Chapter One

"... and churches."





The great numbers of southern Negroes whose migration to Illinois began with the last world war, to fill the numerous jobs vacated by homing nationals of belligerent powers, came mainly to Chicago, largest industrial center of the country. They were prompted to the move as much by promise of better social, political and educational opportunities as by the promise of good jobs at living wages. Deeply religious, they brought their habits of worship with them, overflowed the assisting churches, and established many others; indeed, in some instances, virtually whole congrgations entrained for "The Promised Land" and upon arrival reestablished their churches in the northern metropolis. Among the migrating thousands were many adherents of the old line, established orders, Methodists and Baptists notably, but there were great numbers also who instituted new denominations, distinctly unorthodox in the opinion of citizens of longer residence in the community. Although the standard faiths gained many new communicants and the number of their members far exceeds that of the less conventional orders the latter are today an established part of the new picture of the religious scene and a colorful phenomemnon of the period.

Preceding the beginning of the mass hegira to Illinois and Chicago, migrants settling in the state had selected one or another among the orthodox faiths and had been absorbed quietly; but the tremendous influx about the middle of the second decade of the present century swamped the existing facilities and resulted in the mush-room growth of scores of "storefront" churches wherein the less educated faithful could feel at home and play a part in the life of the congregation denied them in the properly housed, decorous homes of God -- many of whom by that time had forgotten their own storefront beginnings. However, several new standard churches were born during the Great Migration, among them Monumental Baptist Church, Pilgrim Baptist, Grant Memorial A.M.E., and Progressive Baptist Church. In addition, during the period from the start of World War I to date, churches of a number of other established faiths were added to the orthodox list; and independent churches too multiplied in the latter years of the nearly three decades since 1914.

Storefronts had a special appeal for common people, who came from small communities where everyone knew his neighbor and where the church was the political forum, school, social center, and spiritual guide. The [store]fronts have become notable for several unusual features that distinguish them from the more familiar standard churches. Two of their characteristics are the unique names they flaunt and the type of music they sing and play. Willing Workers Spiritualist Church, Israel of God Church, St. John I.A.M.E. Church, Spiritual Love Circle, Blessed St. Martin Church, Peter's Rock Baptist Church, Prophetic Spiritual Church, Purple Rose Mystical Temple, Crossroads to Happiness, Followers of Exodus, and Church of Lost Souls are names off a random list. Their music is known as Gospel Music; choirs are composed of loud, untrained voices whose spirited vocalization does justice to revival songs and spirituals. In standard churches the music and singing is quite different.

An undeclared religious war exists between the two types of churches. Controversy centering around the issue has become so bitter and wide-spread that the storefront has assumed an importance it would not have had ordinarily. Many citizens of the community have expressed themselves on the matter,; the pros contend that they are homier and a good influence, the cons that they are disseminators of superstition and little more than rackets. A recent study of Chicago's Negro churches on the south side shows that most of the storefronts are located in areas north of Forty-seventh and west of State Street; their segregation in this territory is attributed to cheap rentals in the least lucrative business districts. Storefronts are usually small and intimate as regards membership. There are about thirty-nine members on the average to each church. Latest surveys show that they attract Negroes from the entire colored community and not only from the surrounding neighborhoods. In the area known as Woodlawn territory, the storefront church is almost non-existent; only one is found there.

Surrounded by dingy secondhand shops, abandoned taverns, and all the ineffable marks of crushing poverty and stultifying environment, there is a dilapidated storeroom in the heart of Chicago's Negro slums. A crudely-lettered sign in the dust-streaked window reads: "World's Greatest Spiritual Advisor." Still another (but neatly executed) legend in another store window in an equally blighted section exhorts: "Come all ye Asiatics of America and learn the truth about your birthright. You are not Black Folks, Colored People, Negroes or Ethiopians. These were slave names given you by slaveholders." --T. Rhodes-El, Grand Sheik. The first sign indicates a temple of the spiritualist faith, while the second marks (according to the claims of its adherents) Grand Temple No. 1, Moorish American Science Temple.

These are two of 250 or more store-front places of worship and they are also representative of 50 or more unconventional religious groups to which about 8000 Negroes belong, at least nominally. The number of active participants at any given time is probably much lower. Because their forms of worship and their beliefs in one respect or another differ from the accepted and tradtional religious mores, members of these unorthodox sects ordinarily are designated as cultists.

The several "sanctified" Negro sects of Chicago have established more store-front churches and enlisted a greater number of members than any of the other unorthodox denominations. It is true that other congregations formally affiliated with more conservative churches (such as the Baptist) also occupy storerooms in the blighted districts and in some instances share certain beliefs and practices with sanctified worshipers, among them "speaking in tongues," shouting and physical manifestations induced by seizure by the "holy spirit," divine healing, magic, and even -- though rarely -- communication with the dead.

There have been sanctified church bodies in Chicago since the beginning of the present century, the Church of the Living God and the Church of God in Christ having been organized before 1900. Nevertheless, in 1919, long after migration from the south had gained tremendous momentum, there were only 20 Holiness (or sanctified) churches in the city. By 1928 this number had grown to 56, and 19% of all Negro church members were affiliated with the faith. In 1938 the number had increased to 107 and the percentage to 22.6%.

There are several denominations, large and small, among the churches sharing a common belief in the "sanctification of man on earth." Holiness people find comfort and some measure of compensation in the achievement of an earthly state lending an immediate elevation above those still laboring under the burden of sin.

Services in the sanctified churches are conducted by a Presiding Elder, the title being similar to that of Father in the Roman Catholic Church and that of Reverend in most Protestant denominations. Very few of the elders have graduated from grade school, and a great many of them can neither read nor write. This educational lack, however, is thought by some elders and communicants to be a blessing in disguise, for illiterate saints usually profess to be endowed with a gift permitting them not only to perceive every word in the Bible but to interpret it correctly. They contend that the literate ungodly (often dismissed as "educated fools"), beguiled and confused by such frivolous readings as newspapers and man-written books, never gain a clear understanding of that one essential volume.

The basic philosophy of the sanctified churches is virtually identical with that of the orthodox Christain churches, but it places a literal interpretation upon certain passages regarded by them as purely historical. For example, most factions of the sanctified group practice "speaking in tongues", taking as scriptural authority the incident of the day of Pentecost when Christ's apostles, gathered together in Jerusalem after His ascension, were visited by "a rushing mighty wind" and "cloven tongue as of fire." "And they were filled with the Holy Ghost and began to speak with other tongues as the Spirit gave them utterance." (Acts 1:4)

Accordingly, the "saints" often burst forth into unintelligible gibberish during the violent emotional displays typifying Holiness services. These utterances are said to emanate from the Holy Spirit through the unwitting lips of the speakers.

The congregation, in contrast with the passivity maintained by worshipers in conservative bodies, plays an important part in sanctified services. When excitation had been raised to a high pitch by sermons, exhortations, testimony, prayers, or "speaking in tongues", the members may express themselves in dancing, rhythmic hand-clapping, shouting, and convulsive gyrations. The term "holy roller" is not always a misnomer, for particularly inspired "saints" literally roll on the floor. During spiritual seizures supplicants frequently throw themselves violently about in utter disregard of the damage they may do to themselves or others. Less inspired members often undertake the task of directing such violent actions into non-injurious channels.

Aside from these apparently involuntary manifestations, "testifying for the Lord" assumes a momentous role. Each member is privileged to give testimony as to the circumstances of his sanctification and its effect upon his affairs, both physical and spiritual. As a rule, these testimonies are extremely emotional and sometimes serve the purpose of a short sermon. Indeed, some members by dint of long practice become almost as adept as the preacher in the art of arousing the congregation, or, as they put it, "stirring up the Holy Ghost." The primary requirement is that testimony maintains a spirited pace. If a member becomes a little too verbose or boresome, the Elder interrupts him and calls upon another. On the other hand, if a song offered as a testimonial achieves emotional success, chorus after chorus may be sung until electrifying effect on the audience has worn out.

Candidates for sainthood, after publicly foreswearing the world and its sinful pleasures, must set about getting the Holy Ghost, as a rule first manifested by "speaking in tongues." In some churches the candidate who confesses his sins is immediately received, while in others he must pass through the stages of the Three Works of Grace: Sanctification, Justification, and Baptism by the Holy Ghost.

Details of the ritual vary. In most instances it is customary for a candidate to go through a "tarrying" period before he receives the Baptism of the Holy Ghost through prayer and fasting or through the "laying on of hands" by one who has already attained a saintly state and is "filled with the Holy Ghost."

Not a few Holiness churches have preaching every night in the week, the services often lasting four hours or more. In addition to the regular Sunday services, prayer or "tarry" meetings for the purpose of accelerating the sanctification of candidates is conducted. "Refilling" services are held to revive the potency of the Holy Ghost in saints who may be wavering a bit. Healing services are rather unusual, for these offer the elder his severest test, and consequently the exercise of his greatest mental agility. When the miracle does not occur, an inevitable explanation is that the afflicted one did not have faith enough or was too full of sin. The mere presence of skeptics in the audience, according to the elders, is enough to thwart the healing power of the Holy Ghost.

Perhaps the best known Holiness church in Chicago is that presided over by Reverend Clarence H. Cobbs, the First Church of Deliverance, whose regular Sunday night radio-broadcast -- featured by the singing of accomplished soloists and choir, accompanied by a "swing" electric organ -- is heard by thousands, white as well as black. Reverend Cobbs, whose appeal is to "boys and girls in the streets and taverns" as well as to persons more respectably located, conducts annually a candle lighting service, a unique and striking ceremony always largely attended.

Another denomination that gained many adherents following the Great Migration, is the Spiritualist churches. Practically unknown before 1920, the spiritualists had established in 1928, 17 churches (5.8% of the total for Negroes) and in 1938 had increased these figures to 51 churches and 10.7%.

A majority of the Negro spiritualist churches of Chicago are of the storefront variety, though a few have progressed beyond that state and attract large congregations. Because of the comparatively quiet decorum ordinarily observed in their meetings (as contrasted with the vociferousness of Holiness and "shouting" Baptist services), the spiritualists are enabled to meet in sedate and "respectable" areas. Such gatherings, however, are likely to be held in private homes and take on the intimate character of neighborhood clubs. Not a few mediums pursue their explorations into the occult as purely commercial ventures.

There are no denominational affiliations between the various spiritualist groups though "Pope" Davis of California made an unsuccessful attempt to unite them in 1938, envisioning himself as Holy See of the combined bodies. Each church has its leader who defines its articles of faith, all adhere to the basic belief in "prophesy" and "communication of the spirit." Only a few churches venture to materialize the spirits; the usual procedure is to relay the message quite prosaically through a medium.

Even the smaller churches customarily have several mediums or readers supposedly endowed with psychic powers enabling them to consult with spirits of the dead. Since spirits are presumed to be omniscient, extreme importance is placed upon their pronouncements concerning certain mundane matters. For example, the spirits, when the medium or reader has established contact with them, may divulge valuable information about policy tickets, lost articles, marital fidelity, or any other problem vexing the human heart or mind.

Mediums often anticipate -- or even demand -- a "gift" or "love offering", and sometimes point out a member of the congregation to inform him a communication for him has been received from the spirit world, this news being accompanied by an offer to interpret the message. "Communications" may be ordered in advance, and at other times a reader may lapse into a dream or trance for the special benefit of a member.

Divine healing is a major article of spiritualist credo. The healing is not attempted by virtue of prayer alone, but by the laying on of hands, rubbing, and the use of magnetized articles such as flowers, candles, oil, marble chips, and anointed handkerchiefs. True believers are admonished to have no faith in doctors, but to rely on these articles instead. If the church is in an abandoned store, its windows are likely to be decorated with holy wares such as miniature altars, necklaces, medallions, and bracelets bearing the crucified figure of Christ, these flanked by placards announcing the sale of "blessed candles", "lucky incense", etc..

The medium usually advises the use of holy articles which may be purchased during or after meetings, and the patron is instructed to read a specific verse or chapter of the Bible along with the application of each nostrum. No fee is assessed for holy water, and often the medium will anoint a patron with holy oil free of charge. Other items are moderately priced at from ten to twenty-five cents.

There is a general similarity between the rites and ecclesiastical objects of the more prosperous spiritualist churches and those of the Roman Catholic faith. Interior decorations inside include figure of saints, statues of Christ, paintings of sacred subjects, and like ornaments.

In the First Community Church, probably Chicago's most elaborate Negro spiritualist institution, the choir is led by women wearing nuns' black raiment surmounted by cowls who lead the white-robed singers in a procession down the aisles preceding the minister's entrance. The latter, attired in a purple velvet robe, white surplice, and priest's headgear, carries in his hand a long baton from which depends a small cross as he marches down the aisle to kneel before the altar and cross himself. Officers and worshipers make similar obeisance upon entering the church.

Other phases of the service take a more practical turn. At one point, it is the duty of the assistant minister to solicit fees for reading, and when at times members display indifference toward tidings from the spirit world she offers special inducements in the way of rate reductions or the promise of revelations more significant than common.

"You know, dear ones," she announced on one occasion, "our money has been kinda short. I don't want to be scoldful or no ways fretful, but sometimes we gotta mash down kinda hard. Now all those who gave me fifteen cents raise your hands and Sister Gross will come around and read you."

Sister Gross, a smiling, rotund little woman with gray hair, circulates among the worshippers who have yielded up fifteen cents. She "reads" a woman: "I want to come in contact with you, beloved, and bring a message to carry on . . . . You know a preacher that has passed on recently . . . . Sometimes when you're alone you feel his spirit around you. You don't want to tell anybody it, and that's right. Those colors you're wearing are good for you - red, blue and gray. I see success and happiness ahead for you. 41 is going to be a good year . . . ".

There are in Chicago at least two schools for the training of mediums. One of these is conducted by Father Morris of the Independent Church of God and Power Center, venerated by his followers as a divine Messiah and (on special occasions) a reincarnation of the pre-Mosaic Hebrew priest and king of Salem, Malchisedec. Professor Perry Jones, Father Morris' most successful graduate, now heads his own school of Metaphysics in conjunction with the Inspirational Church and Power Center.

Father Morris' sermons are seldom void of dramtic incident. One Sunday he announced: "There is a young man in this room right now, a member of the church, who said, `Father Morris is a damn fool,' and there's a female member here this morning who said I was `a God damn fool.' They say I can't read, that if I could read, I'd know what they were thinking about. I'm reading you now. And just because I didn't say nothing to you about it is no sign I can't read you!"

After this conclusive demonstration of his power, Father Morris continued: "Some of the graduates of my school are running around here fooling with voodoos. They say they're going to make money out of their training. And one of them made eighty cents this year! Two of the pupils of my class stopped before graduating and started to running over to Jim Reese, getting sacred flowers, blessed roses, incense, and salt. They keep the salt to sprinkle on the ground after an enemy leaves. That ain't nothing but the devil. You can run over to Jim Reese all you want to and practice all the Voodoo you want to, but unless you get God in you, you're lost."

"Ninety-eight percent of all spiritualists are making a regular gambling, Voodoo, witchcraft, backbiting, policy number game of it. They play the numbers and give them to their customers, claiming that success will come. There are also the greatest agency for breaking up homes and friendship in existence. All of these things are done under the name of spiritualism!"


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