of disaster.

RECENT RESEARCH INTO FETAL MEMORY

Much has changed in our knowledge of the fetus during the decades since these early pioneering excursions into perinatal psychology. Neurobiologists have made startling advances in the understanding of how the brain develops in the womb, experimental psychologists have discovered a great deal about fetal learning, pediatricians have linked all kinds of later problems to fetal distress, and one psychoanalyst has even begun to compare thousands of hours of ultrasound observations of individual fetuses with their emotional problems during infancy in therapy with her. There are now thousands of books and articles on the subject, as well as two international associations of pre- and perinatal psychology, each with their own journal.57 I will here only be able to summarize some of the main trends of this extensive recent research. Biologists used to think that because the fetus had incomplete myelination of neurons it couldn't have memories.58 This notion has been disproved, since impulses can be carried quite efficiently in the thinly myelinated nerves of fetuses, only at a somewhat slower velocity, which is offset by the shorter distances traveled.59 Indeed, far from being an unfeeling being, the fetus has been found to be exquisitely sensitive to its surroundings, and our earliest feelings have been found to be coded into our early emotional memory system centering in the amygdala, quite distinct from the declarative memory system centering in the hippocampus that becomes functional only in later childhood.60 These early emotional memories are usually unavailable to conscious, declarative memory recall, so early fears and even defenses against them are often only recaptured through body memories and by analyzing the consequences of the traumas.61

The fetus's nervous system is so well developed that by the end of the first trimester it responds to the stroking of its palm by a light hair by grasping, of its lips by sucking, and of its eyelids by squinting.62 It will jump if touched by the amniocentesis needle and turn away from the light when a doctor introduces a brightly lit fetoscope.63 By the second trimester, the fetus is not only seeing and hearing, it is actively tasting, feeling, exploring and learning from its environment, now floating peacefully, now kicking vigorously, turning somersaults, urinating, grabbing its umbilicus when frightened, stroking and even licking its placenta, conducting little boxing matches with its companion if it is a twin and responding to being touched or spoken to through the mother's abdomen.64 Each fetus develops its own pattern of activity, so that ultrasound technicians quickly learn to recognize each fetus as a distinct personality.65 Even sensual life begins in the womb; if a boy, the fetus has regular erections of his penis, coinciding with REM sleep phases, and baby girls have been seen masturbating during REM sleep.66

FETAL TRAUMAS

In addition to what we know about the disastrous effects on the fetus of prenatal exposure to drugs and alcohol,67 we now have considerable evidence on how maternal stress and other emotions are transmitted to the fetus. When a pregnant mother is offered a cigarette after having been deprived of smoking for 24 hours there is a significant acceleration in fetal heartbeat even before the cigarette is lit.68 The fetus has been found to be sensitive to a wide range of maternal emotions in addition to any drugs or other physical traumas she endures.69 When the mother feels anxiety, her increased heartbeat, frightened speech, and alterations in neurotransmitter levels are instantly communicated to the fetus, and her tachycardia is followed within seconds by the fetus's tachycardia; when she feels fear, within 50 seconds the fetus can be made hypoxic (low oxygen). Pregnant monkeys stressed by simulated threatening attack had such impaired blood circulation to their uteruses that their fetuses were severely asphyxiated.70 Alterations in adrenaline, plasma epinephrine and norepinephrine levels, high levels of hydroxycortico-steriods, hyperventilation and many other products of maternal anxiety are also known to directly affect the human fetus. Numerous other studies document sensory, hormonal and biochemical mechanisms by which the fetus is in communication with the mother's feelings and with the outside world.71 Even baby monkeys have been found to be hyperactive, with higher levels of the stress hormone, cortisol, after birth from a mother who was experimentally stressed during her pregnancy.72 

While positive maternal emotions have been experimentally shown to increase later growth, alertness, calmness and intelligence--the fetus even benefits from the mother singing to it in the womb--and prenatal infant stimulation, particularly being bathed in pleasant music, improves fetal development compared to control groups,73 maternal distress and chemical toxins have been shown to produce low birth weights, increased infant mortality, respiratory infections, asthma and reduced cognitive development.74 Ultrasound studies record fetal distress clearly, as it thrashes about and kicks in pain during hypoxia and other conditions. One mother whose husband had just threatened her verbally with violence came into the doctor's office with the fetus thrashing and kicking so violently as to be painful to her, with an elevated heart rate that continued for hours.75 The same wild thrashing has been seen in mothers whose spouses have died suddenly. Maternal fright can actually cause the death of the fetus, and death of the husband and other severe emotional distress within the family during the mother's pregnancy has been associated with fetal damage in large samples in several countries.76 Marital discord between spouses has been correlated "with almost 100 per cent certainty...with child morbidity in the form of ill-health, neurological dysfunction, developmental lags and behavior disturbance."77

Margaret Fries has conducted 40-year longitudinal studies predicting emotional patterns that remain quite constant throughout the lives of those studied and correlated them to the mother's attitude toward the fetus during pregnancy."78 Maternal emotional stress, hostility toward the fetus and fetal distress have also been statistically correlated in various studies with more premature births, lower birth weights, more neonate neurotransmitter imbalances, more clinging infant patterns, more childhood psychopathology, more physical illness, higher rates of schizophrenia, lower IQ in early childhood, greater school failure, higher delinquency and greater propensity as an adult to use drugs, commit violent crimes and commit suicide.79 This increase in social violence due to pre-and perinatal conditions has recently been confirmed by a major Danish study showing that boys of mothers who do not want to have them (25 percent of pregnant mothers admit they do not want their babies)80 experience birth complications are four times as likely when they get to be teenagers to commit violent crimes than control groups.81 studies also show similar higher violent crime rates correlated with maternal rejection during pregnancy.82

THE NEUROBIOLOGY OF FETAL TRAUMA

There are sound neurobiological reasons for this correlation between fetal trauma and social violence. Early brain development is determined both by genes and by cellular selection and selforganizational processes that are crucially dependent upon the uterine environment."83 Since fetal traumas occur while the brain is still being formed, while cell adhesion molecules are still determining the brain's initial mapping processes and while synaptic connections are still undergoing major developmental changes, memories of fetal traumas cannot be handled as later in life and are coded in separate neural networks that retain their emotional power well into adulthood.84

Fetal abuse can be direct, either from drugs or from the pregnant mother being abused by her mate. According to the journal of the American Medical Association, "one in three pregnant women in America is slapped, kicked or punched by their mates."85 In addition, maternal emotional stress produces such biochemical imbalances as an overactivation of the pituitary-adrenal cortical and sympathetic-adrenal medullary systems with consequent increases of adrenocorticotrophic hormone (ACTH), cortisol, pituitary growth hormone, catecholamine and glucagon level. Maternal emotional stress has even been correlated with damage to the hippocampus, the center of conscious memory and self feelings.86 Furthermore, the emotions of the mother can be directly transmitted through the hormones in her blood to the fetal blood and then to DNA-binding receptors in the fetal cells that turn genes on and off, thus programming her stress directly into the developing fetal brain. This bath of maternal hormonal imbalances can produce severe fetal traumatic emotional dysfunctions.87 Baby rats, for instance, whose mothers had been frightened by loud noises during pregnancy were found to have copious supplies of stress hormones, plus fewer receptors for benzodiazepines and fewer GABA receptors, both needed for calming action during stress.88

Infants traumatized in utero and during birth are those Winnicott referred to as born paranoid," and can remain hypersensitive to stress, over fearful, withdrawn and angry all of their lives. Fetal traumas result in overstimulation of neurotransmitters, producing hypersensitivity and other imbalances in such important neurotransmitters as the catecholamines. The most important of these imbalances is low serotonin levels, which have been demonstrated to lead to persistent hyperarousal and compulsive reenactment in violent social behavior, both homicidal and suicidal.89 Because of this, reenactment in later life can be an even more potent source of violent behavior in the case of fetal trauma than it has been found to be in the case of childhood or war trauma.90

The same neurobiological factors have been found to be responsible for the increase in violence against self. Suicide patterns are so strongly linked to birth that epidemiologists have found higher suicide rates in areas of the country that a few decades earlier had had higher birth injuries.91 Other studies have shown that even the types of suicides were correlated with the kinds of perinatal traumas, asphyxia during birth leading to more suicides through strangulation, hanging and drowning, mechanical trauma during birth correlated with mechanical suicide elements, drugs given during birth being correlated to suicide by drugs, and so on. The rise in adolescent drug addiction and suicide recently, mainly connected with drug use, is believed to be at least partially due to the more frequent use of drugs by obstetricians during birth in recent decades.92

Far from being the safe, cozy haven to which we all supposedly want to return, the womb is in fact often a dangerous and often painful abode,93 where "more lives are lost during the nine gestational months than in the ensuing 50 years of postnatal life."94 Few fetuses, for instance, escape experiencing painful drops in oxygen levels when the mother is emotionally upset, smokes, drinks alcohol or takes other drugs. As the placenta stops growing during the final months of pregnancy, it regresses in efficiency, becoming tough and fibrous, as its cells and blood vessels degenerate and it becomes full of blood clots and calcifications, making the fetus even more susceptible to hypoxia as it grows larger and making the late-term fetus "extremely hypoxlc by adult standards."95 Furthermore, the weight of the fetus pressing down into the pelvis can compress blood vessels supplying the placenta, producing additional placental failure.96 Practice contractions near birth give the fetus periodic "squeezes," decreasing oxygen level even further,97 while birth itself is so hypoxic that "hypoxia of a certain degree and duration is a normal phenomenon in every delivery," not just in more severe cases.98 The effects on the fetus of this extreme hypoxia are dramatic: normal fetal breathing stops, fetal heart rate accelerates, then decelerates, and the fetus thrashes about frantically in a life and-death struggle to liberate Itself from its terrifying asphyxiation.99

THE REALITY OF FETAL MEMORY

That the fetal memory system is sufficiently mature not only to learn in the womb but also to remember prenatal and birth experiences is confirmed by a growing body of experimental, observational and clinical data. Neonates can remember lullabies learned prenatally100 and can pick out at birth their mothers' voices from among other female voices and respond differently (with increasing sucking on a pacifier) to familiar melodies they had heard in utero.101 Sallenbach played simple melodies to the fetus in utera, based on four notes, and found it was able not only to move to the beat but continued to mark the beat when the notes were discontinued.102 As evidence of even more complex memories, DeCasper had 16 pregnant women read either The Cat in the Hat or a second poem with a different meter to their fetuses twice a day for the last six weeks of their pregnancy.103 When the babies were born, he hooked up their pacifiers to a mechanism that allowed them to chose one of two tape recordings by sucking slowly or quickly, choosing either the tape in which their mothers read the familiar poem or the tape where she read the unfamiliar poem. The babies soon were listening to the tape of their favorite poem, indicating their mastery of the task of remembering complex speech patterns learned in utero. Chamberlain sums up his extensive work on birth memories, which he found very reliable when comparing them with both the memories of the mother and hospital records, "They demonstrate the same clear awareness of violence, danger, and breech of trust which any of us adults might show in a similar situation...Even three-year-olds sometimes have explicit and accurate birth recall."104 Distress during birth is particularly able to be later remembered during dreams, when dissociated early neural emotional memory networks are more easily accessed. For instance, one child who had been a "blue baby" and near death while tangled in his umbilicus during birth and had had a forceps delivery had the following revealing nightmare during most of his childhood:

I would be kneeling down, all bent over. I am frantically trying to untie knots in some kind of rope. I am just starting to get free of the rope when I get punched in the face. 105

With the number of recent experiments demonstrating fetal competence, classical conditioning and more advanced learning ability,106 it is not surprising that some parents have recently begun to make the fetus a "member of the family," playing with them, massaging them and calming them down when they thought they had communicated distress by excessive movement and kicking, and trading light pokes in return for fetal kicks, in what they call "The Kicking Game."107 One father taught his baby to kick in a circle; a mother played a nightly game where she tapped her abdomen three times and bumped back three times.108 Another father who called out "Hoo hoo!" next to his pregnant wife's belly nightly found his child pushing with a foot into his cheek on whichever side he called; father and baby played this game for 15 weeks; he found his next baby was able to learn the same game.109 These parents tried to avoid maternal stress, loud arguments and loud noises-especially rock music--because they became aware it usually produced fetal distress.

Recent insights into fetal learning have led to some impressive research on fetal enrichment that demonstrates that prenatal stimulation produces advances in motoric abilities and intelligence that last for years. Experimental groups of pregnant women and their fetuses who participated in prenatal stimulation enrichment were investigated in parallel with carefully selected control groups not involved in any prenatal program. The postnatal evaluation of both groups on standard developmental tests shows highly significant enhancement from fetal sensory stimulation in motoric performance, visual skills, emotional expression and early speech.110 Even more impressive, when these prenatally induced enrichment effects are consolidated by immediate post-natal enrichment experiences, they produce improvements over the control group in Stanford Binet IQ tests at age three ranging from 38 percent for language and 47 percent for memory to 51 percent for social intelligence and 82 percent for reasoning, a fetal Head Start program of astonishing efficiency.

THE FINDINGS OF ULTRASOUND RESEARCH

Perhaps the most impressive observational work on the personality of the fetus is being done by the Italian psychoanalyst, Alessandra Piontelli, by combining thousands of hours of ultrasound observations and clinical psychoanalytic work with young children. Her research into pre- and perinatal memories began after she encountered an eighteen-month-old child who was reported by sensitive parents as being incessantly restless and unable to sleep:

I noted that he seemed to move about restlessly almost as if obsessed by a search for something in every possible corner of the limited space of my consulting room, looking for something which he never seemed able to find. His parents commented on this, saying that he acted like that all the time, day and night. Occasionally Jacob also tried to shake several of the objects inside my room, as if trying to bring them back to life. His parents then told me that any milestone in his development (such as sitting up, crawling, walking, or uttering his first words) all seemed to be accompanied by intense anxiety and pain as if he were afraid, as they put it,'to leave something behind him.' When I said very simply to him that he seemed to be looking for something that he had lost and could not find anywhere, Jacob stopped and looked at me very intently. I then commented on his trying to shake all the objects to life as if he were afraid that their stillness meant death. His parents almost burst into tears and told me that Jacob was, in fact, a twin, but that his co-twin, Tino, as they had already decided to call him, had died two weeks before birth. Jacob, therefore, had spent almost two weeks in utero with his dead and consequently unresponsive co-twin.111

Verbalization of his fears that each step forward in his development might be accompanied by the death of a loved one for whom he felt himself to be responsible "brought about an incredible change in his behavior," says Piontelli. Similarly, Leah La Goy, an American psychotherapist, has documented seventeen children who were her patients who had lost a twin in utero and who "consistently create enactments of fearing for their own life [which] can and often does weaken the parent-child bonding process" because they believe their mother might try to get rid of them too.112

Piontelli, like many other child therapists, began to be struck by the frequency and concreteness of children's "fantasies" about their life before birth. Unlike most therapists, who, however, Ignore their accurate observations because their training taught them the mind only begins after birth, she carefully recorded them and tried to confirm their reality, first by consultation with the family and eventually by her own extensive ultrasound observations of fetal life. The correlations and continuities between fetal experiences and childhood personality "were often so dramatic," she says, "that I was amazed that I had not been more aware of them at the time."113 One set of twins often stroked each others' heads in the womb through the dividing membrane; at the age of one, they could often be seen playing their favorite game of using a curtain as a kind of membrane through which they stroked each other's heads.114 Another set of twins---whose mother considered abortion because of her fear they might be jealous of each other---punched each other all the time in the womb and continued to do so after birth.

One fetus, who often buried his face in the placenta as if it were a pillow, as a child insisted that his mother get him a pencil case shaped like a pillow that he used similarly. Still other children played out various obstetrical distress problems in later life in dramatic detail, such as one child who had nearly died because her umbilical cord had been tightly knotted around her neck and who spent most of her early childhood wrapping ropes, strings and curtain cords around her head and neck, playing with them and licking them in a frenzy.115 The enormous importance of being able to use fetal insights such as these in the therapy of both children and adults for profound relief and personality change has been carefully documented by Piontelli and other therapists.116

THE POISONOUS PLACENTA

Piontelli's pioneering use of ultrasound to observe actual fetal behavior has, in fact, for the first time confirmed my own conclusions made from historical material about the relationship between the fetus and its placenta. Even birth therapists have objected to my theory that "the fetus begins its mental life in active relationship with its own placenta." Thomas Verny, author of the pioneering book The Secret Life of the Unborn Child, said that although he agreed that mental life begins in the womb with a fetal drama," he disagreed that the placenta has any role in this drama, saying, "Personally, in fifteen years of doing intensive, regressive type of psychotherapy, I have never yet heard one of my patients refer in any way at all to his or her placenta."117 David Chamberlain, author of Babies Remember Birth, agrees, saying, "I have heard complaints about all these things in hypnosis but never against a poisonous placenta.' The reaction is always against the mother herself"118

Until birth is complete, the fetus, of course, has never met a "mother," only a womb and a placenta and a umbilicus. Piontelli's ultrasound observations reveal the complex relationship between the fetus and its placental/umbilical "first object." Fetuses stroke and explore the placenta all the time, and grab the umbilicus for comfort when distressed. Their behavior toward the placenta and umbilicus correlates with later behavior patterns in their infancy, so that, for instance, when Piontelli watches one fetus use the placenta as a pillow in the womb, observing it "sucking the cord [and] resting on the placenta as if it were a big pillow...burying himself in the placenta...as if it were a pillow," she then notices it has difficulty sucking the mother's breast after birth, preferring to use it as a pillow instead: "He is not sucking...he is leaning against it...it's not a pillow you know!"119

Another fetus Piontelli watched in utero by ultrasound constantly licked her placenta and umbilicus while holding her hands between her legs on her vagina. The mother, who was both very overweight and whose "rather vamp-looking, low-necked, black velvety dress, together with her smeared and bright make-up, made her look quite 'whorish,' though in an outdated and clumsy way, like a character out of a Fellini film,"120 kept saying her baby girl would turn out to be "whorish" and had many conflicts about having her. The fetus responded to the maternal rejection by licking her placenta and masturbating:

"She is licking the placenta now...look at what she is doing with her other hand...it is still there right in between her legs...licking the placenta again...my God...she is really wild this time...look...it just goes on and on...look how she licks it!...we can almost hear the noise...look...she is pulling it down towards her mouth...my God!...her tongue is really strong...look she is doing it again...and again...and again."121

That this "seducing" of the placenta by this fetus plus her autoeroticism might have been defensive maneuvers designed to ward off fear is indicated by her later actions in therapy with Piontelli as a child. In therapy, said Piontelli, she seemed to have only two modes of being: (1) fear of everything as being persecutory and poisoning, so that she spent her early therapy sessions terrified and screaming, and (2) in "orgies," like a "whore," eating and licking everything and masturbating.122 Apparently her mother's rejecting attitude and poor uterine conditions had affected the fetal amygdalae; in monkeys, destroying their amygdalae cause them to mouth everything they come into contact with and try to have sex with everything they meet, exactly the same mouthing and masturbating orgies this child engaged in both as a fetus and infant. So intent on licking and seducing everything was this baby that she couldn't even suck her mother's breast:

"The breast...seems to be a despicable object...she absolutely refuses milk...Her mother says, "What are you doing?...you are not sucking it, you are playing...she is not sucking it...she is licking it!"...she starts licking her mother's chest vigorously with the same wild motions I had previously noticed when she licked the placenta...She licked any surface or fabric which came into contact with her face. I saw her licking her mother's chest, her shoulders, her chin, her arms and the clothes covering them."123

As an alternative to her screaming and paranoid fear, the baby had developed a pattern of seducing both placental objects and herself, filling her abyss of anxiety with wild, orgiastic licking and masturbating:

"She sits on the table with her legs wide open looking rather obscene. She inserts a finger inside her cup and licks it. Then she puts her hands between her legs while moving her tongue over her lips. She looks very excited and her face is all red now. I say that she's filling herself with prohibited excitement now. She puts her finger in her mouth and then almost inside her vagina, saying, "This or this, they are both nice..."

Piontelli's little children with fetal problems did not, of course, say their persecutors were "Poisonous Placentas," any more than did the adult patients of Verny or Chamberlain. Yet there is little question that it was the placenta that they felt had persecuted them while in the womb and that they still felt persecuted by after birth; in both cases their defensive oral and genital "orgies" were the same.

Psychotherapists regularly encounter placental images in their practice, yet, because they cannot conceive of fetal mental life in the womb, they ascribe these images to other sources. The most famous placental images are known to psychoanalysts as "the Isakower phenomenon," which often occurs when falling asleep. It consists of a sense that one is floating, with a "shadowy and undifferentiated, usually round [object] which gets nearer and larger."124 The floating and the round object are not, as therapists have assumed, memories of the mother's breasts; breasts come in twos and are rarely found floating. Isakower himself described the image accurately as a "disc," lying on top of him, an object another person said was shaped like a "balloon:" Other patients described it as follows:

I'm as small as a point--as if something heavy and large was lying on top of me--it doesn't crush me...I can draw in the lump as if it was dough--then I feel as if the whole thing was in my mouth...it's like a balloon...it's not unpleasant...125

a small cloud...became larger and larger. It enveloped everything...Somebody said it was poisonous... 126

A large, black plastic container, which resembled a garbage bag...like a cow's udder...127

Besides the regression involved in falling asleep or hallucinations on the analytic couch, overt placental images are also found by clinicians in deeply regressed patients, who often hallucinate blood-sucking monsters persecuting them. Most of these monster-phobias are extremely frightening, the patients fearing blood-sucking spiders or vampires or octopuses or Medusas or sphinxes.128 It simply makes no sense to call these blood-sucking beasts and spiders "phallic mothers," as Freud and Abraham did,129 particularly when they are accompanied by umbilical droplines.130 The vampire as a blood-drinking woman is another widespread fantasy; even when the vampire is Dracula, he is feminized by wearing a black satin cloak.131 Only the memory of the Nurturant Placenta can fully explain why we drink Christ's blood, and only the memory of a Poisonous Placenta can explain why devils are blood-red. Often both images are present at the same time in psychotics, as in the following description by Wilhelm Reich of his schizophrenic patient's hallucination of drinking from a bloody, round table:

They were drinking gallons of blood in front of me. The devil is red because of that and he gets redder and redder and then the blood goes to the sun and makes it on fire. Jesus was dripping blood on the cross by drops and this was being swallowed then he was seated on the side of the devil and drinking too--the table was round oblong of flowing thick blood (no feet on it). Mother Mary was at the corner watching. She was white as a sheet--All her blood had been drained off and consumed. She saw her son drinking that and suffered.132

Rosenfeld finds that images of being drained of blood are frequent in regressed patients, involving concrete "primitive psychotic body images" based on the notion that "the body contains nothing but liquids or blood and is enveloped by one or more arterial or venous walls...the experience of draining of blood and being emptied corresponds to the breakdown of this psychological image of a wall or membrane containing liquid or blood."133 A better image of the placenta cannot be imagined, though Rosenfeld didn't notice its uterine source. These patients often imagine that the analyst or others are literally sucking blood out of them. Mahler described a typical young patient of hers:

"He was preoccupied with the fear of losing body substance, of being drained by his father and grandfather, with whom his body, he believed, formed a kind of communicating system of tubes. At night the father-grandfather part of the system drained him of the 'body juices of youth.' Survival depended on who was most successful in draining more life fluid from the others...He invented an elaborate heart machine which he could switch on and connect with his body's circulatory system so that he would never die."134

THE FETAL DRAMA IN HISTORY

However disguised, the Poisonous Placenta and the Suffering Fetus are the most important images of the fetal drama, and the restaging of their violent encounter is the central religious and political task of society. I suggest that this battle with the persecuting placental beast constitutes the ultimate source of war and social violence, traumas that must be restaged periodically because of the neurobiological imperatives of early brain development. The center of society is wherever the fetal drama is restaged--as at Delphi, it is often called the "navel of the world," and is associated with World Tree worship.135 The evolution of society occurs as this fetal drama moves from the tribe to the kingdom to the nation and is enacted with larger and larger numbers of people entrained by its sacrificial rituals.

Ancient societies used to believe that because of growing pollution the universe periodically threatened to dissolve in primordial waters, and unless a war was fought between a hero--an avenging fetus--and an asphyxiating sea-monster, the world would disappear.136 The purpose of war and all other sacrificial bloodletting, says Frazer, was believed to be "to reinforce by a river of human blood the tide of life which might grow stagnant and stale in the veins of the dieties."137 We believe the same right up into modern times, with most nations repeating the cleansing war ritual four times a century for as far back as historical records have survived.138

THE NEUROBIOLOGY OF EARLY TRAUMA

The neurobiological effects of trauma and the compulsion to restage early traumatic violence and inflect it upon others and upon one's self are becoming fairly well understood through recent advances in neuroscience. Inescapable dangers and intolerable stresses subject the brain to massive secretions and subsequent depletions of a variety of neurotransmitters, including norephinephrine, dopamine and serotonin, which lead to hypervigilance, explosive anger and excessive sensitivity to similar events in the future, which are experienced as dangerous as the earlier incident.139 In addition, the hormones that flood the brain to mobilize it in the face of threats, especially cortisol, have been found to be toxic to cells in the hippocampal system, center of the neural network for consciousness, actually killing neurons and reducing the size of the hippocampus, making retrieval and therefore modification of early traumas nearly impossible.140 Thus, without the ability to modify early trauma through new experiences, the brain continues to interpret ordinary stressors as recurrences of traumatic events long after the original trauma has ceased.

Paranoid results are particularly true of the earliest traumas of fetal and infantile life, because the hippocampus is quite immature until the third or fourth year of life, so that the early trauma is encoded in a separate "emotional memory" system centering in the amygdala, the prime center of conditioned fear in the brain, memories which have been reliably found to be nearly "impervious to extinction."141 Early traumas, coded in the thalamo-amygdalancortical neural networks, produce fearful feelings that can remain powerful for life, long after the cognitive memories of the traumatic event itself are forgotten.142 Infants, for instance, who experience premature births or eating disorders at birth often fear all new experiences in later life--indeed, fear all new arousals--as though a new job or a new lover represented the same threat to life as birth once did.143 Thus Piontelli's fetus who licked her placenta and masturbated in utero continued compulsively to lick her mother's breast and masturbate after birth. It is also relevant to our hypothesis that early emotional traumas are intimately linked with social behavior that the amygdala, where these early trauma are recorded, is recognized as playing a central role in the social behavior of animals. For instance, removal of the amygdalae produces social isolates in most nonhuman primates, while having devastating consequences on the ability to mother, resulting in death for their infants.144

In addition, the continuing low serotonin levels produced by trauma decrease normal aggressive inhibitions (serotonin being the main soothing neurotransmitter) to such an extent that low serotonin has been determined to be central to social violence of both humans and other primates. Monkeys who have early separation traumas have low serotonin levels, and are "nasty, hostile, crazy," and often kill their peers for no reason,145 while traumatized children with low serotonin have more disruptive behavior146 and compulsively restage their traumas in their play and with peers, both in order to maintain some control over its timing--anything to avoid re-experiencing their helplessness--and also because they can thereby identify with the aggressor.147 Others repeat the original trauma by self-injury, as did the patient who tried to commit suicide by putting his head beneath his car and causing it to crush his skull, saying God had told him "to kill myself to be reborn," thus restaging his own experience of having his head stuck in the birth passage.148

Later traumas of childhood are then recorded in the same neural networks laid down by fetal traumas. Evidence for this is everywhere to be found, only we are unfamiliar with its meaning and overlook it. For instance, when a gunman came into Cleveland Elementary School in 1989 and fired wave after wave of bullets at children in the playground, killing many of them, the trauma was "seared into the children's memory...Whenever we hear an ambulance on its way to the rest home down the street, everything halts...The kids all listen to see if it will stop here or go on," said one teacher.149 But the trauma also stirred up the earliest level of fear, that of the Poisonous Placenta: "For several weeks many children were terrified of the mirrors in the restrooms; a rumor swept the school that 'Bloody Virgin Mary,' some kind of fantasized monster, lurked there.150"

HISTORY AS A HOMEOSTATIC MECHANISM

The restaging of early trauma, predicated upon damaged neural networks, is thus a homeostatic mechanism of the brain, achieved in the social sphere by nations through wars, economic fluctuations and social violence. Each of us constructs a separate neural network for these early traumas and their defenses, a dissociated, organized personality system that stores, defends against and elaborates these early fetal and infantile traumas as we grow up. The specifically fetal basis of the organization of these traumas is obvious as we become socialized. Children's playgrounds are full of fetal objects, from swings that repeat amniotic rocking to birth tunnels and slides--all used by children who must actually remember their fetal life, since they generally have not as yet been told about where babies grow. Infants cling to pillows and Teddy Bears and watch television programs like "The Care Bears" that feature baby bears with rainbow umbilicuses coming out of their tummies and features an evil "Dr. Coldheart" who tries to push black, poisonous wastes into their rainbow-umbilicuses. Growing children organize fetal games, hitting, kicking and throwing around placental membranes (one, the football, even egg-shaped, that we rebirth through our legs), reenacting birth when passing them through upright legs or vaginal hoops. We likewise relive our birth when we celebrate Christmas as a rebirth ritual, complete with a placental tree and a Santa Claus--a chubby blood-red fetus going down his birth chimney attached to his placental bag--not to mention such thrills as bungee-jumping our rebirth at the end of a long umbilicus or throwing ourselves into mesh pits to be reborn at rock concerts.151 Similarly, all religions contain at their center the Suffering Fetus and its Poisonous Placenta, whether it is the dismembered, suffering Osiris or the bleeding Christ on his placental cross or the dead Elvis, at whose grave a mass veneration takes place beneath a giant placental heart and a soundtrack of him singing the song "Hurt."152 The central religious aim of reuniting with the placenta can even be seen in the origin of the word religion--"re-ligare, " that is, "to unite again."

History as a homeostatic mechanism needed to regulate the emotional disfunctions of the brain is a central concept of my psychogenic theory. I consider it impossible to understand historical events without an understanding of modern neurobiology. For instance, the fact that damaged amygdala function is found in paranoid schizophrenics153 leads one to question if the paranoid mood of nations befo re and during wars may be related to diminished amygdalan functioning which, combined with reduced serotonin levels and other neurotransmitter imbalances, may cause our periodic searches for enemies. The leader's function is, in this view, similar to that of a psychiatrist administering prescriptions for wars and depressions as psychological "uppers" and "downers," designed to restore homeostatic equilibrium in the brains of a nation ravaged by surging hormones and neurotransmitters

THE LEADER AS A PHANTOM PLACENTA

Because the fetus's umbilicus is like a pulsing fifth limb and because the placenta is the fetus's first love object, I believe we so deeply experience the loss of our umbilicus/placenta that we walk around feeling we have still a "phantom placenta"--the same phenomenon as the "phantom limb" experienced by amputees154 and are constantly looking for a leader or a flag or a god to serve as its substitute. Just as gods are imagined as beings "from whom all blessings flow," leaders are seen as beings "from whom all power flows." In ancient Egypt, people saved the actual placenta of the Pharaoh and put it on a pole which they carried into battle; it was the first flag in history.'"155 We still ritually worship our placental flag--with its red arteries and blue veins at the end of a umbilical flagpole--in public gatherings. In Baganda, they put the king's placenta on a throne, pray to it and receive messages from it through their priests.156 We do the same when we look to the sky for UFOs-high-tech placental disks--that we hope might have messages for us.157 Lawson has even experimentally correlated UFO abductionscenarios with the actual birth experiences of the abducted, those who had normal vaginal births imagining tunnel experiences during abduction while those who had cesarean births experienced being yanked up by the UFO without the tunnel images.158

The yearning for a phantom placenta, a "poison container," as a leader, and the search for a Poisonous Placenta as an enemy with whom we can fight are the central tasks of all social organizations, prior to any utility it may have. We organize all groups around fantasy leaders as poison containers, ascribing to them all kinds of magical significances, including the power to cleanse our emotions, visualized as polluted blood in accordance with their fetal origin. When the leader appears unable to handle these emotions, when our progress in life seems to involve too much independence and we reexperience our early abandonment by the placenta, we begin to look for enemies to visit our traumas upon."159

WAR AS A CLEANSING RITUAL

War, then, is the final chapter of our restagings of early traumas that we practice in so many of our social activities, from the 18,000 murders the average child sees on TV to the games we play in which we practice the mental mechanisms necessary to turn others into "enemies"--the truth reflected in the saying that "British wars are won on the Rugby fields." It is not easy to get soldiers to inflict our traumas upon others in wars--only perhaps two percent enjoy killing enemies160--so we must train them from childhood how to switch into the group trance state necessary to produce sacrificial violence.

War as a cleansing ritual recreates early terrors staged as a four-act fetal drama:

1. We begin to reexperience our early traumas when we feel too much individuation--wars are usually fought after a period of peace, prosperity and social progress produced by a minority who have had better childrearing, a progress which is experienced as abandonment by the majority whose childrearing is so traumatic that too much independence produces regression.

2. We deify a leader who is a poison container into whom we can pump our frightening feelings, our "bad blood"--you can see this concretely when Nazis stiffly put up their arms like an umbilicus and project their bad feelings into Hitler for cleansing, while he catches their bad feelings with an open palm, standing under a swastika, the ancient symbol of the placenta, on a blood-red flag.

3. We restage our early helplessness, humiliation and paranoia with another nation who needs to act out their violence-minor incidents are experienced as so humiliating that even a holocaust can be worth their revenge--as President Kennedy said during the nearly nuclear Cuban Missile Crisis, "If Krushchev wants to rub my nose in the dirt, it's all over."161

4. We go to war by merging with our early persecutor and restaging our terrors, inflicting our early traumas upon our children--wars are not, as often said, "outlets for human aggression"--in fact, nations usually feel more calm and determined than aggressive as they go to war, just as wifebeating husbands become calm and righteous as they blame their spouses for childhood humiliations and take revenge against them;162 nations experience a manic strength as they fight to destroy the monstrous enemy who is seen as injecting "insidious poison" into their bloodstream.

These four stages can be monitored through fantasy analysis of media images. Whether they can be further confirmed by changes in neurobiological markers--for instance, whether nations reexperience surges in adrenaline and noradrenaline stress hormones that are initially experienced during birth as they prepare to go to war--is yet to be determined.

The imagery of war as a rebirth experience is ubiquitous. Consider just the birth imagery surrounding the nuclear bomb. When Ernest Lawrence telegramed to his fellow physicists that the bomb was ready to test, his cable read, "Congratulations to the new parents. Can hardly wait to see the new arrival."163 When the bomb was exploded at Los Alamos, a journalist wrote, "One felt as though he had been privileged to witness the Birth of the World...the first cry of the newborn world."164 When President Truman met with world leaders at Postdam just before dropping the bomb on Japan, General Grove cabled him reporting that its second test was successful: "Doctor has just returned most enthusiastic and confident that The Little Boy is as husky as his big brother...I could have heard his screams from here..."165 When the Hiroshima bomb, named "Little Boy," was dropped from the belly of a plane named after the pilot's mother, General Groves cabled Truman, "The baby was born." Even the survivors of the Hiroshima explosion referred to the bomb as "the original Child."166 Similarly, when the first hydrogen bomb, termed "Teller's baby," was exploded, Edward Teller's telegram read, "It's a boy."167 Obviously nukes are felt to be powerful babies--perfect avenging fetuses. With them, our revenge for early traumas can now be infinite. War finally can destroy every "bad mother" on earth. One can see why Truman, hearing that the word's first nuclear bomb had just been dropped, exclaimed, "This is the greatest thing in history! "168

INTERNAL SACRIFICES AS SELF-DESTRUCTIVE RITUALS

Just as effective as sacrificing mothers and children in wars is the internal, institutionalized wars against mothers and children that nations conduct as social policy. Economic recessions, for instance, hurt and kill more mothers and children as sacrificial victims than most wars.169 As in foreign wars (external sacrifices), policy wars against mothers and children (internal sacrifices) are regularly conducted during periods of peace and prosperity. These internal wars parallel the regressive images we have been discussing; for instance, as William Joseph found in studying the 1929 and 1987 stock market crashes, images of dangerous women proliferated in the media, indicating that the time for internal sacrifice was near.170

In America today, in a time of peace and prosperity, dangerous women images have multiplyed in the media, and reductions in food, welfare, education and health care for women and children have become the national goal of the mid-90s. Since it is prosperity and threats of intolerable individuation that trigger the restaging of trauma, it makes psychohistorical sense that America today--the most prosperous and freest nation of any in history--has more women and children living in poverty than any other industrialized nation, and is in current good economic times cutting all kinds of aid to women and children. In New York City, 39 percent of the children are on welfare; in Chicago, 46 percent, in Detroit, 67 percent, and welfare reduction legislation is everywhere being proposed.171 With the largest Gross Domestic Product of any nation at any time in history, current American legislation anticipates cutting nutrition assistance for 14 million children, Social Security for 750,000 disabled children, Medicaid for 4 million children, and cuts in school lunches, Head Start, child protection, education, child health care and aid to disabled and homeless children, what the president of the Children's Defense Fund describes as "an unbelievable budget massacre of the weakest."172 Sen. Moynihan, calling the new legislation "an obscene act of social regression that visits upon children the wrath of an electorate," predicts the cuts in Aid to Families with Dependent Children alone will put millions of children on the street."173 A decade ago, New York State decided to dump its mentally ill into the streets, and people today take no notice as they walk by them every morning, digging in garbage cans. We may soon be walking by and not noticing that women and children have joined them, while denying that we have purposely put them there to suffer for our prosperity.

That the group-fantasies behind the current cuts in benefits for women, children and other dependent people are identical to those I have been discussing can be easily seen in any of the current vampire movies featuring bloodthirsty mother figures or in the words of those in Congress who say welfare recipients are "bleeding us dry" and "sucking the blood out of our country." As Presidential candidate Sen. Phil Gramm said, "If we continue to pay mothers who have illegitimate children, the country will soon have more illegitimate than legitimate children," all feeding off of him, a scenario that is his projection of the needy baby Phil demanding "MORE!" Bad, sinful babies are now felt to deserve to be punished as scapegoats for the country's guilty prosperity; in fact, during every period of prosperity and peace in our history (such as in the 1850s and the 1890s) there has been a movement by the wealthy to stop welfare for "the undeserving poor." This has nothing to do with saving money; each time "moral decay" and "a breakdown in family values"--code words for fear of freedom-are discovered anew, conditions that can only be changed by "ending dependency"--code words for hurting children, symbols of our own dependency needs. And if our current war against women and children, hidden behind our "balance the budget" crusade, precipitates another recession, so much the better; the threat of prosperity and our fears of individuation will end.

ENDING CHILD ABUSE

Although my conclusions about the early origins of war and social violence are quite depressing, an awareness of the facts about the causes of violence is enormously hopeful. For if early traumas are the cause of war and social violence, then radically reducing these traumas can be reasonably expected to reduce violence and social domination. If, rather than continuing the millennia-old historical cycle of traumatized adults inflicting terrors upon their children, we try kindness instead, helping mothers and children rather than abandoning or punishing them, we will soon be able to end our need to reenact our traumatic memories on the social stage. Let me tell you how this radical reduction of violence is possible in our society today.

You will recall the evidence I cited earlier that when babies are unwanted and have birth complications they will, when they are teenagers, have four times the rates of violent crimes. If this ratio holds for most restagings of early trauma, then reducing this trauma to a small fraction of what it is today can be expected to save approximately 75 percent of the cost of social violence. I estimate the yearly cost of American social violence, external and internal sacrifices combined, to be over $1 trillion per annum, adding up the cost of most of the military, the interest on the debt, which is all for recent wars, most of the criminal justice system, the loss of life and property in crime, and so on. The savings, then, would amount to 75 percent of $1 trillion, or $750 billion per annum. The only question is: How is it possible to eliminate early trauma and child abuse, and what would it cost to do this?

The answer to this crucial question is no longer merely theoretical. A decade ago, a psychohistorian, Robert McFarland, M.D., reasoned that if my psychogenic theory of history is right, he should be able to improve both the health and the wealth of his community in Boulder, Colorado by reaching out to every new mother before her baby was born and help her to welcome and then parent her child, a task society usually believes does not require help from the community. An entire issue of our Joumal of Psychohistory, entitled "Ending Child Abuse," was devoted to the results of McFarland's experiment--which has since been replicated in Hawaii174 --describing such activities of his center as outreach to new mothers, prenatal services, parenting discussion groups, baby massage courses, single mother help, fathering courses, puppet shows, how to discipline without hitting, psychotherapy referrals, and so on. All these are provided on a shoestring budget, mainly with volunteer help, using local resources. By providing this prenatal and early childhood help in a Community Parenting Center, child abuse--as measured by physical and sexual abuse reports, hospital records of injuries, and followup studies--has been drastically reduced in the area serviced by his center.175 No new mother wants to reject or abuse her baby, the formula for baby battering being, "I had my baby to give me the love I never got; but instead she cried and sounded like my mother yelling at me, so I hit her." What McFarland and his associates found was that providing new parents with help and hope simply allowed their underlying affection to replace the abuse that comes from fear, abandonment and despair.

The cost? Since McFarland stresses local community resources and volunteer labor, very little. Even when he has expanded the centers to include day care facilities, he expects a local sales tax of one-tenth of one percent to be sufficient to run the entire enterprise, a very small "children's tax" that would represent the community's commitment to invest in their children's future. A similar sales tax in every community in the nation would produce .1 percent times $5 trillion in yearly sales in America or $5 billion a year in tax revenues, about the cost of two of the B2 bombers the military is now building that they admit are not needed.

The savings, then, 15 to 20 years from now, if we should decide to save our children from early traumas, would be $750 billion per year saved, less $5 billion invested, or $745 billion net savings, enough to end poverty in America. This does not even consider the additional trillions we currently spend on hard-core drugs, gambling, smoking and other wholly neurotic adult activities needed to handle the pain of early traumas, activities which are likely to wither away without their traumatic underpinnings.

INVESTING IN THE REAL WEALTH OF NATIONS

We regularly decide to invest hundreds of billions of dollars in technology hoping for future benefits, under the notion that material investments invariably produce prosperity. But Adam Smith was not radical enough when he said the wealth of nations lay in its investment in technology. The real wealth of nations is its children, and investing in their mental health by preventing damage to their brains from early traumatic experiences must accompany investments in material technologies, or else any resulting prosperity will continue to be destroyed in wars and social violence. Perhaps the question we used to ask in the Sixties, "What if they gave a war and nobody came?" wasn't just wishful thinking after all. It may seem reductionist to conclude that all destructiveness is the restaging of early traumas, and that what we must do if we wish to put an end to war and social violence is teach adults how to stop abusing and neglecting and begin respecting and enjoying their children, but this is precisely what the best scientific evidence shows.

Our task, then, is clear and our resources sufficient to change our violent society in the coming decades. All it takes now is our will to act.

Refrences:

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2 Norbert Bromberg and Verna Volz Small, Hitler's Psychopathology, New York: International Universities Press, 1983.
3Alice Miller, For Your Our Own Good: Hidden Cruelty in Child-Rearing and the Roots of Violence, New York: Farrar, Staus, Giroux, p. 152.
4Bromberg and Small, Hitler's Psychopathology, pp. 137 and 280.
5Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 388.
6Ibid, pp. 59-60.
7 Bromberg and Small, Hitler's Psychopathology, p. 281.
8Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, 1982, pp. 48-59; Lloyd deMause, "Schreber and the History of Childhood," The Journal of Psychohistory 15(1987):426-7; Aurel Ende, "Battering and Neglect: Children in Germany, 1820-1978." Journal of Psychohistory 7(1980): 249-79; Aurel Ende, "Bibliography on Childhood and Youth in Germany from 1820-1978." Journal of Psychohistory 7(1980): 281-7; AurelEnde, "Children In History: A Personal Review of the Past Decade's Published Research." Journal of Psychohistory 11(1983): 65-88.
9Robert Wistrick, Hitler's Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy. New York; St. Martin's Press, 1985; Edward Timms, Karl Kraus, Apocalyptic Satirist: Culture and Catashophe in Habsburg Vienna. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986.
9Bromberg and Small, Hitler's Psychopathology, p. 24.
11Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory, pp. 244-317.
12K. Codell Carter, "On the Decline of Bloodletting in Nineteenth Century Medicine." The Journal of Psychoanalytic Anthropology 5(1982): 221.
13Michael C. C. Adams, The Great Adventure: Male Desire and the Coming of World War I Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990, p. 57.
14ibid, p. 51.
15ibid, p. 61.
16Juha Siltala, "Prenatal Fantasies During the Finnish Civil War." The Journal of Psychohistory 22(1995): 486.
17Burr Cartwright Brundage, The Fifth Sun: Aztec Gods, Aztec World . Austin University of Texas Press, 1979.
18ibid, p. 487.
19Michael C. C. Adams, The Great Adventure , p. 55.
20lbid, p. 53.
21Lloyd deMause, "The Gulf War as a Mental Disorder." The Journal of Psychohistory 19(1991): 1-23.
22Miriam Robbins Dexter, Whence the Goddesses: A Source Book . New York: Pergamon Press, 1990; Paul Friedrich, The Meaning of Aphrodite. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978.
23James A. Aho, Religious Mythology and the Art of War: Comparative Religious Symbolisms of Military Violence. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981; Wolgang Lederer, The Fear of Women. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1968, p. 58.
24Ilse Kirk, "Images of Amazons: Marriage and Matriarchy." In Sharon Macdonald, Pat Holden and Shirley Ardener, Eds., Images of Women in Peace and War. Houndmills: Macmillan Education, 1987, pp. 27-39.
25Burr Cartwright Brundage, The Fifth Sun, p. 201; Margaret Ehrenberg, Women in Prehistory. London: British Museum Publications, 1989, p. 163.
26Joan Haslep, Marie Antoinette. New York: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987. Lynn Hunt, "The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette: Political Pornography and the Problem of the Feminine in the French Revolution" and Vivian Cameron, "Political Exposures: Sexuality and Caricature in the French Revolution." In Lynn Hunt, Ed., Eroticism and the Body Politic. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991, pp. 109-130; Simon Schama, Citizens: A Chronicle ofthe French Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989, pp. 203-227; Terry Cartlp, "Marie Antoinette Obsession." Representations 38(1992): 1-38 Madelyn Gutwirth, The Twilight of the Goddesses. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1992, pp. 136-200.
27Lynn Hunt, "The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette," pp. 122-3; Simon Schama, Citizens, p. 796.
28Richard Grenier, "Killer Bimbos." Commentary, September 1991; "Kiss Kiss Slash Slash." Newsweek, March 23, 1992.
29New York Post, June 16, 1986, p. 4.
30James A. Aho, Religious Mythology and the Art of War: Comparative Religious Symbolisms of Military Violence, Westport Conn. Greenwood Press. 1981. pp.21-23
31John Bierhorst, Ed. The Hungry Woman: Myths and Legends of the Aztecs. New York: William Merrow, 1984, p. 10.
32Bruce Lincoln, Death, War, and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology and Practice. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991, p. 13.
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34Martin van Creveld, The Transformation of War. New York: The Free Press, 1991, p. 179.
35Sidney Halpem, "The Mother-killer." The Psychoanalytic Review 52(1965): 73.
36Aleksei Fedorovich Losev, cited in Daniel Rancour-Laferriere, The Slave Soul of Russia: Moral Masochism and the Cult of Suffering. New York: New York University Press, 1995, p. 226.
37Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory, pp. 90-102, 244-332.
38Nancy Huston, "The Matrix of War: Mothers and Heroes." In Susan Rubin Suleiman, The Female Body in Western Culture: Contemporary Perspectives. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986, p. 133.
39Ralph H. Lutz, Fall of the German Empire 1914-1918: Documents of the German Revolution. Vol. I. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1932, p. 13.
40Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, Eds. Documents on Nazism, 1919-1945. London: Jonathan Cape, 1974, P. 37; Robert Wistrich, Hitler's Apocalypse: Jews and the Nazi Legacy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985, p. 134.
41For further examples or the fetal drama, see Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory, pp. 261-282.
42J. R. Davidson, "The Shadow of Life: Psychosocial Explanations for Placenta Rituals." Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 9(1985): 75-92.
43Didier Anzieu, The Group and the Unconscious. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. 1984, p. 161.
44Sigmund Freud, "The Interpretation of Dreams," Standard Edition, Vol. 5. London: The Hogarth Press, 1959, p. 400.
45Otto Rank, The Trauma of Birth. New York: Richard Brunner, 1952; Otto Rank, The Myth of the Birth of the Hero and Other Writings. New York: Random House, 1932.
46In Collected Papers: Through Paediatrics to Psycho-analysis. New York: Basic Books, 1958,pp. 174-193.
47David W. Winnicott, Human Nature. London: Free Association Books, 1988, p. 149.
48Collected Papers, p. 177-8.
49Ibid, p. 249-250.
50Nandor Fodor, The Search for the Beloved: A Clinical Investigation of the Trauma of Birth and Prenatal Condition. New Hyde Park, N.Y.: University Books, 1949; Francis J. Mott, The Universal Design of Creation. Edenbridge: Mark Beech, 1964; Francis J. Mott, Mythology of the Prenatal Life. London: Integration Publishing Co., 1960; Amaldo Rascovsky, EI Psiquismo Fetal. Buenos Aires: Editorial Paidos, 1977; Stanislav Grof, Realms of the Human Unconsciousness: Observations from LSD Research. New York: Viking Press, 1975; Stanislav Grof, Beyond the Brain: Birth, Death and Transcendence in Psychotherapy. Albany: State University of New York, 1985; Arthur Janov, The Primal Scream: Primal Therapy--The Cure for Neurosis. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1970; Thomas R. Verny and John Kelley, The Secret Life of the Unborn Child. New York: Summit Books, 1981; Thomas R. Verny, Ed., Pre- and Perinatal Psychology: An Introduction. New York: Human Sciences Press, 1987; Peter Fedor-Freybergh and M. L. Vanessa Vogel, Eds., Prenatal and Peri-natal Psychology and Medicine: Encounter With the Unborn. Carnforth: the Parthenon Publishing Group, 1988; Ludwil: Janus, Wie die Seele entsteht: unserpsychisches Leben vor und nach der Geburt. Hamburg: Hoffman und Campe, 1991.
51Calvin S. Hall, "Prenatal and Birth Experiences in Dreams." Psychoanalytic Study of the Child 1(1967): 157-74.
52Lynda Share, If Someone Speaks, It Gets Lighter: Dreams and the Reconstruction of Infant Trauma. Hillsdale, N.J.: The Analytic Press, 1994.
53K. Mark Sossin, "Pre- and Postnatal Repercussions of Handicapping Conditions Upon the Narcissistic Line of Development." Pre- and Peri-natal Psychology Journal 7(1993): 197.
54G. Engel, et al, "Monica: Infant-feeding Behavior of a Mother Gastric Fistula-fed as an Infant: A Thirty-Year Longitudinal Study of Enduring Effects." In E. Anthony and G. Pollack, Eds. Parental Influences in Health and Disease. Boston: Little, Brown, 1985, pp. 30-89.
55William Niederland, "The Role of the Ego in the Recovery of Early Memories." Psychoanalytic Quarterly 34(1965): 568.
56Share, If Someone Speaks, It Gets Lighter, p. 191-196.
57The International Journal of Prenatal and Peri-natal Psychology and Medicine and Pre and Peri-Natal Psychology Journal. For excellent recent bibliographies, see M. Maiwald and L. Janus, "Development, Behavior and Psychic Experience in the Prenatal Period and the Consequences for Life History: A Bibliographic Survey." International Journal of Prenatal and Peri-natal Psychology and Medicine 5 (1993): 451-485 and M. Maiwald, "Development, Behavior and Psychic Experience in the Prenatal Period and the Consequences for Life History: A Bibliographic Survey." Int. J. Prenatal and Perinatal Psych. and Med. 6(1994): Suppl. 1-48. More extensive bibliography of pioneering fetal psychologists can be found in Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory, "The Fetal Origins of History," pp. 244-332.
58Maggie Scarf, Body, Mind, Behavior. New York: Dell Publishing, 1976, pp. 23-40; Robert C. Goodlin, Care of the Fetus. New York: Masson Publishing, 1979, p. 192; Thomas R. Veny, Pre- and Peri-natal Psychology: An Introduction. New York: Human Sclences Press, 1987, p. 25.
59K. J. S. Anand and P. R. Hickey, "Pain and Its Effects in the Human Neonate and Fetus." The New England Journal of Medicine, 317 (1987): 1322.
60Joseph E. LeDoux, "Emotion, Memory and the Brain." Scientific American, June 1994, pp. 50-57; John P. Aggleton, Ed. The Amygdala: Neurobiological Aspects of Emotion, Memory, and Mental Dysfunction. New York: John Wiley Sons, 1992; Daniel Goleman, Emotional Intelligence. New York: Bantam Books, 1995.
61Bessel A. van der Kolk, "The Trauma Spectrum: The Interaction of Biological and Social Events in the Genesis of the Trauma Response." Journal of Traumatic Stress 1(1988): 273-290; Antonio R. Damasio, Descartes Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1994, pp. 173-183.
62Robert M. Bradley and Charlotte M. Mistretta, "Fetal Sensory Receptors. Physiological Reviews 55(1975)i 358; Tryphena Humphrey, "Function of the Nervous System During Prenatal Life," In Uwe Stave, Ed. Physiology of the Peri-natal Period. Vol. 2. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1970, pp. 754-89.
63Robert Goodlin, Care of the Fetus, p. 1.
64A. W. Liley, "The Foetus as Personality." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 6(1972): 99-105; Alessandra Piontelli, From Fetus to Child: An Observational and Psychoanalytic Study. London: Tavistock/Routled, 1992; A. Ianniruberto and E. Tajani, "Ultrasonographic Study of Fetal Movements. Seminars in Perinatology 5 (1981): 175-181; T. B. Brazelton and B. G. Cramer, The Earliest Relationship. New York: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1990.
65W. E. Rayburn, "Monitoring Fetal Body Movement." Clinical Obstetrics and Gynecology 3(1987): 889-911.
66P. H. Wolff, The Causes, Control and Organization of Behavior in the Neonate. (Psychological Issues Monographs No. 17). New York: International Universities Press, 1966, p. 22-23; Arthur Efron, "The Sexual Body: An Interdisciplinary Perspective." The Journal of Mind and Behavior. 6 (1985): 118-121.
67Jeanette M Soby, Prenatal Exposure to Drugs/Alcohol: Characteristics and Educational Implications of Fetal Alcohol Syndrome and Cocaine/Polydrug Effects. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, 1994.
68M. Lieberman, "Early Development of Stress and Later Behavior." Science 1141(1963):824.
69Bibliographic references can be found in Christopher Norwood, At Highest Risk: Environmental Hazards to Young and Unborn Children. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1980 and Child at Risk: A Report of the Standing Senate Committee on Health, Welfare and Science. Quebec: Canadian Government Publishing Center, 1980.
70R. E. Myers, "Production of Fetal Asphyxia by Maternal Psychological Stress." Pavlovian Journal of Biological Science 12(1977): 51-62.
71T. F. Anders and C. H. Zeanah. "Early Infant Development From a Biological Point of View." In J. D. Call, E. Galenson and R. L. Tyson, Eds., Frontiers of lnfant Psychiatry, Vol. II. New York: Basic Books, 1984; J. A. Connolly and J. H. Cullen, "Maternal Stress and the Origins of Health Status." ibid, Vol. I, 1983; B. R. H. van den Bergh, "The Influence of Maternal Emotions During Pregnancy on Fetal and Neonatal Behavior." Pre- and Peri-natal Psychology Journal (1990): 119-1 30; Thomas Blum, Ed. Prenatal Perception, Learning and Bonding. Berlin: Leonardo Publishers, 1993.
72New York Newsday, February 8, 1994, p. 69.
73Chairat Panthuraamphorn, "Prenatal Infant Stimulation Program" in Blum, Ed., Prenatal Perception, pp. 187-220.
74Thomas R. Verny, "Womb Ecology/World Ecology." Talk delivered at 2nd World Congress for Prenatal Education, Athens, Greece, May 14, 1994.
75Lester Sontag, "Implications of Fetal Behavior and Environment for Adult Personalities." Annals ofthe New York Academy of Sciences 134 (1965): 782-6.
76Robert Goodlin, Care ofthe Fehcs, p. 10; Dennis H. Stott, testimony, in Senate of Canada: Standing Senate Committee on Health, Welfare and Science. Third Session, Thirtieth Parliament, 1977, "Childhood Experiences of Criminal Behavior," Issue No. 1 Second Proceeding, Nov. 24, 1977.
77Child At Risk: A Report ofthe Standing Senate Committee on Health, Welfare and Science. Hull: Canadian Government Publishing Center, 1980, p. 16.
78 Margaret E. Fries, "Longitudinal Study: Prenatal Period to Parenthood." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 25(1977): 115-140; Margaret E. Fries, Marie Coleman Nelson and Paul J. Woolf, "Developmental and Etiological Factors in the Treatment of Character Disorders with Archaic Ego Function." The Psychoanalytic Review 67(1980): 337-352.
79Lorraine Roth Herrenkohl, "The Anxiety-Prone Personality: Effects of Prenatal Stress on the Infant." In Roy J. Mathew, Ed. The Biology of Anxiety. New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1982, pp. 51-86; Antonio J. Ferreira "The Pregnant Woman's Emotional Attitude and Its Reflection on the Newborn." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry 30 (1960): 553-6; Child At Risk: A Report of the Standing Senate Committee on Health, Welfare and Science. Hull: Canadian Government Publishing Center, 1980; John H. W. Barrett, "Prenatal Influences on Adaptation in the Newborn." In Peter Stratton, Ed. Psychobiology of the Human Newborn. New York: John Wiley S. Sons, 1982, p. 270; Psychology Today ,4 (1971): 49;. Abram Blau, et al., "The Psychogenic Etiology of Premature Births." Psychosomatic Medicine 25 (1963): 201-11; A. J. Ward, "Prenatal stress and childhood pschopathology." Child Psychiatry and Human Development 22 (1991: 97-110; Lars Billing, et al, "The Influence of Environmental Factors on Behavioral Problems in 8 Year-Old Children Exposed to Amphetamine During Fetal Life." Child Abuse & Neglect 18 (1994): 3-9; D. H. Stott, "Follow-up Study from Birth of the Effects of Prenatal Stress." Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology 15 (1973): 770-87; Norman L. Corah, et al, "Effects of Perinatal Anoxia After Seven Years. Psychological Monongraphs 79 (1965): 1-32; Sarnoff A. Mednick, "Birth Defects and Schizophrenia, Psychology Today 4 (1971): 48-50; Sarnoff A. Mednick et al, Eds., Fetal Neural Development and Adult Schizophrenia. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991; "Delinquents Said To Have Perinatal Injuries," Psychiatric News, September 1, 1978, p. 26; David B. Chamberlain, "Prenatal Intelligence." In Thomas Blum, Ed. Prenatal Perception, Learning and Bonding. Berlin: Leonardo Publishers, 1993, pp. 14-21; A. J. Ward, "Prenatal Stress and Childhood Psychopathology." Child Psychiatry and Human Development 22(1991): 97-110; Adrian Raine, The Psychopathology of Crime: Criminal Behavior as a Clinical Disorder. San Diego: Academic Press, 1993.
80Elaine Morgan, The Descent of the Child: Human Evolution from a New Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 78.
81Adrian Raine, Patricia Brennan, Sarnoff A. Mednick, "Birth Complications Combined With Early Maternal Reiection at Age 1 Year Predispose to Violent Crime at Age 18 Years." Archives of General Psychiatry 51(1994): 984-988; Henry P. David, Zilenek Dybrich, Zilenek Matejcek and Vratislav Schuller, Born Unwanted: Developmental Effects of Denied Abortion. New York: Springer, Publications, 1988.
82The New York Times October 3, 1995, pp. C1 and C10.
83Michael S. Gazzaniga, Nature's Mind: the Biological Roots of Thinking, Emotions, Sexuality, Language, and Intelligence. New York: Basic Books, 1992.
84Gerald M. Edelnan, The Remembered Present: A Biological Theory of Consciousness. New York: Basic Books, 1989, p. 44; Joseph E. LeDoux, "Emotion, Memory and the Brain." Scientific American, June 1994, pp. 50-57.
85 New York Daily News, June 17, 1992, p. 7.
86Lyle S. Joffe, et al, "Biobehavioral Antecedents in the Development of Infant-Mother Attachment." In Martin Reite and Tiffany Field, Eds., The Psychobiology of Attachment and Separation. New York: Academic Press, 1985, p. 334.
87Bruce S. McEwen and Harold M. Schmeck Jr., The Hostage Brain. New York: The Rockefeller University Press, 1994, p. 72.
88Ibid, p. 77.
89Bessel A. van der Kolk and Jose Saporta, "The Biological Response to Psychic Trauma: Mechanisms and Treatment of Intrusion and Numbing." Anxiety Research 4(1991): 199-212; Herbert Hendin, Suicide in America: New and Expanded Edition. New York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1995, p. f16.
90J,, Volavka, Neurobiology of Violence. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1995; M. J. P. Kruesi, "Cruelty to Animals and CSF 5-HIAA." Psychiatry Research 28(1989): 115-116; Bessel A. van der Kolk, "The Trauma Spectrum: The Interaction of Biological and Social Events in the Genesis of the Trauma Response." Journal of Traumatic Stress 1(1988): 273-290.
91Bertil Jacobson, "Perinatal Origin of Eventual Self-Destructive Behavior." Pre- and Peri-Natal Psychology 2(1988): 227-241.
92Ibid, p. 240; Jude Roedding, "Birth Trauma and Suicide: A Study of the Relationship Between Near-Death Experiences at Birth and Later Suicidal Behavior." Pre- and Peri-Natal Psychology Journal 6 (1991): 145-169; L. Salk et al, "Relationship of maternal and perinatal conditions to eventual adolescent suicide. Lancet 1(1985): 624-627; Thomas R. Verny, "The Scientific Basis of Pre- and Peri-Natal Psychology: Part 1." Pre- and Perinratal Psychology 3 (1989): 166.
93Ernest M. Gruenberg, "On the Psychosomatics of the Not-So-Perfect Fetal Parasite." In Stephen A. Richardson and Alan F. Guttmacher, Eds. Childbearing: Its Social and Psychological Aspects. New York: Williams St Wilkins, 1967, p. 54.
94Roger E. Stevenson, The Fetal and Newly Born Infant: Influences of the Prenatal Environment. 2nd Ed. St. Louis: C. V. Mosby, 1977, p. 3.
95Heinz Bartels. Prenatal Respiration. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1970, p. 47.
96A. Briend, "Fetal Malnutrition: The Price of Upright Posture?" British Medical Journal 2(1979): 317-319.
97Joseph Barcroft, Researches in Pre-Natal Life. Vol. 1. Springfield, Ill.: Charles Thomas, 1947, p. 209.
98Lubor Jilek et al., "Characteristic Metabolic and Functional Responses to Oxygen Deficiency in the Central Nervous System." In Uwe Stave, Ed. Physiology ofthe Perinatal Period, p. 1043.
99Peter Boylan and Peth J. Lewis, "Fetal Breathing in Labor." Obstetrics and Gynecology 56 (1980): 35-8; Peter Lewis, Peter Boylan, "Fetal Breathing: A Review. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology 134 (1979): 270-5; Uwe Stave, Ed. Physiology ofthe Peri-natal Period. Vol. 2. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1970, 987-992; Carl Wood, Adrian Walker and Robert Yardley, "Acceleration of the Fetal Heart Rate. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology 134 (1979) 523-7.
100R. A. Polverini-Rey, Intrauterine Musical Learning: The Soothing Effect on Newborns of a Lullaby Learned Prenatally. Doctoral Thesis, Los Angeles: California School of Professional Psychology, 1992.
101Anthony J. DeCasper & W. P. Fifer, "Of Human Bonding: Newborns Prefer Their Mother's Voices." Science 208 (1980): 1174-1176; P. G. Hepper and S. Shahidullah, "Newborn and Fetal Response to Maternal Voice." Journal of Reproductionn and Infant Psychology 11(1993): 147-153; Thomas R. Verny "The Scientific Basis of Pre- and Perinatal Psychology: Part 1." Pre- and Peri-Natal Psychology 3 (1989): 162-4; William P. Fifer, "Neonatal Preference for Mother's Voice." In Norman A. Krasnegor, et al, Eds., Perinatal Development: A Psychobiological Perspective. New York: Academic Press, 1987, pp. 111-115; Robert C. Goodlin, Cry of the Fetus. New York: Masson Publishing, 1979, p 11.
102William B. Sallenbach, "The Intelligent Prenate: Paradigms in Prenatal Learning and Bonding." In Thomas Blum, Ed., Prenatal Perception, Learning and Bonding. Berlin: Leonardo Publishers, 1993, p. 73.
103Anthony DeCasper, "Studying Learning in the Womb." Science, 225, (1984): pp. 384 "Human Fetuses Perceive Maternal Speech." Behavior Today. Feb. 4, 1985, pp. 1-7.
104David B. Chamberlain, "Prenatal Intelligence." In Thomas Blum, Ed., Prenatal Perception, pp. 20-21; David Chamberlain, Babies Remember Birth. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher, 1988.
104Brad Steiger and Sherry Hansen Steiger, Children of the Light: Children's Near-Death Experiences. New York: Signet, 1995, p. 117.
106D. Spelt, "The Conditioning of the Human Fetus in Utero." Journal of Experimental Psychology 38(1948): 338-346; David B. Chamberlain, "Babies Are Not What We Thought: Call for a New Paradigm." International Journal of Prenatal and Peri-natal Studies 4 (1992): 168-169; Erna Osterwell, "A Psychoanalytic Exploration of Fetal Mental Development and Its Role in the Origin of Object Relations." Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the California Graduate Institute. 1990; Linda Carter Jessop and Barbara Keller, "Dearly Maternal Bonding." In Thomas R. Verny, Pre- and Peri-natal Psychology: An Introduction . New York: Human Sciences Press, 1987, pp. 107-127.
107M. Colleen Stainton, "The Fetus: A Growing Member of the Family." Family Relations 34 (1985): 321-326; R. Van DeCarr and M. Lehrer, The Prenatal Classroom: A Parent's Guide for Teaching Their Preborn Baby. Atlanta: Humanics Publishing Group, 1992.
108Ibid, p. 324.
109M. Freeman, "Is Infant Learning Egocentric or Duocentric? Was Piaget Wrong?" Pre- and Perinatal Psychology Journal 2 (1987): 25-42.
110A full bibliography is contained in Thomas Blum, "Early Proto-Developmental Enrichment Stimulations and Possible Changes in the Functional Morphology of the Brain." In Thomas Blum and David Yew, Eds. Human Prenatal Brain Development. Berlin: Leonardo Publishers, 1993.
111Alessandra Piontelli, From Fetus to Child: An Observational and Psychoanalytic Study. London: Tavistock/Routledge, 1992, p. 18.
112Leah LaGoy, "The Loss of a Twin In Utero's Affect on Pre-Natal and Post-Natal Bonding." International Journal of Pre-Natal and Peri-natal Psychology and Medicine 5(1993): 439-444.
113Piontelli, From Fetus to Child, p. 15.
114Ibid, p. 146.
115Alessandra Piontelli, "Pre-Natal Life and Birth as Reflected in the Analysis of a 2- Year-Old Psychotic Girl." International Review of Psycho-Analysis. 15(1988): 73-81.
116Nandor Fodor, The Search for the Beloved: A Clinical Investigation of the Trauma of Birth and Prenatal Condition. New Hyde Par, N.Y.: University Books, 1949; Stanislav Grof, Beyond the Brain: Birth, Death and Transcendence in Psychotherapy. Albany, N.Y.: State University of New York, 1985; Arthur Janov, The Feeling Child. New Yolk: Simon and Schuster, 1973; Amaldo Rascovsky, Fl psiquismo Fetal. Buenos Aires: Editorial Paidos, 1977; Lynda Share, If Someone Speaks, If Gets Lighter: Dreams and the Reconstruction of lnfant Trauma. Hillsdale, N.J.: The Analytic Press, 1994; E. V. Subbotsky, Foundations of the Mind: Children's Understanding of Reality. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993; Thomas R. Verny, Ed. Pre-and Peri-natal Psychology: An Introduction . New York: Human Sciences Press, 1987; David Chamberlain, Babies Remember Birth. Los Angeles: Jeremy P. Tarcher, 1988; Thomas Blum, Ed. Prenatal Perception Learning and Bonding. Berlin: Leonardo Publishers, 1993; K. Schier, "The Analysis of Appearance and Meaning of Prenatal and Perinatal Phantasies in the Psychoanalytically Oriented Psychotherapy of Children." International Journal of Prenatal and Perinatal Psychology and Medicine 5(1993): 433-438; Michael Maiwald and Ludwig Janus, "Development, Behavior and Psychic Experience in the Prenatal Period and the Consequences for Life History--A Bibliographic Survey." International Journal of Pre-natal and Peri-natal Psychology and Medicine 5(1993): 451-485.
117Thomas R. Verny, "Sometimes a Cigar Is Just a Cigar." The Journal of Psychohistory 10(1982):214.
118 David B. Chamberlain, "Commentary on Lloyd deMause's 'Fetal Origins of History."' The Journal of Psychohistory 10(1982): 224.
119Allessandra Piontelli, From Fetus to Child, pp. 114, 120.
120Ibid, p. 41.
121Ibid,pp.46-47.
122Ibid,pp. 185-191.
123Ibid,pp. 58, 60, 67.
124Geraldine Fink, "Analysis of the Isakower Phenomenon." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 15(1967): 282.
125Otto Isakower, "A Contribution to the Patho-Psychology of Phenomena Associated With Falling Asleep." International Journal of Psycho-Analysis 19(1938): 331-34.
126Otto E. Sperling, "A Psychoanalytic Study of Hypnagogic Hallucinations." Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association 5(1957): 115-123.
127Ibid, pp. 424-425.
128Ralph B. Little, "Spider Phobias." Psychoanalytic Quarterly 36(1967): 51-60.
129Leonard, Shengold, "The Effects of Overstimulation: Rat People." International Journal of Psycho-Analysis 48(1967): 409.
130Ralph B. Little, "Umbilical Cord Symbolism of the Spider's Dropline." Psychoanalytic Quarterly 35(1966): 587-590.
131Barbara Creed, The Monstrous-Feminine: Film, Feminism, Psychoanalysis. London: Routledge, p. 63.
132Willhelm Reich, Character-Analysis. Third, enlarged Edition. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1949, pp. 501-502.
133David Rosenfeld, The Psychotic: Aspects ofthe Personality. London: Karnac Books, 1992, p. 237.
134Margaret S. Mahler, The Psychological Birth ofthe Human Infant: Symbiosis and Individualation. New York: Basic Books,1975, p. 266.
135E. A. S. Butterworth, The Tree at the Navel of the Earth. Berlin: Waiter DeGruyter & Co., 1970.
136Mimea Eliade, The Myth ofthe Eternal Return; or, Cosmos and History. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954; Mircea Eliade, Rites and Symbols of lnitiation: The Mysteries of Birth and Rebirth. New York: Harper sT Row, 1958; Norman Cohn, Cosmos, Chaos and the World to Come. New Haven: Yale University Press 1993; Joseph L. Henderson and Maud Oakes, The Wisdom ofthe Serpent: Myths of Death, Rebirth, and Resurrection. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963.
137James George Frazer, The Golden Bough. Third Edition. Part VI. The Scapegoat. New York: St. Martin s Press, 1913, p. vi.
138Frank H. Denton and Warren Phillips, "Some Patterns in the History of Violence." Conflict Resolution 12(1968): 182-195.
139John P. Wilson, Trauma, Transformation and Healing: An integrative Approach to Theory, Research, and Post-Traumatic Therapy. New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1989, pp. 27-33; Bessel A. van der Kolk and Jose Saporta, "The Biological Response to Psychic Trauma: Mechanisms and Treatment of Intrusion and Numbing. Anxiety Research 4(1991): 199-212; M. Michele Murburg, Ed. Catecholamine Function in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder: Emerging Concepts. Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1994.
140J. Douglas Bremner et al, "MR1-Based Measurement of Hippocampal Volume in Patients With Combat-Related Posttraumatic Stress Disorder." American Journal of Psychiatry 152(1995): 973-980; The New York Times, August 1, 1995, p. C3.
141Michael Davis, "The Role of the Amygdala in Conditioned Fear." In John P. Aggleton, Ed., The Amygdala: Neurobiological Aspects of Emotion, Memory, and Mental Dysfunction. New York: John Wiley Sr Sons, 1992, pp. 255-305; Joseph E LeDoux, "Emotion and the Amygdala." In Ibid, p. 344.
142Joseph E. LeDoux, "Emotion, Memory and the Brain." Scientific American, June, 1994, pp. 50-57. Van der Kolk and Saporta, "The Biological Response to Psychic Trauma, p. 204.
143Linda Share, If Someone Speaks, It Gets Lighter: Dreams and the Reconstruction of Infant Trauma. New York: The Analytic Press, 1994.
144Arthur S. Kling and Leslie A. Brothers, "The Amygdala and Social Behavior." In John P. Aggleton, Ed., The Amygdala, pp. 353-377.
145Bessel A. van der Kolk, "The Trauma Spectrum: The Interaction of Biological and Social Events in the Genesis of the Trauma Response." Journal of Traumatic Stress 1(1988): 276; G. W. Kraemer, et al. "Hypersensitivity to d-amphetamine several years after early social deprivation in rhesus monkeys." Psychopharmacology 82(1984): 266-271.
146Gregory L. Hanna, et al, "Whole Blood Serotonin and Disruptive Behaviors in Juvenile Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder." Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry 34(1995): 28-35.
147A. W. Burgess, et al, "Abused to Abuser: Antecedents of Socially Deviant Behavior." American Journal of Psychiatry 144(1987): 1431-1436.
148L. Bryce Boyer, The Regressed Patient. New York: Jason Aronson, 1983, pp. 127-129.
149Daniel Goleman, Emotional Intelligence. New York: Bantam Books, 1995, p. 201.
150Ibid.
151Alvin F. Lawson, "Placental Guitars, Umbilical Mikes, and the Maternal Rock - Beat: Birth Fantasies and Rock Music Videos." The Journal of Psychohistory 21(1994): 335-354.
152Ron Rosenbaum, "Among the Believers." New York Times Magazine, September 24, 153 1995 p. 50.
153Gavin P. Reynolds, "The Amygdala and the Neurochemistry of Schizophrenia." In John P. Aggleton, Ed., The Amygdala, pp. 561-574.
154Amputees feel pain in the missing limb, a pain which disappears only when the physician provides a "mirror box" that allows the amputee to "see" his phantom limb restored; see U.S. News & World Report, October 2, 1995, p. 78. It is thus reasonable to assume that people join groups to restore their phantom placentas.
155Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, 1982, p. 289. 156John Roscooe, The Baganda: An Account of Their Native Customs and Beliefs. New York: Frank Cass & Co, 1965 (1911).
157Alvin H. Lawson, "Perinatal Imagery in UFO Abduction Reports." The Journal of Psychohistory 12(1984): 211-239. 
158Ibid, p. 218.
159Lloyd deMause, Reagan's America . New York: Creative Roots, 1984.
160Dave Grossman, On Killing: The Psychological Cost of Learning to Kill in War and Society. Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1995, p. 180.
161Lloyd deMause, Foundations of Psychohistory. New York: Creative Roots, 1982, pp.190, 218.
162 The New York Times, June 22, 1994, p. C11. Most homicides involve "righteous slaughter" in revenge for humiliation; see Jack Katz, Seductions of Crime: Moral and Sensual Attractions in Doing Evil. New York: Basic Books, 1988, p. 22.
163Herbert Childs, An American Genius: The Life of Ernest Orlando Lawrence. New York:Dutton, 1968, p. 340.
164Ira Chernus, Dr. Strangegod: On the Symbolic Meaning of Nuclear Weapons. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1986, p. 86.
165Charles L. Mee, Jr. Meeting at Postsdam. New York: Evans and Co., 1975, p. 29.
166Thomas Merton, Original Child Bomb. New York: New Directions, 1962.
167Carol Cohn, "'Clean Bombs' and Clean Language." In Jean Bethke Elshtain and Sheila Tobias, Eds. Women, Militarism, and War: Essays in History, Polities, and Social Theories. Savage, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1990, p. 41.
168Robert J. Lifton, The Broken Connection. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1979, p. 371.
169Lloyd deMause, Reagan's America. New York: Creative Roots, 1984, p. 66.
170William K. Joseph, "Prediction, Psychology and Economics." The Journal of Psychohistory 15(1987): 110-111.
171Lars-Erik Nelson, "Welfare Plan Will Dump Children on the Streets." Liberal Opinion Week, September 18, 1995, p. 3.
172The New York Times, October 23, 1995, p. A15; The New York Times, November 6, 1995, p. A17.
173 The New York Times, November 13, 1995, p. A29.
174Ha'aheo Mansfield, "Hawaii's hana Like Home Visitor Program, A Healthy Start Program." The Journal of Psychohistory forthcoming.
175 The Journal of Psychohistory Vol. 21, No. 1, Summer, 1993.