Review of Veblen's "An Inquiry into the Nature of Peace and the Terms of Its 
Perpetuation, by Edward Krehbiel.
The American Historical Review (London: Macmillan, 1918)
Vol. XXIII (October 1917 to July 1918)

No. 4, July, 1918, pp. 690-692.
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An Inquiry into the Nature of Peace and the Terms of Its Perpetuation. By 
Thorstein Veblen. (New York, Macmillan Company, 1917. Pp. viii., 367, $2.00.)

As its title indicates the book in hand deals rather with matters of politics 
and social theory than with history. Its argument, written in the author's 
characteristic style, is suggestive, and in some particulars highly important.
[691]
His use of history, though limited, is of more than ordinary interest, because 
he reverses some of the generally accepted points of view.

Take, for instance, "Chinafication", which is commonly accepted as an obvious 
evidence of degradation, unfitness, and general inferiority, for which not a 
word can be said. Mr. Veblen suggests that "Chinafication" is not without its 
advantages. History shows that, despite many foreign dynasties, the Chinese have 
managed to hold their territory, and have made imposing contributions to 
civilization. The Armenians, too, have long been a subject people, exposed to 
massacre and every evil of oppression, but they have persisted. This history, 
says Veblen, "teaches that the Chinese plan of non-resistance has proved 
eminently successful ... that a diligent attention to the growing of crops and 
children is the sure and appointed way to the maintenance of a people and its 
culture". He does not follow this by the speculation it suggests as to the 
relation of force and moral principles to social progress and the persistence of 
peoples and their civilizations. This is, however, involved in his reflections 
on the social customs and conceptions of a people and their persistence. Such 
customs and conceptions Mr. Veblen, as might be expected, regards as acquired 
characteristics, or "second nature". If, then, they come from environment, they 
may also change with environment, and the possibility of change depends on the 
ability to change the environment.

Applying this to the present problem of Germany, Mr. Veblen contends that the 
Teutonic peoples have never had a democratic environment. He rejects the free 
agricultural community of the early Teutons as an "academic legend", and 
contends that as a people they have always had the habit of subjection. The 
possibility of their living amicably with their democratic neighbors depends on 
the rapidity with which they can unlearn their highly-wrought and age-long 
servility, loyalty, and national animosity. Mr. Veblen thinks this is bound to 
take long, hints that it may take about as long to unlearn as it took to learn, 
and holds that in any case it will hardly come without the passing of a 
generation or by grace of some comprehensive discipline of experience.

The French and Anglo-Saxon peoples have long since left behind the institutional 
phases in which the Germans still live. In this connection there is a startling 
inversion of commonly accepted views. Regarding Teutonic influence as 
undemocratic, as has been noted, Mr. Veblen declares that the French are farther 
advanced because of their retention out of Roman times of the conception of a 
commonwealth.

That the English and French of to-day have a much more advanced conception of 
individual liberty and self-government than the Germans does not prove or even 
argue that the Roman influence was wholesome and the Teutonic injurious. After 
all, the English, at least so our [692] histories have taught so far, have been 
more influenced by Teutonic than by Roman conceptions, and they are certainly 
about as democratic as the French. It is not necessary to do violence to the 
hitherto accepted opinions as to the influence of Teutonic and Roman 
institutions to explain the differences between Germans and others. There is 
plenty of ground for this in the environment of the respective peoples during 
the last seven centuries.

Edward Krehbiel.
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