5.1. TRADITIONAL CIRCUS
CULTURE
The traditional identity of circus is defined
by a number of strict cultural and performance codes expressed by those
interviewed from traditional circus. These codes include a number of basic
performance routines that are prerequisite to circus, the notion of a self-contained
travelling community, and a code of ethics observed between traditional
circuses that facilitates conflict resolution behind a united public face.
All of these elements of the traditional circus identity are manifested
in possessiveness over the name of circus. All of those interviewed from
traditional circuses questioned the �right� of other forms of circus to
use the name. While it seems to be a futile exercise to stop anyone calling
themselves a circus, this resistance from traditional circus is important
symbolically, and points to the fact that such circus is not just an entertainment
form, but an entire way of life.
5.1.1. Form and Content of the Circus Show
Traditional circus maintains very strict
rules governing what may be considered circus in terms of production. Gary
Grant (Lines 477-486) says:
| �if you�ve got a wild animals act, which is lions, tigers, whatever, if you have got an elephant act and you have a flying trapeze act and clowns, the foundation is there. Now never let us say that is all you have to put on, but that is the foundation. All you have to do is add the jugglers, which are just as important, but not as important as the as the foundation as I just mentioned, and the balancers and all that which is terrific and wire walkers and all that but if you have the initial ingredients, it is like baking, that is the important thing for the cake.� |
Lorraine Grant (Lines 1059-1061) also nominates costuming as a constant: �the costuming has to be the same because all the acts are the same, there is nothing new.� This notion of there being nothing new about new circus is used as an argument by traditional circus to maintain such strict observances of form and content of the circus show.
The notion of family entertainment is also
an important element of the traditional show. Brophy (Lines 1 83-1 86)
says:
| �We have a fair lot of family people that come to our show, teenagers, we don�t get many louts, you know, all the roughies, not their cup of tea you could say, but we get more the family people. They really enjoy our show.� |
This appeal to families is considered to be
something that has been carefully fostered by traditional circus, according
to Lorraine Grant. Discussing a recent Rock�n�Roll Circus show in Tasmania
that dealt with homosexuality and contained some nudity, she (Lines 842-845)
comments:
| �everyone in circus is trying to build up the name of circus and the image as something the whole family can go to. Not too highbrow for the kids and not too juvenile for the adults, something the whole family can go and see and a lot of people were disappointed [with Rock�n�Roll Circus] and told us so.� |
This points to a central argument that traditional
circus raises to support its maintenance of tradition. They believe that
the audience demands a traditional format to the circus show, and that
they simply respond to audience demand. Lorraine Grant (Lines 1038-1041)
says:
| �it doesn�t matter what we like, we might think that we have the best show in the world or a publicist tells us that, it is what the audience says and we have got to listen to our audience.� |
This is a particularly important argument for the retention of animal acts. Gary Grant (Lines 735-736) considers that dropping animal acts �would be alienating ourselves from the majority of public who want to see it.� This argument, however, is circular. While traditional circus audiences may not want to see the format of the show changed, traditional circus proprietors are not likely to come into contact with people who dislike traditional circus. Audience demand is measured only amongst audiences who are already willing to attend traditional circus. This is further compounded by the fact that outer urban/rural circuses are often not permitted to show in inner urban areas (see Chapter 1) where traditional circuses are likely to be less popular.
5.1.2. The Traditional Circus Community
A deeper since of identity for traditional
circus comes not from the form and content of the circus show, but from
the culture that surrounds the travelling circus community. Indeed, resistance
to change in the format of the show may indicate a more profound sense
of threat to the traditional way of life of the travelling circus community.
The actual performance makes up only a small part of the daily routine
of the traditional circus life. Indeed, the performance marks one of the
few contacts with the outside world for circus people. For most of the
time, the circus is a self-contained community travelling, pitching the
tent, maintaining equipment, practicing, and attending animals.
The notion of family is very important in
traditional circus culture. The traditional circus is a tightly knit and
often secretive community. This is due to a long history of suspicion of
circus communities in Australia:
| �almost from their beginning, the circuses encountered a degree of social and civic stigma which is their lot even until the present day. In 1849 in Port Philip, Superintendent La Trobe referred to an application by Thomas Henry Hayes to open a circus in Little Bourke Street to the town Magistracy who refused it �being under the impression that such exhibitions would have the tendency to add to the frightful amount of crime and immorality which at present exists in the city, by congregating depraved and abandoned characters.�� (St Leon:1986:211) |
This image of people being �depraved and abandoned
characters� survives today in adverse publicity on animal treatment, and
forces the family circus into further secrecy. This sense of family often
extends beyond blood relations. In his survey of circus personnel for the
1990 National Circus Summit, MacDonald (First National Circus Summit Report:1990:22)
finds it necessary to include as family, �in-laws, children travelling
with the circus and those accepted as family�. This broad, but strong sense
of family also often extends to the animals:
| �my caravan is what sometimes thirty feet from the tigers, most times, and it could be from here across the car park to the elephants, or one time my caravan was outside the elephants, five feet away ... without them, alright, my brother and my sister, my nephew and my niece and my great nephew, who�s two years old, they do a riding act, and without a horse they are just people running around the ring, doing nothing.� (Lorraine Grant: Lines 87-100) |
This tightly knit community life has lead
to a sense of identity that is shared by many traditional circuses. This
is exemplified by the unwritten code of conduct that exists between such
circuses. Disputes within and between circuses are resolved in private
while a united face is presented to the outside world. Lorraine Grant (Lines
1020-1025) feels that this is one of the main differences between traditional
and other circus:
| �I know that we are rubbished a bit [by new circus] but I am prepared to accept that and just put it down to ignorance and not understanding the business and there�s professional ethics that come into it. Now one thing between circuses, we may talk about everything amongst ourselves, but publicly we don�t put down another circus.� |
There has been a deep seated resentment of
those who have experimented with circus form, partly because the forces
of change have come from outside the old circus families (Mullet: Lines
431-433), and because there is a perception that such experimentation has
in fact been a mockery of traditional circus:
| �what we don�t like and what upsets us a lot is you have to come back to the tradition. They come to the circuses, our circus or any of the mainstream circuses for inspiration and then go back and belittle it. Now that is not right, now you don�t belittle your mother or your family�s history.� (Lorraine Grant: Lines 981-986) |
Because of these perceived threats to traditional
circus culture, many of those interviewed refuse to give the name circus
to any venture that falls outside their own strict definitions. Gasser
(Lines 274-278) feels that many of the newer circuses are too theatrical:
| �Some of them shouldn�t have the name circus. That�s what I believe. They go a bit too modern and then going more and more are [sic] theatrical. That�s then going away. It�s more like an actor good at juggling and all that. It�s different.� |
Brophy (Lines 329-333) expresses reservations,
because he feels that circuses with animals are mocked:
| �some of the acts they do is [sic] circus, but the way they dress, the way they have a crack about circuses: �This is no dirty animal circus smells�, and all this sort of stuff does hurt me and I think it hurts a lot of people.� |
Gary Grant (Lines 363-368) feels that many
companies call themselves circus because the name is powerful:
| �A lot of times they use the word circus because of the magic. If they called it something theatre group or something ballet company it hasn�t got the power of the word circus. You say something something circus, it is not what went before, it is when they get to the word circus, people think, Now, what is it?� |
Although the Grants admit that it is futile
trying to stop anyone using the name circus, it is nevertheless important
symbolically for them to deny the name of circus to those who do not follow
the tradition. Gary Grant (Lines 996-1008) sums up best the reasons why
many in traditional circus feel this way:
| �Lorraine�s family has been seven generations, mine�s been six generations ... you�ve got to be proud of it and when someone puts you down or when it is used as a tool to put you out of business, then you have got to get angry about it ... it is your business, they are using the name as a tool against you.� |